political thought

Saadi's position as a great poet who is one of the pillars of Persian culture and literature is not hidden from anyone. He is referred to as "Ferdowsi Second". Since Persian literature represents an important part of the history of Iranian thoughts, the present article aims to examine Saadi's political thought from the perspective of the characteristics and components of the political culture of those in power. Focus on dimensions of political culture (cognitive, evaluational, Affective) focusing on Saadi's works is the focus of this research. Saadi's attitudes, values, evaluation and feelings, which indicate his political culture and determine his orientation towards the political system and ruling elites of his time, can be traced in his works. From this point of view, an attempt has been made to understand the political culture of the ruling elite from Saadi's point of view. The results of the research show that the political culture of the ruling elites, from Saadi's point of view, has been reflected objectively and ideally in different forms of political insecurity, rationalism, justiceism, moderationism. It seems that these features are more prominent than the political culture of the ruling elites in Saadi's writings.The basis of this article is Saadi's generalizations based on Mohammad Ali Foroughi's correction. In this study, the main question is posed as follows: "How are the characteristics of the political culture of the ruling elites reflected in Saadi's political thought?" The following hypothesis is put forward in response: From Saadi's perspective, the political culture of the ruling elites has crystallized from a cognitive orientation perspective with negative characteristics such as a sense of political insecurity, and from an evaluative and emotional perspective with characteristics such as rationalism, justiceism, and moderationism. The current research was conducted with an interpretive approach and a qualitative method of content analysis, and data collection was conducted through library research.

Ayatollah Beheshti made a significant contribution to the drafting of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this article is to examine the position of the Constitution in Ayatollah Beheshti›s legal thought. By applying the analytical-historical method and emphasizing the position of general and fundamental rights in his thought, the authors try to show how he, using Quranic and narrational sources and political experiences, incorporated legal concepts into the chapters of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question of the research is expressed as follows: why did Ayatollah Beheshti go for such an idea of ​​establishing a political legal system and why did he accept the Constitution?The findings indicate that her unique intellectual system in the field of fundamental rights includes the specific characteristics of the constitution in her view, leadership and the people in the constitution, political sovereignty, supervision in the constitution, political development, economics in the constitution, Islamic economics, and economic justice.(feminine) It is also the specific approach of this Islamic thinker to the «imamate-ummah» system and, of course, the legitimate freedoms in the constitution that distinguish his view of the concept of the constitution from others.

Sayyid Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah is one of the most informed and active scholars of Lebanon in the contemporary era who, in addition to religious affairs, has theorized on political issues. The aim of the present study is to present his thoughts and opinions in the form of the four stages of the method of understanding Thomas Spriggans' political theories. This study has been analyzed and analyzed using a descriptive-analytical method. The result of this thinker's political study is based on the four principles of Spriggans' model in the following way: In the first and second stages of this method, Fadlallah answers the question of what he sees the Islamic society in and what its causes are in his opinion? In the third and fourth stages, he presents the characteristics of his ideal and desirable society and suggests solutions to achieve this desirable society. Research studies indicate that Fadlallah considers the most important problem of the Islamic society from the external aspects to be the hostility of colonialism and arrogance of the East and the West against the people, and from the internal aspects related to the sabotage of hypocritical powers and politicians. Among the characteristics of the ideal society he envisioned was Islam as a political and arrogant religion, and among the solutions he proposed in presenting the desired society were the theory of Hezbollah and basic culture.

The aim of the current research is to understand the views of Mohaghegh Sabzevari and Mohaghegh Karaki about "Government" by using the theoretical model of "goal-legitimacy" and using the "interpretive method". In the end of government department; Scholar Sabzevari suggests "public charity" with an emphasis on justice, and scholar Kirki proposes "elevation and expansion of Shia" as the goal of government. In the section on who is the ruler; Mohaghegh Sabzevari from the chapter of "observance of the laws of moderation" and Mohaghegh Karki from the chapter of "practical benefits for the expansion of Shiism" judge the functional legitimacy of the Safavid rulers. In the field of restrictions on the exercise of power: Mohaghegh Sabzevari emphasizes on "planning and law, the institution of the ministry, separation of powers, meritocracy and having secret agents" and Mohaghegh Kirki, by accepting responsibility and acknowledging that the Safavid rulers were appointed by them, is an important obstacle to prevent It has been from the oppression of the subjects and the abuse of religion to dominate the people. And in the area of the right to protest against the government: Mohaghegh Sabzevari and Mohaghegh Karki, by stopping the commandment of good and forbidding evil with the permission of the Safavid kings or due to the possibility of harm and prohibiting people from taking any practical action, they wanted people to be "negative activism" in killing and ruling with them. do not cooperate.

The aim of the current research is to understand the views of Mohaghegh Sabzevari and Mohaghegh Karaki about "Government" by using the theoretical model of "goal-legitimacy" and using the "interpretive method". In the end of government department; Scholar Sabzevari suggests "public charity" with an emphasis on justice, and scholar Kirki proposes "elevation and expansion of Shia" as the goal of government. In the section on who is the ruler; Mohaghegh Sabzevari from the chapter of "observance of the laws of moderation" and Mohaghegh Karki from the chapter of "practical benefits for the expansion of Shiism" judge the functional legitimacy of the Safavid rulers. In the field of restrictions on the exercise of power: Mohaghegh Sabzevari emphasizes on "planning and law, the institution of the ministry, separation of powers, meritocracy and having secret agents" and Mohaghegh Kirki, by accepting responsibility and acknowledging that the Safavid rulers were appointed by them, is an important obstacle to prevent It has been from the oppression of the subjects and the abuse of religion to dominate the people. And in the area of the right to protest against the government: Mohaghegh Sabzevari and Mohaghegh Karki, by stopping the commandment of good and forbidding evil with the permission of the Safavid kings or due to the possibility of harm and prohibiting people from taking any practical action, they wanted people to be "negative activism" in killing and ruling with them. Do not cooperate.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the place of people and social justice in the political thoughts of Shahid Thani and Imam Khomeini (RA). The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and it tries to answer the question that the political thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Shahid Thani are based on the private position of the people and social justice. There are many affinities between the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Martyr Thani, and sometimes there are also differences. The findings of the research show that the shared views of Martyr Thani and Imam Khomeini (RA) mainly focus on the establishment of Islamic government and, accordingly, religious democracy based on Islamic teachings and derived from the life of the Prophet of Islam and the infallible Imams. Politics in the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) is derived from Quranic teachings, traditions and is based on jurisprudence, principles, philosophy, theology, and mysticism. From the point of view of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Martyr Thani, true politics; It is the policy that was intended by the Prophets and the Infallible Prophets (peace be upon them). Political jurisprudence is a part of jurisprudence that is responsible for the politics and planning of Islamic society. Since Imam Khomeini's and Shahid Thani's political opinions and thoughts were not written down by themselves, extracting and explaining their intellectual foundations and theoretical bases in the field of politics has its own difficulties. Since Imam Khomeini's and Shahid Thani's political opinions and thoughts were not written down by themselves, extracting and explaining their intellectual foundations and theoretical bases in the field of politics has its own difficulties.Since Imam Khomeini's and Shahid Thani's political opinions and thoughts were not written down by themselves, extracting and explaining their intellectual foundations and theoretical bases in the field of politics has its own difficulties.

The purpose of writing this article is to criticize and review the political thought of constitutionalism by considering the external-political reforms of this movement. The method used in the research is Skinner’s Philosophical hermeneutics. The method allows the understanding of political texts by considering the external events. We tried, therefore, to analyze the political thought of constitutionalism in relation with the changes occurred in Tehran and Tabriz, in order to obtain a correct understanding of fluctuations in the political thought of constitutionalism, by interacting the events in both cities. This research aims to negate (disapprove) this negative notion about the political thought of constitutionalism, which has been evaluated a non-generating, passive, and confusing one. The research seeks to prove the political thought of constitutionalism as a relatively coherent, moving, generating, and considerable thought by reviewing the strategies provided by the constitutionalist leaders, particularly the clergymen. An idea that may have faded temporarily in the post-constitutional period. But in the following decades, the above thought was able to improve itself and show itself in the form of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. constitutional political thought, which was a legal, moderate, and conservative thought during the time of Muzaffaruddin Shah, changed its direction to a radical, fast, and revolutionary movement when Muhammad Ali Shah came to power.

The present writing is essentially an inquiry into the problems of the Naseri society, which also implicitly addresses certain general conditions prior to the Constitutional Revolution. The main issue at hand is the manner in which the intellectuals of that era engaged with the inhibiting traditions, typically articulated through innovative ideas. Mirza Malek Khan is among the intellectuals who manifested significant theoretical actions towards the end of the Naseri period and made considerable efforts to localize the principles of modernity. In exploring the essence of Malek Khan's political thought, this article employs a paradigmatic-semiotic narrative as its theoretical framework, focusing on five historical, foundational, normative, strategic-political, and practical significations to examine the rationale and nature of Malek Khan's ideas and statements in confronting the social, economic, cultural, religious, and political challenges of that time. The central question of this article pertains to how intellectuals of that era—particularly Mirza Malek Khan—conceived their thoughts and the extent of their success in advancing reformative objectives. This inquiry reveals that the endeavor for modern thought emerged both in opposition to and in interaction with tradition. In this context, even Mirza Malek Khan's religious ideas regarding modernity and their relationship with customary and religious traditions exhibit a dual and ambiguous state. At times, he was enamored with Western civilization, while at other times he emphasized establishing a connection and interaction between tradition and modernity. Perhaps it was also the dual political nature and economic benefits enjoyed by power holders at court that led Malek Khan to adopt greater conservatism and caution. In any case, we have utilized a semiotic-paradigmatic narrative as a framework to illuminate certain aspects of Malek Khan's political life through this methodology. The "semiotic-paradigmatic" narrative and its relation to this writing are elucidated within this theoretical framework as discussed.

Allama Iqbal is among the intellectuals whose political thought has influenced many thinkers and political movements in various countries, both during his lifetime and posthumously, particularly in Islamic countries. This article employs a descriptive-analytical approach to examine the impact of Allama Iqbal's political thought on the Jamiat-e-Islami (Islamic Society) and Harakat-e-Islami(Islamic Movement) of Afghanistan, two prominent Islamic-oriented parties in the country. The key aspects of Iqbal's political thought, including Islamic unity and awakening, anti-colonialism, independence, self-renewal, reform of religious and social thinking, and his utopia, have significantly influenced the recent political struggles of Muslim movements. By examining relevant texts and interviews with experts on the subject, it was explained that this influence was mostly through Iqbal's patriotic poems on the mentioned parties. Furthermore, it is revealed that the ideologues of these movements, namely Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ayatollah Mohseni, have been more influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought compared to others. Overall, the aforementioned parties were also influenced by Iqbal's political thought through their own ideologues. Allama Iqbal, a prominent poet and thinker of the East, is one of the leaders of the religious reform movement whose thoughts and poetry have significantly influenced the intellectual and political currents in various countries, particularly among Muslim nations. An examination of Iqbal's works reveals several focal points that collectively shape his political thought, analyzing both the crises and their causes, as well as the ideal society and the pathways to achieve it. Iqbal held a particular affection for Afghanistan, a sentiment notably linked to the country's independence, which was achieved during his time through the resistance of its people against British forces. He regarded Afghanistan's independence as auspicious for the future of Muslims in India, thus placing his hopes on this land. He had a special admiration for Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah (the kings of Afghanistan during Iqbal's era), which appears to stem from their roles in securing the country's independence during Amanullah Khan’s reign and Nadir Shah’s subsequent protection of it. Given Iqbal's connection with Afghanistan, his portrayal of this country, and his respect for its kings (Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah), along with his status as a leading figure in the religious reform movement whose ideas—especially his political thought—have influenced many Islamist movements, it is essential to explore the impact of Iqbal's thoughts on the political landscape of Afghanistan in a standalone article. Therefore, the primary question of this paper is: What is the influence of Allama Iqbal's political thought on political movements in Afghanistan (particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami)? This article employs a descriptive-analytical methodology. Initially, it describes, interprets, and analyzes existing data, followed by conclusions drawn from research questions. To conduct a thorough investigation of the topic, we first provide an overview of Allama Iqbal's political thought and subsequently examine its impact on Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami in Afghanistan. In gathering information, we first consulted Iqbal’s texts and poetry as well as other writings related to his political thought. Following this, we conducted an in-depth analysis of written works from Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami that pertain to this article’s subject matter, especially focusing on the works of ideologues from these movements, articles, and other published materials in newspapers and other publications associated with these parties. Additionally, interviews were conducted with several experts familiar with the political movements to understand better Iqbal's influence on them. Although most of Iqbal’s remaining works are poetic in nature, they all possess a political hue. Iqbal endeavored to address crises while proposing solutions within these works. In some instances, he describes the conditions of his time and society; in others, he articulates visions of an ideal society and pathways to achieve it. The foundation for this political thought lies within a pervasive crisis that has afflicted Muslim countries and deepened over time according to Iqbal’s perspective. Observing the plight of modern humanity and its challenges, particularly among Easterners—especially Muslims—and recognizing the multifaceted impacts of Western influence across various dimensions within Islamic lands underscored the urgent need for revitalization among people in both East and West. Factors such as atheism and secularism in the West and their impact on Eastern cultures, along with Muslims' lagging behind fundamental belief principles, inspired Iqbal’s formulation of his political ideas. To comprehend this description and Iqbal's proposed solutions to issues, some key themes in his political thought include: Unity and Islamic Awakening Iqbal's Perspective on the West Return to Self Revitalization of Religious Thought and Social Reform Iqbal's Ideal Society Considering these themes, Allama Iqbal's political thought has influenced various political movements in Afghanistan, particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami. The impact of Iqbal's ideas on Jamiat-e Islami is most evident in the thoughts of Burhanuddin Rabbani, who led this movement for at least four decades. Rabbani was familiar with Iqbal and frequently referenced him in his speeches. For instance, during a speech regarding Kashmir's situation, he repeatedly addressed Iqbal directly and cited his poetry. Other prominent leaders within Jamiat-e Islami were also influenced by Allama Iqbal; for example, Ahmad Shah Massoud—national hero—had an affinity for poetry and occasionally recited Iqbal’s verses; similarly, Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim expressed particular admiration for Iqbal’s poetry and ideas. Furthermore, manifestations of Allama Iqbal's political thought can be observed in publications associated with Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan, especially during periods of jihad and resistance. The publication of Iqbal’s heroic poetry in this party's journals undoubtedly served to bolster the morale of Mujahideen fighters while fostering unity among Afghan people as well as instilling an anti-colonial spirit among readers. The political ideas expressed by Allama Iqbal have also influenced poets within this movement; for instance, Mustamand—a poet associated with this group—prefers Iqbal above all others, noting that he was a poet for Islam whose verses were dedicated to awakening Muslims worldwide. Writers, scholars, and senior members of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan consider the influence of Allama Iqbal’s political thought on their movement both natural and commendable. They believe that Jamiat-e Islami has benefited more than any other group from Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry—especially during periods of jihad and resistance—drawing upon themes such as unity and awakening among Muslims as well as anti-colonialism. Similarly, Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—the first Shia Islamist party that played a significant role during the Afghan people's jihad against communist rule—has also been influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought. This movement was led by Ayatollah Mohseni—a distinguished Islamic scholar known for advocating unity among different sects within Islam—who was respected by Afghan people for his calls for unity and reconciliation among various Islamic sects. Although traces of Allama Iqbal’s political thought are evident within sections of Harakat-e Islami's manifesto—such as establishing an Islamic justice system based on Quranic laws combined with reason; rejecting colonial dependency; striving for Muslim unity; creating a powerful Islamic presence globally—this influence can also be observed through publications affiliated with this party during periods of jihad where various articles referenced Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry. Ayatollah Mohseni frequently cited Allama Iqbal’s ideas within his speeches and writings that conveyed messages about awakening, unity against foreign oppression, independence-seeking efforts alongside self-improvement initiatives aimed at societal reform. He acknowledged Western civilization as materially advanced while permitting its utilization but regarded Muslims as superior concerning philosophical foundations and ethical principles—a view shared by Allama Iqbal himself. The ideologue behind Harakat-e Islami (Ayatollah Mohseni) similarly identified excessive mysticism as one factor contributing to Muslim backwardness while emphasizing self-returning efforts towards societal reform akin to those advocated by Allama Iqbal—including equal rights for women. Overall, Allama Iqbal's political thought has profoundly impacted both Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—particularly during periods marked by jihad and resistance—primarily through his heroic poetry that continues to resonate deeply within these movements.

Since the Arab societies' encounter with Western life and thought and related categories, especially " customization" and "secularism", Each of the different intellectual and political currents and discourses has attempted to provide a suitable response to the seemingly insoluble issues of tradition and modernity in a worthy manner. In this regard, the question has been evaluated as to whether, what are the reactions and responses of intellectuals and actors of the later generations of the Arab world (2007 to December 2024) especially in the Mu'tazilite reformist movements and later nationalism towards the conceptual curve of the West and what are the two effective concepts of secularism and secularization? to the curve of (developmental) political and economic achievements of the West, especially with regard to the two influential concepts of secularism and customization? In the analysis, the authors emphasized the assumption that, later Arab intellectuals - especially in the two reformist Mu'tazilite and later nationalist movements - were influenced by numerous changes and new issues, they have provided a variety of responses and reactions, which have ultimately led to the relative consolidation of secularization and secularism compared to previous decades. The research findings indicate that, New Arab activists, by confronting traditional problems, they have been relatively successful in institutionalizing the development-oriented values of Western thought in politics and society, and have channeled customization and secularism through paths such as rethinking tradition and modernity and Arab nationalism

Every government needs authority in addition to force and power for its survival. Legitimacy is the guarantor of the government's authority and legitimizes the right to command and forbid the rulers and the necessity of obeying them. Relying solely on military power, without the support of legitimacy, is not possible in the long term. The political systems that rule Iran have also relied on the support of legitimacy and have relied on reasons to legitimize and justify their rule and rule. This article seeks to analyze the developments of legitimacy, find its turning points and the similarities and differences in the perception of legitimacy in Iranian governments from the Achaemenid Empire to the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, by referring to historical documents and using the method of qualitative content analysis, the main changes in the legitimacy of the political system and its ups and downs in Iran from the ancient period until now will be expressed. In the end, it becomes clear that the governments ruling Iran from the ancient times to the Islamic revolution - except for the Pahlavi dynasty - have relied on the divine theory of legitimacy, and despite all their differences, they have this in common.

Discourse creation involves directing public opinion toward a specific concept, which is essential for implementing ideas and concepts effectively. Despite efforts by academic and cultural institutions, there remains an inadequate level of discourse creation for valuable ideas and concepts, primarily due to the lack of an appropriate discourse model. Thus, examining the views of authentic Islamic thinkers is highly significant. This study, using a descriptive-analytical approach and Sterling’s thematic analysis method, seeks to establish a discourse model based on Ayatollah Khamenei’s statements on discourse creation. According to the study's findings, Ayatollah Khamenei’s discourse model views discourse as the process of a concept becoming prevalent in society and public opinion aligning with it. To realize this, key figures—including intellectuals, scholars, poets, writers, officials, artists, students, seminarians, and the national broadcasting network—are designated to foster discourse around socially relevant issues and discourse-ready concepts. They achieve this by meeting specific criteria (thought, repetition, clarification, and modeling) through TV programs, writing, free-thinking forums, promotion, poetry, artistic works, and the resources of various state institutions. Such a discourse is expected to yield outcomes like national progress, problem-solving, facilitating public affairs, increasing the motivation to serve, activating executives, translating ideas into action, generating public approval, fostering individual growth, and enhancing the sense of responsibility.

One fundamental inquiry in political and legal discourse revolves around the essence of government, its duties, and the extent of its responsibilities. Throughout history, this question has been posed in various forms, evolving with the demands of different eras and civilizations. Particularly during the Iranian Constitutional Movement, the issue gained significant traction, prompting rigorous debate among intellectuals and scholars. This study delves into governmental obligations through the lens of a Constitutional Shiite jurist of that era, Muhammad Ismaʿil Gharavi Mahallati. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, the research examines Mahallati's perspectives on various forms of monarchy, governmental obligations as outlined by figures such as Khorasani and Naini, and specifically, governmental duties according to Mahallati himself. It concludes that Mahallati espouses the principles of Constitutionalism, which advocate for the limitation of absolute power. He delineates seven primary obligations of government: tax collection, provision of military forces, maintenance of domestic security, judicial responsibilities, promotion of public welfare and utilities, safeguarding borders, and support for expatriate Iranians. Furthermore, the study elucidates Mahallati's proposed solutions after explicating his stance on these seven obligations.

Worldview is a necessary introduction for the correct understanding of any epistemic system and a basic basis for drawing the ideal perspective of knowledge. Political thought has a decisive position in the governance of political systems and political thinkers have a prominent role in achieving a desirable future. Also, drawing the position and position of political thought is directly related to the efficiency of governance of any political system. In this regard, knowing the worldview of political thought in the framework and period of the rule of the Islamic Republic of Iran, can help to draw a solid position and a clear horizon for this knowledge in accordance with the needs of the Iranian-Islamic ecosystem. This research tries to make use of the interdisciplinary knowledge of futurist studies by relying on the perspective drawing method, to determine the central worldview of political thought based on the top documents of the governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to build a bridge from the field of political thought to the future-oriented policy making of political thought and the way to achieve to smooth the progress level pattern. Based on this research, the central worldview of political thought emphasizes the unbreakable link with monotheistic religion and Islamic Sharia, and it has been seen in conjunction with Shia political jurisprudence and benefiting from human reason and knowledge

There have been longstanding theoretical differences among Iranian thinkers regarding the relationship between Islam and democracy or republicanism and Islamism. Given Imam Khomeini’s pivotal role in the dominant discourse, this research is an attempt to study the reading and narratives of Iranian researchers of Imam Khomeini’s thought.  In the first place, this will help us find out what narratives are there about the relationship between republicanism and Islamism in Imam Khomeini’s thought; and, secondly it will be useful in finding out the weight of these narratives, which will show which narrative is the dominant one. Employing documental method in studying the findings of the works of Persian researchers inside Iran, attempts have been made to provide answer to the research questions. The findings of this research indicate that there are four narratives about this relationship: The researches arguing that Imam Khomeini had an instrumental approach to republicanism; the researches arguing that Imam’s approach to republicanism was an important and original part of his thought; the researches arguing that Imam’s approach to republicanism was based on the imperatives of time and was an inevitable principle; and the researches that lay emphasis on the legality of the idea of republicanism in Imam’s thought. However, the second approach is the dominant one. Hence, it seems that the understanding of the academic community of Imam’s thought is that of originality of the idea of republicanism in Imam’s thought. Moreover, according to this, there is no essential contradiction between republicanism and Islamism, rather each should take its proper place and analyzed from the same perspective.

Historiography in political thought, in addition to looking at the historical and political context of the period of thought formation, also identifies and examines the dominant linguistic paradigm of that period. Along with Quentin Skinner and John Don, he is one of the founders of the Cambridge School of Methodology of Political Thought, which, despite Skinner's introduction in Iran, has neglected John Pocock's methodology. According to John Pacock's method of historiography, in order to study political thought, one must place the texts of political thought in their historical context, and on the other hand, the linguistic analysis of these texts as part of a paradigm or action of speech. Characteristic features of Historiography methodology are: historical context on the one hand and language, action, discourse and paradigm on the other. This method is opposed to text-based methodology. Following the publication of Pocock's work and his research on seventeenth-century British political thought, we are witnessing the discovery of a kind of Republican tradition that has challenged the tradition of liberalism in recent decades.

Qawānīn al-wizāra (Laws of the Vizierate) is a seminal work authored by Abū al-Ḥasan al-Māwardī (d. 450 AH), a distinguished Muslim scholar renowned for his expertise in hadith and political theory during the fifth century AH. This book delineates the responsibilities and conduct expected of viziers, while also elucidating the administrative structure of the vizierate system. Al-Māwardī's incorporation of both adaptation of Prophetic hadiths and direct or external intertextuality in relation to them, particularly in the form of citing Prophet Muhammad's sayings, significantly enriched the qualitative substance of this work. This study employs a methodological approach blending library research with analytic-descriptive techniques. It centers on identifying shared themes or cohesive nodes between the adapted hadiths and the content of Laws of the Vizierate, thereby examining the role of Prophetic hadiths in shaping al-Māwardī’s political thought in this treatise. Through thematic analysis of the text of Laws of the Vizierate and its intertextual references to hadiths, we discern the interconnectedness between them, revealing shared conceptual categories that emanate from al-Māwardī’s political ideology. This facilitates an exploration of his objective in reconciling the text with its intertextuality. The research findings indicate that al-Māwardī, in his endeavor to provide guidance and counsel for governmental officials, not only drew upon their behavioral patterns but also extensively utilized Prophetic hadiths across various themes addressed in Laws of the Vizierate, including the structural prerequisites for effective governance and the foundational principles of society. This strategic integration served to enhance the authority of his political prescriptions. Furthermore, al-Māwardī skillfully employed the thematic diversity of hadiths to enrich the discourse on governance through the power of literary communication.

A reflection on the political thought of Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Ali ArakiAbstract :Considering the nature of Islam's religion , Islamic thinkers in general and especially Shi’a jurists have addressed the field of politics and more or less focused on the issues of " government " and " guardianship of the jurist ( Wilāyat al – Faqīh ) " in their discussions . The examination of the political views of Mohammad Ali Araki due to his very close relationship with Ayatollah Sheikh Abdul Karim Haeri , his long life of more than a century , and his witnessing of important events such as the establishment of the institution of religious teaching and guidance ( Ḥawza - ye ʿelmiya ) in Qom , the first and second Pahlavi eras , and the Islamic Revolution , is of special importance and helps to clarify the historical course of Shi’a political thoughts . This article is of the " descriptive – analytical " type , and in it , by relying on written sources and reliable websites to obtain information , the sources are described and analyzed , and the views and political positions of Ayatollah Araki are explained . By organizing the political issues raised by Ayatollah Araki along with the political positions , it is possible to achieve the structure of his political thinking and action , and in this regard , the purpose of the research is to show his cataphatic view of the field of politics , despite his narrow view of the scope of guardianship of the jurist ( Wilāyat al –Faqīh ) , and clarify the wrong thinking concerning the conflict between the two .