political security

Artificial intelligence is one of the technologies that has the ability to influence the political and military aspects of the national security of governments. According to a practical definition, artificial intelligence is the science of making machines that do things that would require intelligence if done by humans. This research, in the form of descriptive-analytical method and security levels, seeks to answer the question, what threats and opportunities does artificial intelligence have in the military and political aspects of Iran's national security? the results show that artificial intelligence has brought political and military threats and opportunities to Iran's national security. The most important military threats include increasing cyber attacks on nuclear facilities, cyber attacks on domestic institutions, espionage and assassination of people with self-propelled weapons. AI opportunities in the military include equipping missile and drone weapons, acquiring robotic weapons, and cyber deterrence. The most important threats of artificial intelligence in the political field include cyber attacks on radio and television and designing fake news to deceive public opinion. The most important opportunities to use artificial intelligence in this field include trying to influence elections and strategic confrontations in foreign policy.

The lack of social security at the borders can increase insecurity in the border areas and harm the stability and social cohesion in the country. Any insecurity in the social, economic, cultural, political, military and environmental systems causes disruption. The main goal of this research is to provide a model for improving social security in the border areas of Iran and Azerbaijan. This research is descriptive-analytical and applied research. In this research, first, the collected literature was analyzed and coded using MAX.QDA2020 software, and the components and indicators affecting the social security of the border areas of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Azerbaijan were extracted and these indicators and components were included in a questionnaire. A researcher made of experts in this field was asked and after collecting the data, the reliability of this questionnaire was obtained through Cronbach's alpha, 0.857, and using Smart.pls software, the validity, reliability and quality of these components were examined and confirmed. The findings of this research show that the establishment of social security at border points undoubtedly requires many components, including the strong presence and increasing the capabilities of the border forces; Countering the intensification of separatist movements through the media of the Republic of Azerbaijan; Dealing with the threats caused by the activity of small birds in the border areas and preventing the discharge of industrial effluents into the Aras River, etc. can play a significant role in the establishment of social security in these areas.

Intrudaction:

Despite lawyers’ and political scientists’ efforts to define terrorism over the last century, a consensus has not been reached, and no universal agreement on a precise legal definition of terrorism exists to date. As long as politicians need to address terrorism in varying security contexts, disagreements among lawyers seem unavoidable due to the overdependence of criminal law on States’ politics. Considering terrorism a crime against national security, it can only be analyzed by perceiving these actions as national security threats. The law itself is not capable of resolving these disagreements on the definition of terrorism per se. Therefore, to make sense of the existing disagreements, terrorism must be regarded as a security issue that has evolved into a legal concept.Traditional security studies lack an extensive perspective on security, often focusing solely on strategic threats, making them unsuitable for clarifying the terrorism concept. For this reason, the Copenhagen School, which divides security issues into five categories, has been applied as the theoretical framework for this research to answer this fundamental question: What are the impacts of security factors on states’ views of the legal concept of terrorism? This paper hypothesizes that the specific security vulnerabilities of each state have particular effects on that state’s perception of terrorism threats. To assess this hypothesis, qualitative content analysis method was employed by studying the definitions of terrorism in the legal documents of different countries, revealing the relevance of the motivation element of terrorist crimes in relation to state vulnerabilities using Buzan’s framework of political security. It is worth noting that the countries selected by the authors exhibit different vulnerabilities according to Buzan’s framework, which categorizes states based on their weaknesses.

The Copenhagen School provides two important theories to analyze terrorism: “Securitization Theory” and “Categorization of Security.” According to securitization theory, a security matter begins with a securitizing actor and is completed with the acceptance of the target audience. Thus, terrorism, as a security threat, must be an intersubjective matter dependent on both actors and audiences. In such circumstances, if criminal law is to be used as a tool for securitization, it cannot be done effectively within its traditional framework due to the Nullum crimen sine lege principle. Therefore, within customary instruments, politicians are unable to react differently to security matters through criminal law and must instead emphasize the excessive element of “motivation,” which does not play a prominent role in ordinary crimes. Therefore, If an actor intends to securitize the motives attributed to a political group, the most effective approach is to emphasize these motives. Consequently, a common crime is transformed into a terrorist act based on this element.

Another important question, which remains open even after implementing securitization theory, is when or under which circumstances actors securitize the terrorism threat. Since terrorism endangers the sovereignty of states within their own realms, it must be analyzed as a political threat. Buzan’s analysis of political threats to national security asserts that states’ vulnerabilities in the political sphere are related to the weakness of two elements: “nation” and “political ideology.” Therefore, in weak states suffering from a lack of political cohesion and national unity, political security matters are often associated with separatist movements. In such states, the motivation element in terrorist crimes often plays a role in securitizing political motivations attributed to separatist groups. This situation can occur in weak states that manage to consolidate various nations through a pervasive and entrenched ideology. Consequently, failed states, which lack a unifying ideology, are unable to securitize terrorism and are thus unable to securitize a political ideology. As a result, terrorism definitions in these countries may not reflect terrorism securitization. Conversely, for strong states with a united or consolidated nation, terrorism threats are linked to ideologies in tension with the government’s recognized ideology. In these circumstances, securitizing actors often trigger emergency measures against contested ideologies. The reclassification of ordinary crimes with political motivations into terrorist crimes is one of the emergency measures necessitated by the securitization process.

Coclusions:

The provision of security requires a different and more stringent approach to terrorist offences. This issue is one of the reasons that has led to diversity in the definition of these crimes, as each government has a different understanding of security according to its social and political concerns and needs. Since security is a subjective concept, definitions of terrorism have also differed because of their dependence on this subjective concept. Thus, in order to understand the differences, one should try to understand the different bases that have caused a change in the definition due to security concerns. It is evident from different terrorism definitions that the motivation element plays a significant role in terrorist crimes. This subjective element is not considered fundamental to a crime in classical criminal law, as it relates more to the perpetrator than to the actus reus. As a result of emphasizing the motivation element, states, depending on their capacity for securitization, adjust their approach to dealing with criminals based on their motivations, provided they have successfully securitized their vulnerabilities.

One of the most important subjects of Iranian political sociology is the relationship between political security and political demands. Therefore, the present study examines the relationship between political security and political demands and its role in the political development of Sistan and Baluchistan province, focusing on the city of Zahedan in 1403.The research method in this study is descriptive-correlation and the statistical population includes all the intellectual elites of Sistan and Baluchistan province, including 312 researchers, university professors, experts, experts and activists of political issues, based on the calculation Through Cochran's formula, the number of 173 people was determined as the sample size, and their information was extracted using the quota sampling method.In this realization, the "Huntington" standard political development questionnaire was used to measure political development, the "Bari Buzan" standard political security questionnaire was used to measure political security, and the "Marshall" civil political demand standard questionnaire was used to measure political demands. In this research, hypotheses related to the variables of political security, political demand and political development were proposed and the results of the main hypothesis test show that there is a significant relationship between political security and political demand and its role in the political development of Sistan and Baluchistan province. It is direct and moderate.

In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more necessary to have such a favorable scenario. Based on the significance of customer retention, this approach maintains that a party can win if it secures the largest market share while minimizing customer attrition. It seems to be an essential approach given the nature of political marketing characterized by the intense competition among political parties, the unavoidable impact of social media, the uncertainty about fulfilling campaign promises, and the risky nature of political transactions (cash vs. credit imbalance) —all of which can contribute to the vulnerability of political marketing, hence a declining trend in the voter turnout. Relationship marketing, as a modern marketing technique, can help political activists to mitigate these challenges, offering effective solutions to minimize campaign costs and increase the likelihood of success in elections. Political relationship marketing has been the subject of inquiry in several studies (e.g., Afjeh’i & Khademi-Garashi, 2016; Talari & Mousavi-Shafaei, 2015). Rizan et al. (2014) delved into the impact of relationship marketing on customer loyalty.A declining trend in the number of electoral votes is one of the challenges faced by political parties in Iran. The issue appears to be rooted in their marketing strategies. In fact, political marketing strategies can potentially present a persuasively alluring image of the candidate’s integrity and virtue while covering up their flaws. Consequently, the politician who has been getting promoted is often perceived as an ideal figure. In most cases, voters may not understand the techniques used in campaigns, succumbing to the persuasive tactics employed by the candidate and thus increasing the likelihood of making a mistake in their choice and experiencing early regret. In fact, insufficient knowledge about the candidate or party contributes to such mistakes on the part of voters. Moreover, the inability to retain voters, driven by factors such as a loss of trust and unfulfilled promises, can result in costly and sometimes irreparable damages to political parties. Considering the drawbacks of short-term marketing in the political arena for those involved and the political parties’ desire for sustained power, relationship marketing seems to be a suitable approach to address the shortcomings without compromising market share, fulfill political parties’ electoral aspirations (e.g., frequent wins), and to ensure that voters get to know candidates and political parties adequately and accurately. In this line, the present research investigates the influential factors in political relationship marketing, addressing the following questions: Can relationship marketing help overcome the challenges in political elections? And what factors are influential in establishing and maintaining the relationship?

There are numerous factors behind party wins in the electoral market. However, according to the theoretical framework of this research, establishing and maintaining a robust relationship between parties and voters, leading to voter loyalty, plays a pivotal role in the electoral success of political parties. Relying on a multi-stage conceptual model, the present study aimed to investigate the connection between relationship marketing and the success of parties in the political market and electoral contests. The study is located within the intersection of political science and marketing management. As an applied research involving field work, it adopted a descriptive–survey, correlation-based approach to investigate the research questions. First, the analysis focused on the effect of relationship marketing variables (i.e., commitment, fulfillment of promises, communication, competence, and trust) on satisfaction. The second step involved examination of the effect of satisfaction on voter loyalty. Finally, the research explored the correlation between loyalty, recommendations to others, and revoting, as influential factors contributing to the success of political parties. In the data analysis, the Pearson coefficient and the correlation coefficient were used to understand the relationships between the research variables.

The research findings indicated a significantly direct correlation between relationship marketing principles and voter satisfaction. The results of regression analysis demonstrated that these principles can predict satisfaction. There was also a significant relationship between satisfaction and loyalty, as well as between loyalty and both revoting and recommendation to others. Finally, a significant relationship was observed between success and revoting and recommendation to others.

The research results confirm that the success of political parties hinges on both retaining existing voters and attracting new ones. This process involves distinct stages: generating satisfaction by applying relationship marketing principles, enhancing and transforming satisfaction into loyalty and fandom through the practical implementation of the principles, adopting fan-driven marketing as a result of the loyalty cultivated, and finally giving recommendations to others. The first and second stages are executed through strategic planning and initiatives of strategists, along with the genuine and reassuring conduct of candidates and party executive agents. The third and fourth stages, on the other hand, rely on the active participation of party loyalists and supporters. Furthermore, two practical methods can be employed to attract new voters: direct and indirect recruitment. In the direct recruitment, the party itself leverages relationship marketing principles to draw in a collective of voters. In contrast, the indirect recruitment is facilitated by party loyalists and supporters—mostly represented by previous voters—and their efforts to embark on fan-driven marketing and give recommendations to other voters.

The problem of this research is to identify and analyze one of the main "soft" threats against the Islamic Republic in Ayatollah Khamenei's security discourse. Security has always been one of the main indicators in his discourse and he has paid attention to it from various aspects. In this research, the main axis is the category of "political security", which faces both "hard" threats and "soft" threats, where "secularism" is considered as the most important "soft threat" of political security. Since the discourse of the Islamic Revolution is structured around the central sign of "Political Islam", its main "other" should be considered "secularism" and this issue is clearly "highlighted" in the political discourse of Ayatollah Khamenei, and attention to the dimension Its security is very important for a more accurate understanding of the "soft" threats of the Islamic Republic. This research, using the discourse analysis method of Lakla Moff, has reached the following findings Ayatollah Khamenei considers "secularism" the main soft threat to the Islamic Republic and "strengthening the spirit of people's belief in Islam", "non-passivity in the face of the phenomenon of Islamophobia", "mixing He considers knowledge and religion, "protecting the Islamic revolution" and "trust in God" as opposites of them, which are the indicators of his political security discourse.

The purpose of the present study is to review challenges and conflicts related to the Syrian crisis on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method was descriptive-analytic and it was conducted using library sources and inferential and documentary approaches. The results convey that challenges and disputes related to the Syrian crisis have aspects more than just political disagreements or ethnic, identity, and religious challenges. They are rooted in the negative interference and competition of regional and super-regional powers to gain more penetration in the Middle East. The consequences of this process on the Islamic Republic of Iran include: threatening military, political, social, and economic security which creates serious challenges for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The central pillar of Israel’s macro policy is maintaining its survival and existence, and security has always been among the main concerns of Israel's political and security authorities over the past 7 decades. However, the fundamental developments in the 21st century and the unique features of the international arena in this new century have forced the Israeli regime to resort to an extended security policy along with use of force and military power. Nevertheless, the challenges that the Israeli regime is facing in the political arena are increasing both quantitatively and qualitatively, and existential security is still a major concern for it. This descriptive-analytical study employed the Copenhagen School's securitization framework to answer this main question: What effects and outcomes does the political situation of the Israeli regime have with regard to its security? In fact, the main objective of this study was to focus on the current political situation of the Israeli regime and the effects that it has on its security. The results indicated that racial segregation or apartheid, instability, corruption, low levels of political participation of the citizens, and the impasse in the Middle East Peace Process are among the political challenges influencing the security of the Israeli regime that face its security and legitimacy with existential threats.

One of the elements and components of a security-related theory is the levels of security in different aspects. No researches are reported to have studied levels of security, especially in its political aspect. Thus this research work seeks to explain levels of political security and its threats in the Islamic security system from the viewpoint of the Qur’ān and tradition, hadith. To achieve this aim, the Qur’anic statements together with prophetic statements concerning levels of political security and its threats have been inferred drawing upon the analytical-inferential method. The findings of this article show that there are statements in the Qur’ān and Islamic traditions that, on the one hand, signify five levels of political security in the Islamic security system: individual or personal, social, national, regional and international and on the other hand show that each of the mentioned planes may be existentially threatened by other levels.

Security levels are among the elements and components of a security theory. One of the different dimensions of security levels in security studies is its political dimension. The review of security studies indicates that not many researches have been done in this field. This article attempts to examine the Quranic and Narrative bases of the levels of political security and its threats in the security school of Islam. Therefore, Qur'anic and hadith propositions indicating the levels of political security and its threats were extracted using the research and inferential study method. The existence of six individual (micro), community, national (medium), regional, national and international (macro) levels for political security, as well as the possibility of existential threat to the authorities of each level by the authorities of other levels in the school of Islamic Security Among the most important results are inferred from verses and hadiths.

Espionage, or what is sometimes called treason, is one of the crimes that is criminalized in order to protect the security of society. This crime is organized and the methods of committing it are constantly evolving. In this way, the vital information of one country is transmitted to other countries or groups. In most of the criminal laws, there is no specific definition of espionage crime and only examples of it are sufficient, and this requires that the concept and legal framework of this crime be examined, so in the form of an interpretive-comparative method and referring to jurisprudential sources. A comparative study of the elements of this crime in the Iranian penal system with the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council has been carried out. This article seeks to first determine the punishment for espionage in the GCC countries and then examine how these countries deal with spy criminals, especially (sources, informants) of the countries' intelligence services, and its severity up to What is the limit? The present study seeks to examine the elements of espionage in these countries and to discuss its commonalities and differences.

The present study aims to answer the basic question that "a strategic model in the field of political security by compiling the experiences of the holy system of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the discourse of Velayat-e Faqih (votes, views, guidelines and measures of Imam Khomeini (may God bless him and grant him peace) ... What is Imam Khamenei (as) and the Constitution?  Such as the Qur'an, verses and hadiths taken from the statements and guidelines of the Infallibles (PBUH) and the principles of political jurisprudence in the discourse of Velayat-e-Faqih and the Constitution, as well as successful and unsuccessful experiences of managers and political elites, dimensions, components and effective sub-components Based on the seven dimensions of doctrine, goals, policies, planning, guidance, organization and coordination, the subject can be identified and after the approval of the statistical community, the research can be used as a strategic model in the field of political security of the Islamic Republic. To be exploited.The statistical population of this study is 49 elites and experts in the field of political security in the country, who by exploratory study and taking notes of the content of documents, sources and authoritative scientific works related to the subject of the dissertation in libraries, sites and also action Adequate information and data were collected in the field using questionnaire and interview tools. Finally, the results and findings of the exploratory study, confirmation and factor analysis, led to the identification and presentation of a strategic model in the field of political security based on seven strategic dimensions, fifty components (indicators) and several subcomponents. At the end of the research, suggestions have been made to implement the seven strategies, so we hope that although there may be other effective suggestions, we hope that these cases, along with the presented strategic model, will be a step towards achieving lasting political security for the people. And various social groups in the Islamic Republic in the process of providing political justice.

The most important issue underlying other subjects of discussions in the field of security is the source of security. Each of the security schools lays emphasis on a subject as the source of security as far as their cultural and value system are concerned. In the meantime, political security is one of the most important aspect of security into which researches have been conducted by Muslim scholars to explore the sources of security on the basis of the individualistic and state-oriented approaches. To further the aforementioned researches, this article seeks to explain the Qur’anic and traditional foundations of the source of security in the security system of Islam on the basis of the two approaches mentioned above. Drawing upon analytical-inferential method and with regard to the theory of Barry Buzan’s political security, the Qur’anic and traditional statements concerning the three elements (representations) of political security have been deduced. The findings of this article, which are based on the constituents of the state-oriented approach to political theory, show that in the Holy Qur’Án and in Islamic traditions there are statements which propose positive and negative rules that provide evidence of the consolidation of three representations of the Islamic state as the source of political security which can be summarized as Islamic ideology, Islamic governmental institutions, Dar al-Islam, and countering or eliminating any threat to them.

The Islamic republic of Iran after Islamic revolution victory and consolidation of its sovereignty has emphasized on politically supporting the liberation movements and countries that are created inside the oppressed nations and the resistance of oppressed nations against oppressive regimes. Furthermore, Iran has spiritually supported Islamic resistance in Syria and before that supported Hezbollah and Hamas with his strategy. The purpose of this study is to examine "The role of the Saudi Arabia in the Syria's changes and its effect on the political security of the Islamic republic of Iran". In performing this role, in order to achieve the desired scientific results, the researcher has measured a total of 30 indicators by utilizing field research on the component of political security. The number of statistical samples in this study, which was obtained by utilizing the validation method, is 65 people. This paper, which is an example of a validation plan in terms of purpose, is applied research; In terms of level of analysis, it has a descriptive- analytical (validation) nature and in terms of approach and method classification, it relies on library methods and field studies. The validity of the measuring instrument, based on cronbach's alpha, was 0.948. According to the result obtained from the political component with an average rank of 4.42, it can be said that the Syria's changes, both negative and positive, on the one hand, endanger all national dimensions by creating political challenges and internal and external vulnerabilities and if left unchecked, reduce the coefficient of political security and, on the other hand, provide and create suitable opportunities for Iran that on the condition that they are optimally exploited and utilized, strengthen the national foundations and increase the political coefficient.

The concept of security, like other simple concepts, can lead to the formation of different "intellection" in the process of "understanding"; because it is historical and under different paradigms, it takes on different meanings. From this point of view, the birth of the concept of security in its classical sense can be considered as coinciding with the emergence of the political paradigm; A paradigm in which security was on a par with maintaining political order and the integrity of the nation-state. After that, the transition from the political paradigm to the economic paradigm of security took place; Above all, in the form of "social security", efforts to reduce class distance and increase social justice became the focus of security studies. From the end of the twentieth century onwards, we are witnessing the emergence of the cultural paradigm of security. This article argues that the transition to the cultural paradigm of security is a direct result of the late modernization that gave rise to new theories of security, the most important part of which is the theory of community security; Which puts the confidence of individuals and social groups in preserving their identity and values in the focus of security studies.

Regional security of Middle East from the beginning of formation in 1945-1948 till now have been facing with struggle in ethnic, regional and ideological issues in it. Although, this region’s pattern of relations has been enmity forever, but according to different security dimensions of Copenhagen school, different security sectors and balancing have been existing in this region. The main aim of this thesis is considering these differences before and after the formation of terrorism at 2001 in this region. Base on the hypothesis of this research, terrorism has changed the enmity pattern of relations from political-military to military-political. This transformation has caused that Islamic Republic of Iran try to strengthen its military power with hard balancing method. The methodology of this research is ‘clarification-explanation’. At first, some variables such as terrorism, enmity and amity pattern of relations, military and political security dimensions, balance of identity, and balance of power will be explained. Then the relation between the variables will be explain.

The strength of internal construction and political security are among the strategic issues of revolutionary countries. The main axis of legitimacy of the Iranian political system in the post-Islamic period has been formed based on the symptoms of political security. The political structure of Iran based on the Islamic Republic is a link between the participation of social groups based on the concepts and symptoms of religious thought. Accordingly, the main question of this article is what is the relationship between the level of political participation of the people in the strength of the internal construction of the national power of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The article hypothesis emphasizes that "institutionalized political security leads to the strengthening of the internal structure of national power."For scientific analysis of such concepts and variables, an attempt has been made to critique and process all data while using descriptive and analytical methods and using content analysis technique. The results of this study show that in order to strengthen the internal foundations of national power in the field of political security of the people, development of appropriate political space, selection of appropriate agents and conscious, free, wide and comprehensive presence of the people, the most effective and influential approach in strengthening internal construction The national power is the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The aim of this study is to investigate ways to achieve political security. This research has been done with the method of thematic interpretation and the verses have been extracted based on four axes: "direct words", "implicit and obligatory words", "opposite concepts" and "contextual and semantic implications". The results showed that the Holy Quran, in various cases, while referring to historical examples, considers the realization of political security of individuals in need of attention to the two indicators of "freedom" and "participation" and to ensure security in the field of freedom, to observe "freedom of thought" and "freedom". "Expression" and advises "consultation" and "choice" to ensure security in the field of partnership.

Among the issues necessary to properly set the security and freedom of every human society. However, little research has been done in this area. Views of Islamic thinkers about the security and freedom of expression in ways that are helpful in setting it over.This article tries to approach the Supreme Leader about the political security and political freedom won.The question that arises here is that political security relations and political freedom in thought leader, how?To answer this question, descriptive analysis and the theory of employment (Perceptions of Allameh Tabatabai) is used as a conceptual framework and tools reductio ad absurdum.One of the main findings of this paper is that political security and political freedom in thought leader, interaction rate, and correlation with and his convictions, rooted in the transcendent features in any of the security and freedom.Results of this study establish the scientific development on issues related to security and freedom, on legislation and resolve cases of interference in the political system applications.

One considerable challenge of Islamic countries is regarded as security, particularly political security. The question of the paper runs as: are feqhi teachings of such a capability needed for explaining and producing political security and giving a model of security? As is claimed and shown in the paper, Shiite feqh has given a particular weight to security of Islamic system, particularly to political security. One may find various feqhi statements on
the topic in different parts of feqh. These statements introduce the ways, agents and norms for producing and preparing political security of an Islamic system and opposing threats on the way. The paper, relying on the inferential and document-based method, has gathered and studied feqhi statements on the topic with special attention to Jawaher ul-Kalam and, using a mixed model taken from Barry Buzan`s theory of security, the five feqhi expediencies and usuli theory of designations, has surveyed and analyzed the view of Islam on political security of an Islamic system.