political legitimacy

In the context of the poststructuralist approach, discourses determine political life and action. From this perspective, political legitimacy is formed in the light of political discourse, and by changing discourses, the semantic and normative system is transformed.The Islamic Revolution of Iran was an emerging phenomenon that made the approach of political jurisprudence Islam the basis for the creation of a new discourse and semantic system, and in the light of which political legitimacy found a different meaning. The present article seeks to examine and analyze the concept of political legitimacy in this political discourse. The main focus will be on how political legitimacy has been formed in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the sub-discourses derived from this discourse, and what effect the elements of this discourse, especially the elements of "Velayat-e Faqih", "Islamism" and "Iranianness" have had in this process. .This study tries to examine the formation of the concept of legitimacy as a normative norm in the relationship between judgment and obedience in the framework of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the resulting sub-discourses by adhering to a method rather than ontological to Foucault's genealogical approach and discourse analysis.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 under the leadership of Imam Khomeini led to the formation of a new value system in Iranian society. Extensive changes were made at the level of political elites, social structures and relations between people in the society and caused the transformation of Iran's political culture. The main question of the article is this: "How has the Islamic Revolution affected the political culture of Iran in the period from 1979 to 1989?". The conformity of the norms and values of the political elites and the people had greatly increased the legitimacy of the political system. Public and political participation of the people in supporting the political system expanded. Participation had a mass form, but from the perspective of political culture, people believed that they had the ability to influence the political process. The emphasis of this article is that the social and political behavior of Iranians after the revolution was influenced by Shia teachings. Shia elements, concepts and symbols were reproduced at the level of the society with the occurrence of the Islamic revolution and caused the expansion of the "meme" of solidarity, cooperation and the rule of "non-monetary relationships" in the network of social relations, and the positive function of religion in the social and political structure of Iran was shown. The current research is from the perspective of political sociology with a descriptive-analytical qualitative method and the collection of materials has been done in the library

Social justice has been a long-standing demand in Iran's contemporary history, which entered Iran's political culture since the constitutional revolution and under the left discourse. During the second Pahlavi period, the desire for justice was strongly intertwined with political trends and found deep connections with the issue of political legitimacy. This led to the delegitimization of the established regime with a justice-seeking approach and the use of justice policy as a sociological source of legitimacy in the alternative system. In the following article, the mentioned historical process is analyzed with a sociological approach and descriptive and analytical method. The article aims to answer the question that how the distributive justice policy directed towards the poor, became one of the most important sources of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the research indicate that the aforementioned policy is not the exclusive creation of the Islamic Republic, but rather the product of a historical process that the majority of contemporary Iranian political forces have played a role in creating it. The Islamic Republic of Iran has had the opportunity to take advantage of this legitimizing source due to its wide base among the lower classes since its establishment.Analyzing the link between political legitimacy and social justice as a historical matter, from before to after the revolution, is the main goal of this research.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of parties in political development and meritocracy in Iran, emphasizing meritocracy. Due to the close relationship between political development and political meritocracy in this research, the role of parties has been investigated on two variables. The current research is descriptive and analytical and has investigated the mentioned subject by using the library method. The findings indicate that political parties are effective in political development through political participation, political legitimacy, political socialization and management of national conflicts. Also, by creating political development, parties provide the basis for the realization of political meritocracy. In fact, by creating political development, parties create political meritocracy through creating a platform for governance and law enforcement, which in turn helps to strengthen and develop politics. In Iran, however, factors such as weak performance and seasonality of parties, non-acceptance of parties in the political culture of the people hinder the influence of this institution on the process of political development. The result is that a developing political system must create the necessary capacities and capacities in order to absorb and resolve the newly emerging conflicts in a political society by institutionalized organizations and systems within it. Therefore, it is obvious that the strongest development factor is the creation of a party system, and not Every organization and party, but formations institutionalized over time and benefiting from an effective and efficient content, and this is something that is not easily possible in a society and a traditional system.

With the re-establishment of Taliban rule over Afghanistan, this country witnessed the formation of a government that implemented and implemented different doctrines and ideas from the previous government. By rejecting the elements and components of the governments of Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani, the Taliban determine and manage the political structure according to the "Islamic Emirate"; An approach that has been criticized by domestic opposition groups and regional and international actors. These actors are of the opinion that the solution for Afghanistan to achieve security, stability, development and progress is to form an "inclusive government". Due to the importance of the inclusive government issue, which is the basic condition of the international system for the recognition of the Taliban, This article, with a descriptive and analytical method and the use of library resources, seeks to know the characteristics of inclusive government and the obstacles to its formation in Afghanistan.
The findings of the research show that the Taliban's thinking and ideology in the revival of the Islamic Emirate, violence and political tyranny, ethnic and tribal political culture, dogmatism and absolutism, lawlessness, mistrust of the modern government, passivity and non-participation, are the most important obstacles to the formation of an inclusive government in Afghanistan. and regarding the all-inclusive government of Afghanistan, Iran mainly focuses on the fair political participation in power, the recognition of the religious rights of Shias in the constitution, the validity of the personal status of the Shia religion, the disconnection of the Taliban with Al-Qaeda, and the Taliban's serious approach to the expansion and spread of ISIS. has it. In general, unlike other countries, Iran has comprehensively specified the details of the inclusive government and seeks to remove discrimination from ethnic, racial and religious groups, especially Shiites.

Gaining legitimacy is vital for governments. Therefore, the Pahlavi propaganda apparatus introduced ancient Iran as the backbone of its legitimacy and point of departure. Examining the dimensions and angles of the legitimizing foundations of the first Pahlavi, as well as the extent of its overlap with ancient Iran, is an important issue that has not been addressed much. This descriptive-analytical method focuses on the study of the archaic approach in the first Pahlavi government and the extent of its overlap with the legitimizing components in ancient Iran. Findings show: Pahlavi archaic ideology not only did not agree with the legitimizing principles of ancient Iran, but also opposed it and gradually led the people away from the government. The purpose of presenting such an approach was to gain political legitimacy, confront Islam and create a kind of secularization under the modernization of the country, which was not successful.

Political legitimacy in the ancient world was mainly normative in nature. But in the modern world, this concept, while maintaining some normative elements within itself, has found a deep connection with the public will and the demands of citizens. According to this, political legitimacy has a two-faceted nature that simultaneously reflects the normative and social characteristics of a society and creates the primary and secondary legitimacy of the system, respectively. In this article, with the qualitative approach and descriptive-analytical method, we explain the legitimacy of political systems based on the two normative and social foundations of legitimacy. The hypothesis ahead is that long-term continuity of legitimacy requires maintaining the distance between the two foundations of the legitimacy building of the system through continuous legitimization; in such a way that occurrence of crisis in the secondary legitimacy of the system does not cause the crisis to spread to its primary legitimacy.

In this article, the authors try to discuss the status of political legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran in the light of the emergence and expansion of the block chain technology as a social technology. First, it will be argued that the crisis of the government's efficiency is at the center of the legitimacy crisis of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the current situation, and the block chain is something more than anything else which can challenge or increase the legitimacy of the government in Iran. The authors try to discuss the possible positive and negative effects of the block chain on government efficiency in three areas: bureaucratic efficiency, economic efficiency, and social efficiency. Then, according to the current trends and approaches in Iran towards this emerging technology, two continuity scenarios and a change scenario will be designed. The final conclusion of the article is that the results of the emergence and expansion of this technology  for political legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran are not determined and inevitable, but depend on the institutional contexts, strategic choices and prevailing governance methods and patterns.

The essence of politics and political sociology is based on how unequal power relations between rulers and subordinates are regulated. This is exactly what justifies the necessity of political order and its continuation or abolition. Therefore, the present study considers the negative and paradoxical relationship between the two concepts of "democracy" and "political order" as the most important reason for the inability of the second Pahlavi regime to reproduce "legitimate political order" and the formation of the Islamic Revolution. The question is why, despite the existence of democratic legal institutions in the second Pahlavi period, the political stability of the government did not have legitimacy?

The present study was reviewed using a qualitative research method with a historical institutionalist approach and the data were collected through a library-documentary method and the data were analyzed using the Thomas Nigel theoretical framework entitled " "Conflict of personal interests with impersonal interests" has taken place at the political level.

The formation of unequal power relations in the second Pahlavi regime, from 1332 onwards, took on a dual and contradictory nature; In such a way that the conflict between personal interests (personal interests of the Shah) and impersonal interests (collective-rational political institutions) was the most fundamental factor that caused the power relations in the second Pahlavi period to turn to illegitimate power.

The government's tendency to personalize power through conflict with legal-collective institutions has undermined democratic stability and, consequently, authoritarianism based on illegitimate and unstable political order. In a way, the second Pahlavi regime can be defined and analyzed in the context of the concept of "fragile state", which is both the product of the conflict of interests sought by Thomas Nigel and the intensification of the conflict between personal interests and collective interests at the political level.

The essence of politics and political sociology is based on how to regulate the unequal power relations between the rulers and the ruled. This is exactly what justifies the existential necessity of the political order and its continuation or overthrow. Therefore, the institutional construction of the state and its political stability, based on whether it has the necessary political legitimacy or not, plays a prominent role in its continuation or overthrow. In this regard, the current research emphasizes that state-building in the first Pahlavi period was established in conflict with democracy, and as a result, it suffered from a lack of legitimacy and its political stability was fragile; Therefore, in this research, the institutional structure of the government and its relationship with the institutions of democracy are examined as the most important component of legitimizing unequal power relations And it tries to answer the question why the political order did not have the necessary political legitimacy during the first Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is based on the answer that the desire of the government in the first Pahlavi period towards illegitimate power through the conflict between personal and impersonal interests came into conflict with political institutionalism, and as a result, the regime was incapable of reproducing political legitimacy and the political order was deteriorating. The lack of legitimacy was faced. The data has been collected through the library-document method and data analysis has been done using Thomas Nigel's "Conflict of Interests and Values Theory".

The issue of political legitimacy is the justifiable reason for the government to resort to public authority. Management of social affairs requires a highly unrivaled political institution at the head of the public institutions, which is the government and what justifies a governing political institution in using public power, is the legitimacy it asserts. What is the source and basis of legitimacy, is challenging and controversial that is described using some theories especially in politic philosophy and above challenges were addressed. Government constitutionalism theory laid the theories of liberal governments and caused popularization of governments, drafting the constitution and governance of law. Thinkers by proposing social contract theory, first tried to show the power of government within the framework of a social contract granted by the citizens to the rulers. Then, by imposing restrictions to power and guaranteeing the freedom of citizens, they elevated the ideas of more popular governments. In this article, explaining the nature of political legitimacy and a historical look at the evolution of government constitutionalism theory, we analyze the element of legitimacy in a constitutional government.

The present research, focusing on the politics of the second Pahlavi party line from 1336 to 1357, seeks to answer the question: why and how did Mohammad Reza Pahlavi followed party line as a democratic tool for advancing his political goals and what results did he achieve in this regard? The findings of the research, which were collected in a descriptive-analytical way (method), indicate that the second Pahlavi with party politics, on the one hand, followed the training of obedient cadres and the development of party supervision over the pillars of people's lives, and finally the development of totalitarianism. And, on the other hand, with the forced participation of the masses in the political scene as well as the democratic show, it has sought to guarantee the legitimacy of the government. But the results of this policy not only did not strengthen the Pahlavi government, but accelerated its collapse.

A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.

The history of ideas about the position, function and duties of the elite is as long as the history of political philosophy. The idea that human societies have composed of various social forces and classes and the government should be in the hands of superior social groups can be found in the thoughts and ideas of the ancient philosophers of the Middle Ages. There are many theories and approaches in the field of elitism which have been studied qualitatively in this article in comparison with the ideas and thoughts of Muslim thinkers drawing upon the Imam Ali’s ideas and his approaches to elitism in one of his sermons called Shiqshiqiyyah. The study concludes that in the existing non-Islamic approaches to elitism emphasis is laid on the political legitimacy of the elite but Imam Ali’s view in this regard is based on the divine legitimacy and popular acceptance. The former approaches maintain that the elite function to secure their own interests but Imam Ali considers the elite as a social group which has the social responsibity of administering justice, fighting against oppression, and protecting national security. Imam Ali (‘a) has also taken into account the rights and duties of the elite and the masses towards each other, but other approaches have laid much emphasis on the duties of masses towards the elite and their interests.

Identity Policy, with a focus on antagonism toward the West and the United States, is one of the most important sociological sources of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This policy is not only the result of the political management of this system, but also is the product of a historical process that began with the delegitimization of the Pahlavi regime, followed by the establishment of the Islamic Republic. This article examines the historical context of the formation of Identity Policy based on conflict with the west and its impact on creating political legitimacy in the Islamic Republic. Findings of the research indicate that within the framework of Identity Policy, the Islamic system has aligned its ideological interests with the historical experiences of the Iranian society in relation to foreign authoritarian interventions, then created a legitimizing policy that, beyond jurisprudential, philosophical and legal reasons, has been able to attract a wide range of society. This result negates some comments about one-sided legitimization by ideological systems. The research is conducted with a qualitative and historical approach, by using David Beetham's analytical model of political legitimacy.

Attention in conceptual coordinates of the theory of political capital, in comparison with other forms of capital, reveals relatively high overlaps and conceptual ambiguities. This casts doubt on the theoretical nature and findings of studies in this field. Accordingly, the present study with a Critical attitude, in a descriptive-explanatory method and based on a historical approach (history of theories), concentrates on this question :What is the evolution and independent theoretical determining of the concept of political capital and its conceptual coordinates? Findings indicate that the coherence of the theory of political capital is mainly due to the necessity of a series of socio-political developments (mainly for or against the capitalist system) and reciprocally theoretical developments (rich analytical capacities of the concept of capital in the American utilitarian and pragmatic socio-political sciences and French Critical), Especially in the last quarter of the twentieth century, especially influenced by the studies of Companions of the capital and especially by Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical innovations, as well as the contending views of late scholars in various fields of political capital (Influenced by three theoretical origins based on social capital, symbolic and total), it has been laid. basically political capital did not exist in a pure form and therefore no single definition can be considered for it. However the Definitive core of this capital can be explained as a metaphor of the accumulation of power with the ultimate goal of political legitimacy.

The discussion about contemporary elements in the legitimacy of the Velayat-e-Faqih government became more and more widespread in the agricultural scientific community after the Islamic Revolution. Scholars have done more research on the views of the late Imam Khomeini in this regard and less on the views of other landlords in this area, such as Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani. If the authors of this study aim, you will find the answer to the question, what are the effective elements in the legitimacy of the government of Velayat-e-Faqih from the perspective of Grand Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani?

In order to answer the written question, the method of content analysis and reference to library resources is used.

The findings of the research indicate that Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani considered the legitimacy of the government of a just jurist with prudence and insight of leadership to be dependent on two factors; Divine appointment at the stage of potential guardianship and victory of the people at the stage of actual guardianship.

Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani's opinion on the legitimacy of the Velayat-e-Faqih government is completely under none of the three theories of limited appointment, pure election and appointment-election (in its conventional sense) if the position of the people in this legitimacy is not accepted. In the place of choice that Nusrat used. 

After the Fall of shah’s regime, the very first measurement of the political leaders under the new political regime was realization of the ideological norms in the daily life. The Success of this shift depended on people’s reactions; In other words, it needed legitimacy. Accordingly, the present article aimed to investigate about this question: what influence have had the transformations of everyday life on the paradigm of Political legitimacy during the first two decades of the Revolution? For answering the mentioned question, we used the mix qualitative method that did not need any hypothesis. The finding reveled that daily life of the people came through three levels: pluralism, unification, and confrontation between ordinary phenomena and official politics. That means, three situations could be observed: the diversity of the active forces in the revolutionary political government, the unity of the political forces and ideological adversary, and ultimately the endeavor of the marginalized forces to return to the political activity. In conclusion, daily life which was a dynamic to the victory of the revolution have altered to a place for formation of the fundamental conflicts between the current political order and the people.

One of the important dimensions of national security is its software dimension, which can be the result of soft power. Meanwhile, due to its soft security features and functions, elections can be a matter of security and one of the factors of security and insecurity. Accordingly, the present article, while defining and explaining the concepts of elections, soft power and soft security through a descriptive-analytical method, using written sources and studies, seeks to answer the question, how and how elections are produced. Does it create security or insecurity ?Findings showed that elections in the atmosphere of soft power and values, legitimacy of the political system, authority and efficiency of government, rule of law, democracy, institutionalized political participation, national cohesion, culture of competition and interaction and political capacity, etc. produce soft security And provides security. On the other hand, elections in the atmosphere of injuries and threats in various constituencies and contexts that can be the result of underlying, individual and behavioral causes and factors, laws and regulations and structure, cause soft threats and create insecurity.