political culture

Saadi's position as a great poet who is one of the pillars of Persian culture and literature is not hidden from anyone. He is referred to as "Ferdowsi Second". Since Persian literature represents an important part of the history of Iranian thoughts, the present article aims to examine Saadi's political thought from the perspective of the characteristics and components of the political culture of those in power. Focus on dimensions of political culture (cognitive, evaluational, Affective) focusing on Saadi's works is the focus of this research. Saadi's attitudes, values, evaluation and feelings, which indicate his political culture and determine his orientation towards the political system and ruling elites of his time, can be traced in his works. From this point of view, an attempt has been made to understand the political culture of the ruling elite from Saadi's point of view. The results of the research show that the political culture of the ruling elites, from Saadi's point of view, has been reflected objectively and ideally in different forms of political insecurity, rationalism, justiceism, moderationism. It seems that these features are more prominent than the political culture of the ruling elites in Saadi's writings.The basis of this article is Saadi's generalizations based on Mohammad Ali Foroughi's correction. In this study, the main question is posed as follows: "How are the characteristics of the political culture of the ruling elites reflected in Saadi's political thought?" The following hypothesis is put forward in response: From Saadi's perspective, the political culture of the ruling elites has crystallized from a cognitive orientation perspective with negative characteristics such as a sense of political insecurity, and from an evaluative and emotional perspective with characteristics such as rationalism, justiceism, and moderationism. The current research was conducted with an interpretive approach and a qualitative method of content analysis, and data collection was conducted through library research.

The current research was conducted with the aim of sociological analysis of the effects of the globalization process on political culture from the perspective of Iranian women (1402-1392). In this research, a qualitative approach and interpretive phenomenological method were used, and its statistical population consisted of working women between 20 and 50 years of age during the years 2012 to 2014. In this regard, 12 people were interviewed using the purposeful sampling method. Data collection was done through in-depth semi-structured interviews and the obtained data were analyzed using the foundational data theory and the three-step coding method of Strauss and Corbin (1990). Based on the results obtained, 11 main categories (increasing awareness, challenging traditional norms, educational opportunities, economic security, pressure for legal reforms, cultural exchange, changes in political participation, social activism, information sharing, gender equality and discovering latent talents) They were recognized in the form of 4 educational-cultural, social, economic and political dimensions and 50 codes. The findings support the theoretical view that globalization has had an impact on traditional beliefs, social and political issues, cultural exchanges, cultural homogenization, national identity, digital activism, educational opportunities, and their level of awareness. In fact, according to the results, the phenomenon of globalization is a force that has helped women to be protected from harm in the field of political and social rights.

The political aspect of globalization has its own importance because it affects the nation-state system and has been raised since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. As a result of globalization, the borders of the states have disappeared due to the introduction of information technology. TV channels have destroyed the "Iron Curtain". Political globalization "may create a more peaceful world order and reduce the propensity for violent conflict by limiting the capacity and autonomy of states. As a result of globalization,  to the introduction of information technology. TV channels have destroyed the "Iron Curtain". Political globalization "may create a more peaceful world order and reduce the propensity for violent conflict by limiting the capacity and autonomy of states. Globalization is a process that has emerged following some global developments and scientific and technical developments in the field of communication and media and the facilitation and intensification of relations and interactions between nations in various fields. This flow has involved human societies in common and comprehensive issues and various challenges in a comprehensive way in social, economic, political and cultural dimensions and has made man face a changing, fluid, confusing, permeable and indeterminate and unfamiliar and borderless and uncontrollable world, and It is complicated. The present research was conducted with the aim of sociological analysis of the effects of the globalization process on political culture and with a descriptive-analytical approach in order to answer the question of how the sociological analysis of the effects of the globalization process on political culture is and the findings of the research indicate that The results of identifying the effects of the globalization process indicate that a set of components in the form of educational (cultural), social, economic and political dimensions can indicate the effects of globalization. Categories related to these dimensions in the cultural field can include education during office hours; laying the groundwork for growth and development; virtual training workshops; participation in educational decisions and evaluations; the process of internationalization of education; educational quality and improvement of teaching processes; freedom of action in education; Equipping and training skilled and trained workforce.

After numerous victories in previous elections, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) ceded elections in some of Turkey's major cities to rival parties. This field research aims to identify changes in the prevailing political culture of the AKP in the periods before and after the 2019 elections. Additionally, this research seeks to answer the question of whether the AKP, as the ruling party, possesses an inclusive and ideological political culture. The results of the research indicate that the ruling party, as a moderate Islamist party, is an inclusive and ideological ruling party. Before and after the 2019 elections, it adopted policies that differed from those before 2019 in areas such as the reconstruction of national and Islamic identity, the performance of educational institutions, interactions with ethnic and religious minorities, and relations with opposition parties. Based on the frequency table and bar chart above, out of a total of 208 direct and indirect references by key members of the AKP (Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Binali Yıldırım, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, and Süleyman Soylu) to inclusive components, 136 cases (65.4%) were made before the 2019 elections and 72 cases (34.6%) after the 2019 elections. According to the frequency table and bar chart above, out of a total of 174 direct and indirect references by key members of the AKP to ideological components, 84 cases (48.3%) were made before the 2019 elections and 90 cases (51.7%) after the 2019 elections.

Religion means belief, values ​​and religious-divine actions that God has sent to guide and regulate the behavior of humans in society through divine prophets and infallible imams, and this mission is the responsibility of the religious authority during the time of absence. In this way, religiosity (heavenly-extraterrestrial phenomenon) is connected with politics, governance and society (terrestrial phenomenon-this world) and finds meaning. The role of the religiosity of the society in the emergence of the Islamic revolution in Iran and the increase in political participation due to the promotion of political culture is clearly evident throughout history. according to this; The main purpose of the research is to study the relationship between religiosity and the political culture of Iran. The research method is quantitative meta-analysis, the sample size of 15 studies from the statistical population of 26 scientific documents was selected by non-probability sampling method with the evaluation of inclusion and exclusion criteria. The results show that the level of religiosity has a significant effect on the political culture after the Islamic revolution and its effect is equal to 44%. Also, ritual religiosity (31 percent); Consequential religiosity (34 percent); Faithful religiosity (28 percent); Experiential religiosity (36 percent) and devotional religiosity (40 percent) have had an impact on political culture. In the end, religion and politics in Iran after the Islamic revolution are interwoven, connected, two-way interactive and complementary, and in order to compile Islamic governance based on religiosity; The presence of jihad and religious explanation in the field of politics and political culture is mandatory and the Islamic government; A new policy is needed in this field.

In recent decades, researchers have had an increasing interest in oral history research as a lived experience. One of the methods of preserving and transmitting folk culture (folklore) is oral history, so in this study, by examining the effect of oral history on the transmission of folk culture and folklore of societies, we seek to answer the question of how oral history affects the transmission of folk culture and strengthens the promotion of local culture of societies? The research methodology is descriptive-exploratory and the qualitative method is using the meta-study method. Therefore, the dominant approach of the research is the secondary analysis method. The target population was all studies conducted in relation to oral history, folk culture (folklore) and local culture in the period (1380-1403) and (1960-2023). The sample size of the target population was determined using the title, abstract and text screening process of 19 sources. The results of the source analysis indicate that oral history is effective in preserving and promoting local culture in societies through the factors of creating cultural identity, preserving local subcultures, preserving local history, preserving social identity, and reviving local bioculture.

The present article tries to describe and explain the effect of culture, society and its traditions on cyberspace and the relationships and content within it, and on the other hand, the effect of cyberspace on culture, social actions, identity, attitudes and individual behaviors. And collectively, emphasize this point. Therefore, in this article, the important components of Habermas theory such as: public sphere, communication action, rationality, possibility of participation, open space, two-way communication and the ability to communicate in order to promote criticism and dialogue in political culture and the challenges that these components can create in cyberspace in the Islamic religious identity of Iran will be reviewed. Therefore, it is suggested that two principals were assumed in cyberspace cultural and social research; one of these: Habermas's theory of communicative action, which oversees the formation of public space, is considered an ideal situation in new ways. The findings of this article show that the type of policy makers' view of social networks in Iran is not necessarily in conflict with the way users use it, but the cultural inefficiency of existing structures, lack of serious legal and managerial tools, and dispersion Decision-making methods have posed many challenges for social media policy-making Which has made convergence and homogeneity between decision-making institutions very difficult.

The present study aims to examine and analyze the reasons for the failure of political party activities in Iran during the years 1368 to 1392, with a focus on the political culture of elites and the interaction of structure/agency. In the model of democratic governance, political parties emerged from the acceptance of public elections and are regarded as the progeny of democracy, facilitating peaceful power transitions, elite rotation, and organized political participation of citizens. Therefore, they play a significant role in the political development of states. The emphasis of governance structures and the constitution on legal political participation and competition, alongside the instability and institutionalization of party activities, presents a multidimensional challenge that can seriously disrupt the rules of political games and, consequently, political stability, national security, and the nature of governance. Thus, it is essential to critically review and examine the complex and intertwined issues surrounding why the function of political parties in the Islamic Republic of Iran faced failure from 1368 to 1392. The research findings, using a descriptive-analytical method and utilizing library-documentary resources along with Giddens' structuration theory framework, indicate that various factors contribute to the failure of party mechanisms in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The political culture of elites, however, has proven to be a more influential factor. Political elites in Iran, unaware of the party's functions and the specific social context, influenced by temporary conditions and the pursuit of political power, established party organizations. Therefore, political parties not only lost their primary functions within the socio-political structure of society but also led to a lack of institutional trust at the level of political competition.

In human societies, citizenship rights have always been considered,and neglecting them has led to the increase of many cultural, social, political,and economic anomalies and endangered citizenship rights.Various conditions and factors have affected the degree of realization of citizenship rights in the society,among which we can mention the political culture. The main question of this article is that what are the main similarities and differences of citizenship rights in the two countries of Iran and Turkey?In the hypothesis,it can be stated that the main aspects of the similarity of the influence of political culture on the citizenship rights of thetwo countries of Iran and Turkey include the granting of voting rights to women, the political participationof women and the allocation of important political and managerial positions to them; Free education means easy access to a lawyer.While the main aspects of distinguishing the influence of political culture on the citizenship rights of the two countries of Iran and Turkey are the existence of fundamental conflicts in the constitutions ofthetwo countries,especially regarding words such as nation,ethnic groups and nationalities,different political systems and government structure based on non-secularist and secularist ideology;Twodifferent political cultures with regard to religious and traditional values, weakness of civil society and political participation of parties;Social participation of ethnic groups,equality of rights among ethnic groups,death penalty,participation of religious women in educational systemsUsing the descriptive-analytical method,this article examines therole and position of political culture in the realizationof citizenship rights in the two countries of Iran and Turkey.

The role and position of women has been a contested issue throughout history in nearly all human civilizations, and even today, despite significant advancements in human rights and cultural progress, women's issues remain central in many areas. Turkey, like other countries, has experienced various socio-political changes, during which women's roles and their position in society have been influenced, leading to fluctuations in their societal position.

This article, utilizing Almond and Verba's theory from The Civic Culture (1963), examines the changes in the cognitive, emotional, and evaluative orientations of women in contemporary Turkish history. These transformations have led to a gradual transition from a parochial political culture to a participatory one in modern Turkish society. The research employs the theoretical framework of political culture by Almond and Verba and an analytic-descriptive method to achieve this objective.

It appears that with the changing structure of power elites and the onset of modernization processes in Turkish society from the 1930s and 1950s, the cognitive, emotional, and evaluative orientations of the society, particularly the middle class, towards women has shifted gradually, paving the way for greater female participation in public affairs such as politics, law, education, and the economy.

 Although the initial changes emerged following the declaration of the republic in the form of legal and constitutional reforms, globalization of human development without gender discrimination (from the 1980s onwards) and the Eurocentric modernization of the Turkish state further facilitated the improvement of women’s status and participation in society. Over the past few decades, despite structural and agent-based obstacles, Turkish women have experienced notable growth, especially in political campaigns and elections, compared to other Islamic societies. However, Turkish women continue to face significant challenges in candidacy and holding major political offices, indicating that women's participation in politics has not reached a strategic level. Furthermore, Turkey still faces considerable challenges in fulfilling its national and international commitments to gender equality in politics, with gender-based violence remaining a critical concern. Since 2001, with the strengthening of Turkey’s EU membership process and adherence to Copenhagen criteria, numerous civil laws have been proposed and passed to consolidate the family structure, ensure gender equality in accessing political and social opportunities, and most importantly, impose legal restrictions and criminalize domestic violence against women. These measures have positively impacted the civic, legal, and political status of Turkish women. Based on the latest constitutional amendments in 2021, government centers and foundations are being established to combat violence against women, with the outcomes expected to become evident in the coming years. Nevertheless, for Turkish women to fully enjoy their political rights, political opportunities must be created more equitably, with genuine equality in access to political resources. Considering Turkey’s institutional capacity, civil society, and political party system, it appears that a comprehensive policy can develop equality in family, education, work, commercial life, and all areas of social life and challenge the value judgment that politics is solely a male endeavor. Since a society where women are absent from government administration cannot be considered democratic, Turkish women's full political rights should be ensured, and their effective political participation must be realized.

The culture of political participation is the cornerstone of having a dynamic and politically stable society. In societies with an acceptable political participation culture, decision-making will lead to the growth of the society. In this study, an attempt was made to determine the political culture of participation of natives and non-natives of Khuzestan province and the factors affecting it in the first half of 1402. The data collection method was done by survey method to investigate the political participatory culture, through standard questionnaires. In this method, the information and opinions of the citizens of Khuzestan province were collected randomly and through standard questions and analyzed through spss software. The findings of the research showed that being native or not has no effect on people's political participation, which itself shows the effect of other variables such as; Political culture has cultural and especially economic factors on people's political participation. In this regard, the variable effect of people's political attitude on the economic variable was significantly prominent. The results of the study showed that there is no significant difference between natives and non-natives living in Khuzestan province in terms of the culture of political participation as a dependent variable. Also, ethnicity and nativeness in Khuzestan province do not have an obvious effect on the culture of political participation and other variables such as; The variable of intention and political attitude affects the culture of political participation.

Compared to other regions of the third world, the Middle East is far from the dominant global trends in the political field.The current events in the Middle East region have given rise to the view that the Middle East has been very slow and somewhat resistant in adapting to the accelerated democratization process, the region has basically witnessed the continuous rule of authoritarian leaders.The results indicate that the political developments in the Middle East during the years of World War I and II were influenced by international and Western currents and were not a spontaneous and independent movement from within, but because democracy and political and democratic development require a set of political values.And the orientations of citizens are such as balance, tolerance, civility, effectiveness,knowledge and participation, political culture is considered an important and main factor in the consolidation of political development. The political culture of most of the ruling groups in the Middle East region is based on the patrimonialist attitude (royal, hereditary, traditional),which is rooted in the "style of eastern tyranny" due to deep historical, social and psychological reasons. According to this culture, people are considered sovereign citizens and have no right to compete and participate politically.

The importance of studying political culture lies in its ability to show the process by which demands and desires are transformed into decisions, strategies, and policies. In this regard,the aim of the present research is to demonstrate how the political culture of Iranians, whichhas evolved throughout history, has prominently influenced the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran after the Islamic Revolution. The research method is descriptive-analytical,and the findings show that: the first layer of Iran’s political culture, namely ancient Iranian culture, belongs to the period of Iranian civilization in pre-Islamic empires. During this era, Iran’s national culture was shaped by Iran’s geopolitical position as the center of civilizationand a crossroads of civilizational exchange in Asia, as well as by ideological variables rootedin the divine religions of Iranians and the structure of Iranian governments. In fact, Iran’s geopolitical position, along with the myths, beliefs, values, and convictions of ancient Iranian civilization—deeply influenced by Iranians' religious spirit—played a significant role in the cultural construction of Iran and produced cultural variables that still persist to some extent as stable features of Iranian culture and have a key role in shaping certain aspects of Iran’s foreign policy. These cultural elements were revived during the Pahlavi era in the form of Iranian chauvinism, and the reconstruction of Iran’s ancient identity became the focal point of the foreign policy of “positive nationalism” in the 1950s and 1960s, followed by “independent national policy” in the 1970s.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 under the leadership of Imam Khomeini led to the formation of a new value system in Iranian society. Extensive changes were made at the level of political elites, social structures and relations between people in the society and caused the transformation of Iran's political culture. The main question of the article is this: "How has the Islamic Revolution affected the political culture of Iran in the period from 1979 to 1989?". The conformity of the norms and values of the political elites and the people had greatly increased the legitimacy of the political system. Public and political participation of the people in supporting the political system expanded. Participation had a mass form, but from the perspective of political culture, people believed that they had the ability to influence the political process. The emphasis of this article is that the social and political behavior of Iranians after the revolution was influenced by Shia teachings. Shia elements, concepts and symbols were reproduced at the level of the society with the occurrence of the Islamic revolution and caused the expansion of the "meme" of solidarity, cooperation and the rule of "non-monetary relationships" in the network of social relations, and the positive function of religion in the social and political structure of Iran was shown. The current research is from the perspective of political sociology with a descriptive-analytical qualitative method and the collection of materials has been done in the library

The aim of the current research is to investigate and analyze the Pahlavani discourse in Iranian political culture as one of the important issues that can be seen regarding the trend of heroism and political saviorism in the contemporary history of Iran, and an attempt has been made to analyze this phenomenon with the discourse method and case study. and while analyzing the main components of Pahlavani discourse in Iran's political culture, evaluate and criticize its consequences in the political attitudes and behaviors of Iranians. Paying attention to the influence of Pahlavi discourse on the expansion of the spirit of heroism and presenting a mythical image of political leaders that has led to avoiding a realistic and critical look at their performance by focusing on two relatively popular political figures in the contemporary history of Iran whose fate shows the lack of Their success is in the full realization of their goals; It is one of the most important findings of this research. The general result of this research shows that the Pahlavani discourse and its control over Iranian political culture, while presenting an idealistic view of activists and political leaders, has turned them into national heroes and has made it impossible to criticize and analyze their performance impartially in order to better understand political and historical developments. .

Today, the role of political demands is very important in human societies, which are inevitable in the stabilization of democracies and political development. Therefore, from the point of view of political science, political demands and civil demands are considered as one of the main variables of political development and realization of democracy in societies. The main question of this research is what is the effect of political demands on the expansion and stabilization of political development? For this purpose, we used Huntington's theory and tried to examine the role of political participation, political activism, organizations, parties and political institutions as the most important factors of political demands on the dimensions of political development, focusing on Iran. The findings of the research show that political demands through active activism in parties, participation in elections and civil and social demands of citizens continuously play an effective role in expanding and stabilizing political development.

The purpose of this research is to find the research question: "What are the most important structural and cultural barriers to conduct a voter behavior based on individual and social rationality in the framework of regional and national long-term benefits?" Is. Almond's structure-agent theory has also introduced and analyzed approaches and perspectives. This research is applied in terms of applied and descriptive-analytic method. Data were collected by a survey method in which the statistical population of the study consisted of 805263 eligible voters including those over the age of 18, In order to determine the sample size based on the Cochran formula, a sample of 500 people was selected by simple random sampling. The data gathering tool was a 45-item researcher-made questionnaire developed in the form of open and closed questions based on the Likert spectrum, distributed in the summer of 1400 among the statistical community in Kermanshah. The research was classified into EXCEL software and SPSS software was used for descriptive statistics, Cronbach's alpha test, Normal Kolmogorov-Smirnov test and LISREL software for confirmation of validity and confirmatory factor analysis and model verification. According to the research findings, Cronbach's alpha for the whole questionnaire was argued using 32 questions equal to 0.880, with stochastic factors using 13 items equal to 0.835, as well as structural factors using 19 terms equal to 0.786, Finally, it is verified by the second-order confirmation factor analysis, as well as the final model. The results show that stressors with (coefficient of effect 0.77 and a significant number 9/97) are more than structural factors and among the dimensions of persistent factors, language and dialect dimensions (coefficient of effect 97.9 and significant number 17.26), the highest Have a positive impact and ranked first.

Revolutions have always been in danger of "restoration". This issue has also been raised about the Iranian revolution. From the very beginning days of the victory of the revolution, the monarchists had created an organization abroad with the desire to return the monarchy and started their conspiracies and crimes against the Iranian nation and the Islamic revolution. The royalists and their supporters, with the help of Western governments and some of their politicians, with the tactics of media diplomacy, and to overcome the discourse of the revolution, through the launch of dozens of sites and satellite networks and the cooperation of television channels, such as ManoTo, tried to revive the monarchy project.  But the project of restoring the Sultanate has not only been unsuccessful so far, but sociological evidence (such as the hashtag "you are my lawyer") has also shown that it will not be successful in the future either. In this regard, this research will address the main question of why the media diplomacy tactic has failed in the West's soft war against the Islamic Republic.

The theoretical framework of the article is based on the investigation of the evolution in political culture. Political culture has been defined as follows: patterns of orientation towards political issues, such as parties, courts, the constitution and the history of the state. Orientation means having talent and readiness for political action, which factors such as tradition, historical memories, motivations, norms, feelings, emotions and symbols determine these actions. Orientations can be divided into different types: cognitive orientations, which consist of knowledge and awareness of political issues; emotional orientations, that is, emotions and feelings about political issues; and value orientations, meaning judgments about political issues.The research on political culture evaluates four criteria: (1) How much does a person know about the nation, the political system in its general sense, history, size and position, power, the characteristics of the constitution and things like these? What are the characteristics ofhis emotions? What are his more or less noticed beliefs and judgments about them? (2) What knowledge does he have about the constructions and roles of different political elites and the proposed political policies that exist in the emerging policy-making process? What are his feelings and beliefs about these constructions, leaders and proposed political policies? (3) What knowledge does it have about the downstream flow of policy implementation, structures, people, and decisions involved in these processes? What are his feelings and beliefs about them? (4) How does he identify himself as a member of the political system? What does it know about the rights, powers, obligations and strategies related to access to the point of influence?Discuss:Iran's political culture before the revolution was authoritarian, which was rooted in the patrimonial power structure. The Islamic revolution caused a change in the political culture. The most important factors that caused the transformation in Iran's political culture after the revolution are: the change in the power structure from the monarchy to the republic; the number of elected positions (representatives of parliament, leadership experts, presidency, city council, and the like); Holding multiple elections (once a year on average); the growth of civil parties and institutions; The formation of the public sphere that has enabled dialogue between citizens and elites (especially with the emergence of social networks that have provided a good technological tool for criticism and dialogue). Therefore, with the change in the political culture of Iranian society, the possibility of returning and restoring the monarchy has been lost forever. Therefore, the media actions of royalists for the project of reviving the monarchy could not be successful in principle due to the change of social contexts. Therefore, actions such as media campaigns; Campaign no to mandatory hijab; And the I advocate hashtag basically failed. The media war to overcome the discourse of the Islamic revolution could not be successful, because the political culture of the society was no longer receptive to the monarchy.

Political culture determines the emotional-cognitive basis of how citizens relate to the government. The authoritarian culture of the Pahlavi era, which was the legacy of long centuries of oppressive monarchies in Iran, had created a vertical and authoritarian power structure that did not allow the society to act and participate in politics. This construction of power followed politics in a closed circle and basically promoted a limited political culture. The Islamic revolution changed the political culture of Iran. With the transformation in the political culture, the possibility of reviving the monarchy was lost forever. For this reason, the project of reviving the monarchy, which was followed by the tactic of media diplomacy, could not be successful, because basically the social platforms are no longer receptive to the monarchy and the construction of authoritarian power.

The study of Iranian temperament has been a wide-ranging subject that is in a sense under cultural studies that emphasize the relationship between political culture and development. In this article, the main question is what are the characteristics and weaknesses of this approach to Iranian temperament? The main question was the hypothesis that all these studies are based on Berkeley and are ethically ignored and generally consider the consequences of moods in terms of their impact on the category of development. They are neither provable nor, if they are true, specific to Iran, and the attributes attributed to Iranians are the product of relations that will have the same consequences wherever they prevail, and are a general phenomenon in any society within which relations exist. Are caught.specific to Iran, and the attributes attributed to Iranians are the product of relations that will have the same consequences wherever they prevail, and are a general phenomenon in any society within which relations exist. Are caught.

Political apathy refers to someone’s disinterest, reluctance, and passivity towards political participation. The present research aimed to investigate the factors that contributed to political apathy during the period 2001–2022. To accomplish this, the study employed a meta-analysis approach to synthesize the results of scattered experimental studies and answer the question of what factors influenced political apathy and to what extent they explained it. Materials and Methods This study employed a quantitative meta-analysis approach to identify and categorize studies related to the factors influencing political apathy during 2001–2022. The statistical population comprised 23 research documents, from which 11 documents were selected based on the criteria such as method, validity, reliability, and scientific findings. The selection criteria included method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and year of publication. Having been analyzed in terms of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, the selected studies were entered into Comprehensive Meta-Analysis 2 software, and the final effect size of each research study was estimated. The funnel plot and Q-test were used to determine the homogeneity or heterogeneity. After confirming heterogeneity between the studies, the article used a moderating variable to explain the factors affecting political apathy in the period. The current research employed specific criteria to select the relevant studies for analysis, including: Specific subject area: The research must have examined the factors influencing political apathy, either as the primary or ancillary objective. Specific geographical location: Only scientific–research articles and theses conducted in Iran were examined in this study.

Only quantitative studies were selected for analysis since meta-analysis focuses on quantitative research. Research validity: Given the fact that the validity of any meta-analysis depends on the validity of the studies analyzed, the present research selected the relevant studies based on their validity and reliability which were ensured through strict evaluation criteria such as validity and reliability reports. Clarity of statistical

In line with the protocols of meta-analysis, the studies were selected based on the accurate and correct reporting of statistical findings, as well as their compliance with the assumptions of statistical tests and input criteria of the software. The research studies on the factors influencing political apathy were selected based on the above criteria, which indicates the use of a purposeful sampling method. As a result, 23 research documents were selected for analysis in the current research. Results and Discussion The study revealed a significant and positive relationship between political, social, cultural, economic, and demographic factors and political apathy. Political factors such as political distrust, dissatisfaction, alienation, lack of citizenship rights, anomie, and low political culture were found to be closely associated with political apathy. Social factors, including social anomie, commitment, health, national identity, low social vitality, organizational and occupational identity, lack of social transparency, feeling of social injustice, lawlessness, and low quality of life, were also found to contribute to political apathy. Cultural factors such as domestic media consumption, the level of religiosity, social and satellite networks, cultural anomie, and individualism were identified as influencing political apathy. Concerning economic factors, economic capital, relative deprivation, unemployment, and socio-economic class were found to be associated with political apathy. Finally, demographic factors such as education, place of residence, age, and marital status had a significant relationship with political apathy. Conclusion The study concluded that political apathy is influenced by various economic, political, cultural, and social factors. To prevent the emergence and occurrence of this phenomenon, it is necessary to encourage political participation of citizens in societal affairs by improving their socio-economic status, enhancing self-esteem and sense of efficiency, increasing political and social trust, strengthening religiosity, promoting social justice, and providing greater life satisfaction. Other strategies to increase people’s political participation and prevent political apathy include raising political awareness, fostering hope for future change, ensuring proportional reward for participation, promoting social satisfaction and sense of effectiveness, cultivating citizens’ optimism about the future, increasing political and economic efficiency, strengthening socio-political capital, enhancing political education, empowering citizens, fostering social belonging and individual motivation, promoting accountability of rulers, improving efficiency and effectiveness of institutions and organizations, preventing corruption and political violence, increasing incomes, expanding education, improving social status, building trust in the government, promoting economic development, expanding traditional political culture, and ensuring political and social equality.