political relations

The concept of mental reservation or turiyah, which has been regarded as one of the legal stratagems in numerous jurisprudential writings, does not occupy a specific position in politics, and it is unclear in which cases and instances this legal solution can be employed. Given the special importance of the political realm, the application of turiyyah therein is contingent upon the fulfilment of certain conditions that require profound jurisprudential scrutiny. For the application of turiyyah in both domestic and foreign policy, certain conditions must be met. The most significant of these are that the statement must have the potential for turiyyah and allow for an apparent interpretation, that the use of turiyyah in that specific instance should not be regarded as a lie according to common understanding, and that it should not undermine public trust. Furthermore, the use of turiyyah in politics should be for the sake of the public interest of the country’s citizens, rather than for personal gain. A review of the works of Shiʿa jurists and thinkers indicates that the use of turiyyah is discussed in times of necessity. Therefore, employing turiyyah in politics during non-emergency situations not only lacks justification but also damages public trust; in addition, a society centred around turiyyah is not considered desirable from an Islamic perspective, as the ideal community, according to the perspicuous religion of islam , is one based on honesty – honesty among people and honesty of officials with the public.

The issue of unity in the Islamic world has been one of the most important concerns of Muslim political rulers since the beginning of Islamic history, which has gone astray due to the bellicose and militant approach of some leaders and has in practice set the stage for tense international relations in the Islamic world. Imam Khomeini (may God bless him and grant him peace) as one of the most important and influential popular leaders of the Islamic world, used for the first time the beautiful interpretation of Yad Wahdeh for the unity of Muslims. The main question of the current research is, on what basis is the unity of the Islamic world based on rationality realized in the thought of Imam Khomeini (may God have mercy on him)? The collection of data is through the review of numerous books and articles on the topic of unity, and with a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach in the practical life of Imam Khomeini (may God bless him and grant him peace), the foundations of unity in his view are determined. . Based on this, the most important findings and components extracted from the thought of Imam Khomeini (may God have mercy on him) is the fight against oppression and the negation of arrogance without prejudice to ethnicity and nationality. In the rational view of Imam Khomeini (may God have mercy on him), the basis of unity It's not just about the countries being Muslim, it's about having aligned political relations in rejecting colonialism and defending the oppressed. On the other hand, the necessity of re-reading and rethinking the existing situation of Iran in the international relations of governments is important, because the rationality of the Islamic Revolution competes with the rationalities that benefit from the many-year-old heritage of the West. Modeling unity in one of the foundations of Western thought will not be fruitful except to fuel differences and create division.

The present study aims to examine the political relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and India from a constructivist perspective. The research method is descriptive-explanatory, and it seeks to answer the questions: What perceptions do the foreign policy agents of Iran and India have of each other? And what are the opportunities and challenges in this relationship? The study is based on the hypothesis that the identity structure derived from the Islamic Revolution of Iran, which has extended to a structural-agent order in foreign policy, conflicts with the neoliberalism chosen by India's foreign policymakers and the ruling party. Thus, this difference in identity foundations and the structural-agent relationship in both domestic and international systems has created challenges and opportunities for both countries. Consequently, after the Islamic Revolution and Iran's withdrawal from the CENTO alliance and alignment with the West, and its joining the Non-Aligned Movement, of which India was a founding member, there was significant hope in the Islamic Republic of Iran for improved relations with India due to shared identity stemming from peaceful foreign policy and pacifism (Nehruism), which was based on non-alignment with major powers and solidarity with weaker countries. However, after the end of the Cold War and the paradigm shift in India's foreign policy from Nehruvian idealism to realism, changes in normative-identity foundations, the marginalization of the National Congress Party, the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and closer ties with the West, the relations cooled. Therefore, it appears that the foreign policymakers of Iran and India may not be able to find intersubjective identity resources and shared values and norms to develop relations at a strategic level, which could be a challenge in the relations between the two countries.

International sanctions are one of the main tools in the foreign policy of governments to influence and change the behavior of other countries. Iran, as one of the countries that has been pressured by extensive international sanctions, is looking for new methods in an effort to circumvent these sanctions. This article aims to investigate the role of Afghanistan's political-economic relations in circumventing international sanctions against Iran. The main question of the article is: Can Afghanistan's economic and political relations serve as an alternative path for Iran to bypass sanctions? In response to the question of the article, this hypothesis is proposed that the development of political-economic relations with Afghanistan can help Iran in reducing its dependence on international markets and obtaining new economic resources. The research method used in this article is descriptive-analytical using articles and interviews with experts. The findings showed that Iran's foreign policy should pay more attention to Afghanistan's issues and reduce the intensity of security in this country. Iran can also be used as a bridge for Afghanistan's exports and imports due to Afghanistan's lack of access to the Arabian Sea and as a transit corridor for global trade.

In today's era and due to the increasing expansion of various sciences, the definition of a concept called futurism has taken a special place. Since Islam is a universal religion, dealing with its political future and Islamic countries is inevitable. Addressing this issue is important because the enemies of Islam inside and outside the geographical borders of Islamic countries are watching these groups and their activities. This point of view has caused the main question of the article to be based on what effect will the study of the crisis of Takfiri groups have on the political future of the Islamic world? In response to this question, the hypothesis states that predicting the movements of takfiri groups and sects can prevent their serious dangers in order to attack the political and cultural body of Islam and the political atmosphere in the arena. to change the international for the benefit of the Islamic world. The research method of the above article is descriptive-analytical based on library texts and the use of reliable sources in the context of virtual space. The findings of the research indicate that using the historical experiences of Islam in dealing with takfiri groups combining them with modern theories such as crisis research and future research, along with theories such as chaos, conflict, games and complexity; It will keep the Islamic world safe in the field of preventing the harm of such a difference and will cause the progress of Muslim countries in various political, economic and... dimensions.

Relations between Iran and India,as two important countries in West and South Asia, have had many ups and downs after the Iranian Islamic Revolution,and factors such as the internal policies of both countries and the influence of the international system have played a role in this sinusoidal relationship.In this research,by using available library works and resources in a descriptive-explanatory method,we try to find the answer to the question,what is the understanding of foreign policy agents of Iran and India about each other? What opportunities and challenges are there for this relationship?The results show that after Iran joined the non-alignment movement, there was a lot of hope for the improvement of relations between Iran and India.due to reasons such as Iran's support for Pakistan's position in the Kashmir issue and India's Eastern Bloc's support for Iraq in the imposed war against Iran,It didn't happen.But after the end of the Cold War and the paradigm shift of India's foreign policy from idealism to realism,the change in domestic politics,the marginalization of the National Congress Party,the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the closeness to the West and the support of American positions the relations turned cold. The result is that Iran and India have opportunities for regional,strategic and defense integration and to fight against terrorism and challenges such as the influence of America, Israel and India's Middle East policies and most importantly Iran's nuclear program,which can be effective in changing relations.This research from the perspective of theory Realism has analyzed this relationship.

Turkey is one of the neighboring countries of Iran that has many advantages in terms of geopolitics and perhaps it can be mentioned as one of the few countries with regional influences around Iran. Therefore, the present study seeks to answer the question of what are the factors of divergence in the political relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey?The objectives of this study are to investigate the divergence factors in the political climate of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey based on three categories of geopolitical factors, geoeconomic factors and geocalcher factors.This research is applied-developmental and descriptive-analytical and survey method. The results of this analysis show that in all three components of geopolitics, geocalchery and geoeconomics, the mentioned priority caused divergence and a total of 15 factors were confirmed.In response to sub-questions, the most important geopolitical factors, the Kurdish question in Syria and turkey's military presence under the pretext of fighting them in Syria and the most important geocalcular factors, the flagship of the Islamic system in the region by Iran and the most important geoeconomic factors, the competition of the two countries to influence the markets of the Caucasus and Central Asia were determined.

Iran-China relations, despite the parties' desire to expand and deepen relations in the form of Iran's acceptance into the Shanghai Organization, the conclusion of a 25-year contract and the purchase of Iranian oil by the Chinese government, have not enjoyed significant growth and development in practice. The present article seeks to investigate and answer the question, what factors prevent the practical expansion of bilateral relations and the increase of Iran's position in China's foreign policy? It seems that the role of structural and institutional-systemic factors affected by the atmosphere of the international system and the acting of these two countries in the system (against the existing order in the international system, especially Iran) has hindered the practical bilateral relations of these two countries. The findings of the research show that the role of western international sanctions against Iran, foreign investments in it, China-centered foreign policy and the role of international and regional variables in creating practical obstacles to the development of relations between Iran and China are more than before. . In this research, a qualitative-interpretive method was used, with a descriptive-analytical approach. The purpose of the above research is to analyze the causes and obstacles facing China's foreign policy to increase economic exchanges and develop political relations with Iran as much as possible.

Iran and Turkey have a unique geopolitical and geostrategic position in the region. The Syrian crisis affected the regional equations and the relations of the countries of the region, including Iran and Turkey. The developments in Syria affected and changed the framework of relations between Iran and Turkey as a regional power. Therefore, the main question is raised, what effect have the developments in Syria had on the regional relations between Iran and Turkey in order to become a regional power? In this article, it is tried to investigate and analyze the dimensions of the above issue and question in the framework of regional power balance theory and using descriptive-analytical methods. The findings of the current research show that the developments in the Arab world, especially the developments in Syria, have intensified the regional competition between Iran and Turkey, in the form of the formation of regional and trans-regional alliances and alliances with the environment of Iran and Syria, Syria and Russia, which in one On the other side of Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Salafi groups were located. Also, Turkey's inability in this direction led to the promotion of Iran's regional position and the modification of Turkey's regional policy.

The Timurid era was one of the most efficient cultural periods in Iran in terms of literature and art. Because the policies of Timur and his successors provided a good ground for cultural activities.The flow of poetry in the Timurid era expanded and flourished as it was welcomed and materially and spiritually supported by the Timurid sultans. Due to the status and high impact of poetry in the Timurid era, Timurid kings and princes used poetry effectively to convince and achieve their goals in political relations. The use of poetry in the political letters of the Timurid period was common and was considered a privilege and a virtue. Poets and writers in the Timurid era had a high political and social status. Thus, Timurid kings and princes were equally important to poetry. Thus, for the Timurid sultans, poetry was an influential tool in the politics of domestic and foreign relations. Although the Timurid rulers were fond of poetry and poets, and many of them wrote poetry themselves; But the cost of Timurid kings and princes for the development of poetry was politically motivated and met their political expectations.

In International law we have not real legislator that we know, so resources of international Law evolved that the most important of them is in article 38 of statute of International Court of Justice for political relations between states. Today soft law was part of resources of International Law but was not a part of article 38. Soft law was moving to developed law concept in political relations between states. Did governments accept these new concept? We supposition soft law is crystalize to hard law but not always. It was very important that soft law was new opportunity to normalization, policymaker and formulation political relations in international society. Furthermore, it is challenges in international society that if the soft law would not definition exactly, it will be subterfuge for governments. This divergence was cause opportunity and challenge of soft law in international society. In this articles our purpose was definition of soft law, we will show the effects of requirements of political relations.

One of the policies in which a great change took place after the Islamic Revolution was the approach of looking at other actors in the regional and global arena instead of looking at and being completely dependent on the West. One of the neighboring countries of Iran, which has many advantages in terms of geoeconomics, is the Republic of Turkey. Therefore, the main question is "What are the geo-economic sources of tension in the political relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey?". This research is of applied-developmental type and has been done by descriptive-analytical and survey method. Finally, a number of potential tensions in the form of geoeconomic components were identified and a questionnaire was prepared and provided to experts to obtain the opinions and views of experts in this field on the extent to which each of these tensions affects the political relations between the two countries. . After collecting the information obtained from the questionnaire, the data were analyzed by SPSS software.  The result of this analysis shows that there are tensions in the geoeconomic component and a total of six tensions were confirmed. The most important source of geoeconomic tension was the competition between the two countries to penetrate the markets of the Caucasus and Central Asia and the joint opposition of Turkey and the United States to plans to cross the Central Asian oil and gas pipelines through Iran to Europe.

The relations between the Persian Gulf states and the Zionist regime have had considerable ups and downs, ranging from confrontations to coalition and compromise. Meantime, the historical relations between Iran and this regime took the opposite form, changing from friendship in the Pahlavi period into hostility in the Islamic Republic which was a turning point for the identity separation of the Zionist regime and Iran in 1978. This study seeks to investigate the relations between the Zionist regime and the Persian Gulf states according to the current order to find out its political coordinates and analyze the effects of these relations on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran taking its indicators into account. The study has taken the thematic analysis as the research approach. Accordingly, interviews were conducted with a sample of 15 respondents and the statistical population of experts in the field of West Asia, followed by manual coding, summarizing the interviews with the Nvivo software, and extraction of the content. According to the results, the goals of the Zionist regime and Persian Gulf Arab states in the normalization of relations can be expressed under three main themes of the establishment of a security belt against Iran, military goals, and facilitating the compromise process. In contrast, the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in response to security threats can be considered under the three axes of the balance between idealism and realism, expansion of regional cooperation, and the increase in military and national power.

The covert and overt rivalry between Russia and the United States continued in the years following World War II.The breakaway countries of the Soviet Union are among the centers of strategic rivalry between the two countries.On the one hand, the United States has exerted its influence and dominance in these republics within the framework of its grand goals.On the other hand, this US strategy has threatened Russia's political and economic interests in the region And that is why Russia is trying to prevent the expansion of the US presence in the region by creating a buffer zone Iran's anti-Westernization in recent years includes Iran's nuclear activity, Iranophobia, Western psychological warfare against Iran And the very nature of Iran-Russia anti-Westernism has led to mutual relations in recent years in the form of a crisis in Syria And support for the government of Bashar al-Assad, which exists in the form of conflict with the West It has well reflected the expansion of relations between the two countries.

Since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War and the formation of an independent country called Iraq in the western neighborhood of Iran, regulating the relations between the two countries has been one of the serious challenges of Iran's foreign policy, and territorial and border disputes, along with religious and ethnic issues, have always threatened the relations between the two countries. These conflicts have intensified or decreased in different periods. In this research, it has been tried to investigate the relationship between the two countries in a ten-year period with a descriptive-analytical method according to the library documents and newspapers review. During Qasim's rule in Iraq, with the emergence of extreme nationalism and the intention to expand relations with the Soviet Union, in addition to the border disputes and its expansion to the Khuzestan region, ideological issues also added to the disputes. Also, due to the presence of Kurds on both sides of the border and the beginning of the Kurdish movement in Iraq, another issue had added to the conflicts between the two countries. With the moderate Arif regime gained power in Iraq, the tension in the relations between the two countries decreased to some extent.

In its foreign policy doctrine, Israel attaches great importance to Central Asia and the Caucasus. Among these countries, the Republic of Azerbaijan is more important to Israel than other countries. Given this, the main question is that what effect has Israel's foreign relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan had on the political and security dimension of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the years 2011 to 2020? According to the main question, it has been hypothesized that the main basis of Israel's cooperation with the Republic of Azerbaijan in the political and security dimension during 2011-2020 will be the expansion of relations with this country in order to act on the periphery, which is the national security of the Islamic Republic. Has threatened Iran. Findings show that Israel's relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan from 2011 to 2020 in the political dimension by establishing spy bases and intelligence threats to the Islamic Republic of Iran and reducing Iran's influence in the region and in the military and security dimension by strengthening relations The military and security have posed a major threat to the country's national security. The research method in this dissertation is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies that try to analyze the data using Stephen Walt's threat balance theory.

The political relations of Iran and the Kurdistan region of Iraq in each other's neighborhoods have always been influenced by a variety of factors that can have several impact dimensions; The issue of common resources as a multidimensional factor has had a significant impact on the political relations of both sides. The focal point of common resources has been the issue of common water, which affects the political relations between Iran and the Kurdish region of Iraq in various aspects. The small Zab River, as a common river between Iran and the Kurdistan region, has always been subject to strategic decision making. In this regard, the two sides, having considered the importance of water resources, have begun a strategic policy on common watersheds, in which the strategic decisions of Iran and its influence on political relations The two sides, in view of having Iran, have become more ambitious than the climate of Kurdistan. The main question of the paper is that the hydro-polytechnology of the small Zaab could have an impact on the political relations between Iran and the Kurdistan region of Iraq? The hypothesis of the article is that since Iran is located in the upstream position with respect to the Kurdistan region of Iraq, it has enjoyed a higher privilege in enjoying the Zeban River; Which could have an effect on Iran's bargaining power and the leverage of pressure on the Kurdistan's climate, and, while tensions and controversies in political affairs, have a significant impact on the balance of regional power. In this study, descriptive-analytic method has been used.

The purpose of the present study is to analyze opposing policies of Iran and the US, particularly in the four decades after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The research method is descriptive and analytical, and the data were gathered with a library method. The results indicated that a military confrontation with the Islamic Republic of Iran is extremely strenuous and costly, and the United States know it for sure that the abandonment of sovereignty in Iran is impossible even with a nuclear attack by them, unless it is accompanied by people and physical presence on Iran's soil. Iranians have unique identities, as they become united in difficulty, and no alternative can be envisaged for this unique historical sovereignty coalesced with Islamism, Iranianism together with their ethnic and racial identity in Iran. The only way is to accept the absolute sovereignty of the Islamic Republic of Iran on the basis of absolute Guardianship of Islamic Jurist; that is, both parties, particularly the United States, should live up to international rules and treaties, which in turn leads to a constructive and mutual interaction between both parties in the long run. Inclusive confrontation with Iran, ranging from nuclear attack to Nitro Zeus, no matter how strong they are, are not sufficient for an encounter with Iran. And, since there is no alternative to this model of sovereignty given the complex and multilayered identity of Iranian culture, it is evident that compliance with the new global order and embracing Iran is the only solution for putting an end to this challenge from the last half century.

Qatar, the rich and small country of the southern margin of the Persian Gulf, has become one of the most influential actors in the region. What has highlighted the role of Qatar in regional diplomacy over the past few years is the political and media impact of this small Sheikh. During the Syrian crisis, Qatar was at the same time as the opposition, and in a dream with the government of Bashar al-Assad, and exerted enormous efforts to topple Assad. But with a more accurate assessment of the situation, it is trying to modify its previous policies. In this article, the authors seek to answer the question of how Qatar's diplomacy has worked on the crisis in Syria from the outset of the crisis so far? And also answers the question, what is the main reason or reason for the political tensions of Qatar and Saudi Arabia? The current study uses a general diplomacy theory and utilizes the descriptive-analytical method to examine this issue. The results of the research indicate that the tension in political relations between Qatar and Saudi Arabia has also affected the Qatari approach to the Syrian crisis, which has led to the establishment of close ties between Tehran and Doha.

Although west has been a main issue for many societies and states in last centuries, for Russia it has been different and very fundamental. It is nearly about five centuries that Russia has been affected by evolutions of European renaissance; sometimes in an interaction, sometimes in a contrast. Russia’s geographical, cultural and religious situations, has always experienced both fragments and concomitants with west, leading to some important results in Russia’s political life and foreign behavior. Against this backdrop, Russian administrations’ visions towards west and that vision’s impact on their internal and foreign behavior, and last but not least; the reason of Russian administrations’ special reaction towards west, and considering that as a main issue, are the questions addressed in this literature. The hypothesis of this article as that the root of Russia’s behavior towards west should be understood in its neighboring and propensity. Russia neither has been able to annex to the west, nor has been able to separate from it and go on its own way.