politics

The use of artificial intelligence in the military industry by the Zionist regime has played a very prominent role in increasing its defense and military capabilities. This technology, by reducing the dependence on human power and increasing the accuracy and speed of reactions, helps them to carry out accurate and destructive attacks with the least physical presence in the field and reduce the risk of life for their forces.These innovations, in the context of the strategic vision of the Zionist regime, show that this regime is not only aware of the military opportunities resulting from the development of artificial intelligence but also seeks to identify possible future threats and deal with them. In this research, by referring to the documents published by the Zionist regime, its view on the indicators of the nature of the future of the war will be counted from side to side of the declaration texts. For this purpose, the relevant documents were examined by the method of qualitative content analysis, and the research was compiled.

The research method is based on the type of analytical-explanatory research, the type of applied goal, and the type of qualitative data. In this research, to review and analyze the data, the method of qualitative content analysis has been used. Qualitative content analysis, by focusing on understanding the meaning and structure of textual content, helps researchers to identify and analyze the patterns, themes, and concepts hidden in the data.In this process, first, the data were collected and entered into the MaxQD software in appropriate formats. Then, the relevant parts of the text were coded to identify key topics and concepts. These codes are organized hierarchically to show the structure and relationships between the data more clearly. In the next step, recurring patterns and themes were identified and relationships between codes were analyzed. Finally, the data interpretation was done to extract the results of the analysis and the findings were presented in a way that is in line with the main objectives of the research.

To analyze the effects of artificial intelligence on the future of wars, Carl von Clausewitz's theories about the nature of war were used. Based on these theories, the key indicators of the nature of war including violence, chance and probability, and the political nature of war were selected as the main criteria as follows.1- The political dimension of warFrom the point of view of the strategic documents of the Zionist regime, artificial intelligence can increase the political nature of war in the sense that war is the continuation of politics with other means. Israel's AI strategy is focused on strengthening long-term leadership in this field, applying AI for social and economic gains, and aligning with international approaches. The strategy also emphasizes the widespread use of artificial intelligence in the government and defense sectors and strong financial support for the development of this technology, indicating a desire to exploit artificial intelligence as a powerful tool in the realization of political goals. In addition, the codes that refer to multilateral cooperation, regulation consistent with international frameworks, and the use of artificial intelligence in decision-making and policy-making processes, show that the Zionist regime seeks to increase its political efficiency and flexibility through artificial intelligence.2- The dimension of luck and the possibility of warBased on the presented codes, it seems that from the point of view of the national documents of the Zionist regime, artificial intelligence can simultaneously increase and decrease the chance and probability of war; It depends on the type of use, transparency in decision-making and the regulatory environment. While AI can reduce human error by reducing human biases and improving decision-making accuracy, lack of transparency, vulnerability to technical failures, and lack of proper oversight can increase the chance of unexpected and unwanted events in war.3- The dimension of war violence From the point of view of the national documents of the Zionist regime, artificial intelligence can significantly affect the violence of war. These impacts can include increased risks and violence due to a lack of transparency, technical vulnerabilities, and arms race.

The Zionist regime, by focusing on the development of artificial intelligence, seeks to strengthen its strategic and military position. In the analysis of the effect of artificial intelligence on war violence, it can be seen that the Zionist regime has developed and exploited artificial intelligence technologies to increase war violence and improve accuracy in military operations. Artificial intelligence can help reduce the randomness and unpredictability of violence by providing advanced tools to analyze data and predict war scenarios. However, there are also challenges such as the possibility of algorithmic discrimination, security vulnerabilities, and the need for effective human supervision, which can lead to the occurrence of unwanted violence or increase its level. Regarding the index of chance and probability, artificial intelligence has two effects. On the one hand, this technology can reduce the probability of wars and facilitate crisis management by improving analysis and forecasting capabilities. On the other hand, the advanced capabilities of artificial intelligence and military capabilities may lead to new and more complex conflicts. Therefore, the impact of artificial intelligence on the chances and probability of wars depends on how it is used and the controls applied to this technology. In the context of the politicization of war, artificial intelligence significantly affects military policies and strategies. By exploiting the capabilities of artificial intelligence, the Zionist regime seeks to strengthen its decision-making power and improve strategic analysis. Artificial intelligence, as a tool for predicting and analyzing political and military complexities, can lead to strengthening the military power and political influence of the Zionist regime.Of course, investigating the effects of artificial intelligence on other aspects of warfare, including international interactions and changes in military strategies and policies, are important issues that require more attention and research.

Merleau-Ponty seeks to unify the body and the world, meaning that the body itself is both subject and object. The body and the world function within each other, making their existence interdependent. Merleau-Ponty defines the body as more than just a given fact. For him, the world of perception is not merely the world of natural objects but includes paintings, musical pieces, films, books, and all things that Germans referred to as the "world of culture." Merleau-Ponty interprets our relationship with the world as a kind of dialogue, where the first-person lived body aligns with lived experience. Given the intertwining of body and world in Merleau-Ponty’s definition, this relationship has implications for politics and art. Thought connects with existence because it relates to itself. Thought is a movement that discovers its meanings through engaging with inherited historical conditions. Merleau-Ponty sees politics not merely as an instrument of power or a mechanism for societal governance but as an essential part of human existence, where the meaning of life and human interactions is redefined. From his perspective, politics is a dynamic, historical, and embodied process rooted in lived experience. It appears that Merleau-Ponty’s conception of the entanglement of body and world has influenced politics and art. The question this research seeks to answer is: How does the phenomenology of perception and embodiment relate to the formation of art and politics in Merleau-Ponty’s framework?

The political arena cannot be imagined without conflicts in which enmity is created, and which perpetuates the presence of the enemy in this arena. The internal connection between politics and enmity is very prominent in Carl Schmitt's thought, and examining how the keyword enemy appears in his thought is of great importance. This importance is due to the concept of enemy being at the center of Schmitt's thought, and the issues he raises in relation to this concept. The present article, focusing on contextual and meta-textual foundations, re-reads Schmitt's thoughts in order to gain an understanding of Schmitt's thought in the context of his works and under the concept of enemy. The question of what processes caused the concept of enemy to be at the center of Schmitt's thought, and what goals he pursued, is the focus of the discussions that will be addressed using Skinner's method.

Skinner's intentional hermeneutic method considers the text as a speech act of the author with a specific purpose, and considers its understanding to require attention to the text and the context of its formation in two areas: political and intellectual geography. Skinner establishes a link between the text, the context, and the author, and emphasizes the role of the author's agency and the communicative aspect of the text. In addition to the meaning they convey, he considers texts to have a latent power that shapes speech acts, and understanding them paves the way to achieving the author's purpose. The application of this method is pursued by placing Schmitt's works in the context of the political and intellectual geography surrounding him, and understanding speech acts.

Liberal thoughts and Weimar Republic are considered the most important hyper-textual variables affecting Schmitt's thought in the two areas of intellectual and political geography. Schmitt considers the crises of the Weimar Republic and the authoritarian governments of this period to be the result of following liberal thoughts and the idea of political romanticism, which is politically neutral and passive in taking a position, while in his opinion, the most important source of political life is based on the principle of what is normal and right. By defining the boundary of the concept of sovereignty in a state of exception, he considers the purest state of exception in the face of the enemy, and the significant moments of politics to coincide with the moments when the enemy is identified with objective clarity as the enemy. The state of exception also provides the conditions in which the state is placed above the law, and Schmitt's goal in line with the authority of the state is achieved. The distinction between friend and enemy as a criterion of The political is considered the peak of the emergence of the concept of enemy in Schmitt's thought. In a clear contrast to liberalism, Schmitt rejects the search for a neutral, conflict-free space where rational understanding and consensus can be achieved through dialogue, as it conflicts with the logic of politics, and sees the outcome of the above process as temporary compromises.

Politics is the arena of contradictions in which enmities are created, developed, and sustained. Understanding and why a wide range of political events occur is possible only under the concept of the enemy and the relations of enmity and friendship. The distinction between friends and enemies is the basis that shapes and gives meaning to the behavior of political actors. The permanent possibility of battle as the ultimate limit of political enmity depends on the concept of the enemy, and this fact is vital for understanding politics.

The pattern of economic policy making in Iran has faced significant challenges during the past few decades. Iran's economy has been exposed to important events such as the 1357 revolution, the eight-year war with Iraq, fluctuations in global oil prices, sanctions and government control over major parts of the economy, and the key variable policies of macroeconomics have changed significantly. The purpose of this article is to analyze Iran's economic policy modelEconomic policy has a heuristic and planning-based normative nature. Each of the mentioned components makes it possible to understand the structure of the occurrence of phenomena and how they relate to each other. The main question of the research is that how can the model of economic policy in the  Iran be explained? This research uses a qualitative research approach to analyze and evaluate the pattern of economic investment in Iran.The present hypothesis states that the economic policy making in the Islamic Republic of Iran is based on the approach of a one-step reactive model based on the progressive directive policy, the lack of comprehensive strategy and neglecting the      organizational perspective can be analyzed and evaluated from the perspective of public policy teachings

Justice has been one of the most precious values ​​known in the fundamental concepts in the history of thought and social and political theory. Saadi considers Adl to represent a healthy society that does not focus on a specific group, but rather on all social strata and classes. In such an age, Saadi is the flag bearer of a school in which he has expressed peace, justice, order, benevolence and truthfulness of service on one side and hatred, malice, injustice, disorder and escape from human rules on the other side. He places justice as the middle ground between the government and the people, and considers the behavior of rulers to be the axis of justice. He has expressed the characteristics of a just ruler as the main pillar of an ideal society in justice. Saadi emphasizes worldly and religious affairs, has a reformist attitude and relies on religious teachings to achieve a superior model of lawful government. Saadi considered the indicators of the concept of optimal justice as the virtue of rulers and considered justice between the people and the government. In order to establish a desirable society in Golestan, Saadi devotes a chapter to the biography of the kings, and in Bostan, he recounts the issue of justice, planning, and voting as one of the most important political ideas. Golestan has written a view of the real society and Bostan has written a view of the ideal society. This article examines the place of justice and good governance in Saadi's works. The research method of this article is a descriptive-analytical method and the collection of sources and documents is a library.

Power is one of the fundamental goals of political parties, and it seems impossible to separate power from parties; however, the position of partisanship in the process of gaining power between the Islamic and secular systems is fundamentally different. For this reason, the present study aims to compare the position of partisanship in the Islamic and secular systems using a comparative method, and analyze the similarities and differences between the two in terms of structure, goals, and the process of competition. The findings of the study indicate that although attention to parties, emphasis on a common ideology, and the exercise and implementation of power are among their common aspects, the power of parties in the Islamic system, unlike the secular system, has no intrinsic value; therefore, in the process of gaining power and competition, they do not adhere to any method, and the goals of servitude, human development, and public interests set aside party interests. If democracy is the foundation of secular parties, at the same time, religious democracy and the system of guardianship of the jurist increase the strength of the party in the Islamic system, and the party finds meaning under the umbrella of guardianship of the jurist.

Foreign policy should be considered as an area of government policies that is in line with the domestic policy of the country. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has also been based on this principle in the period after the victory of the Islamic Revolution and has experienced various discourses in accordance with the preferred political discourse inside the country. In this article, Hassan Rouhani's foreign policy as the president of the 11th and 12th governments has been examined. The main question is: What are the characteristics of Hassan Rouhani's foreign policy and what results has it achieved? As a hypothesis, it can be answered as follows that Rouhani's foreign policy is based on “constructive interaction with the world”, “a stronger region instead of the strongest region” and “a world free of violence and extremism” and has been formed with the aim of solving the obstacles to the country's economic growth and development – such as nuclear sanctions. But due to internal and external factors, he could not go beyond the agenda of solving the nuclear issue and pursue other goals. The present article used the descriptive-analytical method and collected its data using a library method.

This study examines the role of Imam Khomeini's mystical perspectives in defining the position and level of participation for Muslim women in political and social arenas. Adhering to Islamic jurisprudence and principles, Imam Khomeini acknowledged women’s right to engage in societal and political activities, considering this involvement, in many cases, as a necessity dictated by the demands of the time. While emphasizing the significant role of women in the revolution and society, he believed that women could actively participate in political and social fields; however, this should not overshadow or diminish their primary role in nurturing the Islamic community. From Imam Khomeini’s viewpoint, women’s social presence does not conflict with their role within the family. Islam, while underscoring the importance of women’s role in family life, also values and acknowledges their societal activities as meaningful and influential. However, there remain differing opinions among scholars regarding women’s eligibility for political participation and leadership in governance. As the founder of the Islamic government, Imam Khomeini stressed the importance of contextual factors, including time and place, in implementing Islamic rulings, highlighting the need to reconsider women’s social and political roles within the Islamic society. This research uses an analytical approach, drawing on resources such as the Quran, articles, and Imam Khomeini’s "Sahifeh" to explore the necessity of Muslim women’s political and social participation. It sheds light on the importance of Imam Khomeini’s mystical views in redefining this issue for contemporary Islamic society.

Political marketing, as an interdisciplinary science, seeks new ways to understand and manage modern policies, emphasizing the analysis of voter behavior, political organizations, and governments to guide public opinion in influencing people's votes and maximizing political participation in political competitions, especially elections. This research employs a qualitative method based on grounded theory, conducting semi-structured in-depth interviews with 21 political elites and experts based in Tehran using snowball sampling until theoretical saturation is reached. The study initially seeks to answer the question of how individuals, parties, and political movements can maximize their vote share and consistently succeed in electoral competitions, emphasizing which components. The findings indicate that the research model comprises 14 dimensions, 31 components, and 81 effective indicators, structured within a paradigmatic model that includes two causal condition variables, three contextual condition variables, two core category variables, three strategic variables, two intervening variables, and two outcome variables.

Modern Islamic civilization-building is a concept in contemporary times aimed at revitalizing Islamic civilization based on Islamic teachings. The Islamic Revolution of Iran can be seen as a practical step towards achieving this goal. One of the founders and intellectual pillars of this revolution is Ayatollah Beheshti. However, his ideas regarding modern Islamic civilization-building have yet to be thoroughly examined and analyzed. This study seeks to answer the question of how he, as a prominent political and religious figure, viewed modern Islamic civilization and what elements and characteristics his thoughts contained in relation to civilization-building.The research findings indicate that although Martyr Beheshti did not explicitly state opinions about civilization, there are meaningful connections between his thoughts and actions and the components of civilization-building, based on his surviving scholarly works and revolutionary activities. In the theoretical dimension, based on his philosophical studies, he advocated for a philosophical explanation of monotheistic politics and focused on the political thought of governance in Islam and its examples from the political aspect of modern Islamic civilization-building.In the jurisprudential dimension, Martyr Beheshti’s primary efforts were focused on the jurisprudential explanation of the principle of the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist (Wilayat al-Faqih) as the ultimate theory of Shiite governance in the era of occultation. Practically, Martyr Beheshti was a pioneer of Islamic civilization-building from a political perspective during his lifetime, establishing civil institutions within the Islamic system and implementing Islamic political jurisprudence in society.

Ferdid and Sayyid Qutb were prominent Islamic thinkers whose ideas have had a significant impact on the political landscape of their respective countries and even the Islamic world. In this context, this article examines the influence of their political thought on shaping society and politics in the development of political Islam. This research utilizes a comparative analysis framework, employing Skinner’s hermeneutic method, and analyzes their writings and speeches to explore how their thoughts have shaped ideologies and political movements in Iran and Egypt and the effectiveness of these influences on the broader social and political development of the two countries. The findings of this research indicate that the ideas of these two thinkers have contributed to the formation of radical political Islamism, ideological narratives of religion and tradition, transitioning into the public and political spheres, and manifesting in the creation of radical political movements and a cultural policy based on intolerance and rejecting Western ideas in favor of a more traditional and conservative approach. These results suggest that despite the differences in the ideological foundations and political-social conditions of the two thinkers, their arguments follow a fundamentally similar structure that intersects in their insistence on the role of religion in shaping society and politics in the development of political Islam.

What and the nature of the military-industrial complex, how they are formed and internationalized, the relationship between the military-industrial complex and the surrounding crises in the resurgence of the military-industrial complex and its impact on Trump's security policies between 2016 and 2020 are things that They are discussed in the present article. The main question is, what role did military-industrial complexes play in Trump's security policies between 2016 and 2020? The hypothesis of this research, which is descriptive-analytical based on a systematic review method with the analysis of Trump's behavior based on the approach of security theories, shows that military-industrial complexes as an identity-giving and legitimizing element of strategic and security policies has pushed Trump towards non-participatory unilateralism between 2016 and 2020. The data of this research shows that the main ground for the formation of military-industrial complexes is "security fear" or the belief in military security vulnerability. In other words, the main reason for the formation of these complexes is the response to surrounding security challenges.

Politics and politicians are among the most widely used words in the world, and each political school has a definition of them. The best source for understanding the precise concept and structure of politics is the Holy Quran and the Sunnah of the Infallibles. The aim of this research is to revive and explain this religious politics. In this article, politics was expressed in terms of words and in terms of liberalism and Marxism, and then Islamic hadith politics was presented through hadith studies in a descriptive-analytical manner. The definition of politics and its characteristics were inferred from religious sacred texts, and the best politicians in the Islamic world were shown to the general public. According to hadiths, there is no deceit, fraud, lies, oppression, and violence in Islamic politics. These are the characteristics of satanic politics and are alien to religiously revealed politics.

Today, one of the main concerns of experts and people, due to the speed of technological progress and its availability, is the consequences of the expansion of artificial intelligence in the social-political fields. The experience of the last decade, which coincided with the emergence of social networks and virtual platforms, shows that as much as the developments in the field of technology and media, political-social developments and transformations are also accelerated and affected by them. So that between the holding of one election and the next, the political and social environment has completely changed, and the need to recognize the factors and variables affecting it is felt. In the upcoming research, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using library sources, documents and valid surveys, the effects of artificial intelligence in the political-social arena have been analyzed. It has also been tried to provide a conceptual tool for studying artificial intelligence in a complex multi-level environment. Evaluating and determining the strengths and weaknesses of this process is different by considering the specific political and social attitudes of each society; But what is certain is that the application and speed of spreading these tools has made the world of politics and social life more complicated than in the past, coupled with uncertainty and facing a vague outlook.

Politics feeds from various sources, among which the philosophy of history has always been considered one of the most important sources. The present study aims to address the question of how the philosophy of ancient Iranian history determines politics in the Iranian urban thought. In fact, understanding what and how the philosophy of ancient Iran's history influences the political thought of Iranshahri is the main problem of the present research.

In order to answer the main question, the present research aims to examine the texts in which the theoretical foundations of ancient Iran are reflected. Such texts are either from the sources of the primary texts of ancient Iran or from the sources of secondary analyzes made from them. In this case, the main problem is to understand or evaluate the understandings made from such texts. For this reason, the text-based interpretation method is used, which is in the range of hermeneutic methods.Results and discutions: Iranshahri's philosophy of history can be divided and analyzed into four parts: the beginning of existence, the driving engine of history, the course of history, and the end of history. The findings of the present research show that the conflict in the past started from the conflict of Hormuzd and Ahriman and it is manifested in different levels of history, which is also formed in the earthly politics in the same framework. Time is considered as a trick of Zervan to defend the kingdom of the world from Ahriman, the driving factor of Iranshahri history, which the course of history and the passage of time increases the power of Hormuzd and his forces and destroys the reign of Ahriman. Politics in Gitti is based on the first conflict and is controlled by time, which is influenced by the initial agreement of Zarvan. Every action has a deadline that cannot be violated. Therefore, time acquires a completely political character. Time goes beyond the passive container of events and becomes a determinative activity that creates the stages of history.

In Iranshahri's thought, the philosophy of history is the basis governing all other intellectual principles, and the order of all spheres of political and social life is affected by it. Basically, with the historical determinism that exists in the nature of this thought, political and social life is determined by relying on it. In this field, "time" is a compelling factor and the main carrier of events throughout history, and man is the only actor whose role-playing has been used in the framework of an eternal play. This is the time that has a political character and plays the main role in advancing the battle between Ahuraians and demons. It is the duality of being Ahurai/demon that casts a shadow over everything, left no tolerance in between and made human life only a path for struggle. The constant battle between good and evil is such that it becomes the main driving factor of history. The political affairs of Iranshahri have also been caught in the framework of these dualities and forced to create an irreconcilable situation for the world of Iranshahri, and according to this, in Iranshahri's thought, man lives in a "political situation"; A situation that has always put humans on one side of these two and they are always facing otherness. The philosophy of history has also determined the turning points and fundamental moments of change in the world. Here, politics is not the result of the complete will of rulers and actors, but the result of the will of time, which is realized.

The condition of man and his utopia in schools of thought have been accompanied by various descriptions and then different prescriptions. It can be said that "Hayat-e-tayebeh" is the most important imaginary inspired by the Holy Qur'an about happiness and good situation  .The preliminary review of the research background shows the use of different narrative and rational approaches in these studies. For a deep analysis of Hayat-e-tayebeh, it is necessary to study this diverse range. This article, with the aim of  Qualitative meta-analysis of political researches related to Hayat-e-tayebeh from 2011 to 2021, investigates and explains the strengths and weaknesses of these studies. These researches are examined at three theoretical, methodological and consequential levels based on the meta-analysis method. The main goal of this research is the diagnostic study of the state of scientific production of these articles and the summation and synthesis of these researches with a political approach to achieve a relatively more comprehensive picture. Predominance of narrative (historical) method, generalization, abstractness and lack of diversity in the research method have been the main shortcomings of political studies of this concept. Also, most of the articles were related to the question of what is Hayat-e-tayebeh, and the question of how it is, was less raised; Therefore, these researches are mostly at the level of theory testing and do not enter into theorizing. Based on the findings, it is possible to present a semantic structure based on three pillars of individual, social and political of Hayat-e-tayebeh.  This semantic structure is a simplified plan that defines the basic lines of an abstract set and the relationships between them; This plan goes beyond the level of thought and abstraction and to some extent enters the field of principles and practical values.

The present research aims to critically examine the modern thoughts and interpretations of Abdolkarim Soroush and Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd regarding the relationship between religion and politics, democracy, and human rights. The main question of the research is: how do Soroush and Abu Zayd challenge and critique traditional religious interpretations in these areas? This study is based on the hypothesis that Soroush and Abu Zayd, by employing modern Western approaches such as hermeneutics, have paved the way for introducing new topics into the political thought and practice of Muslims, compelling traditionalists to respond and adapt more to modernity in light of new needs and changing societal conditions. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that the modern interpretations of these Islamic reformist thinkers, influenced by Western philosophy and thought, are in contradiction with Islamic principles and, therefore, are subject to criticism in various ways. These reformist thinkers, with a flawed understanding of religion, have opened the door to any incorrect interpretation of religion. Western modern sciences, by using attractive symbols such as civil rights and promoting the seemingly appealing achievements of secular societies, convey and impose their concepts. Given the growth of modernity, postmodernism, and emerging social issues, it is essential for authentic jurisprudence to further align itself with these new developments, and Islamic scholars must adopt an appropriate academic and scientific approach to engage with contemporary global issues.

 Previous political readings of Kant's work have often taken the form of pitting ethics and politics against each other in the field of practical philosophy, where Kant seeks for laws that govern the actions of free and independent subjects. Looking at Kant's thought from this point of view, society (that is, the realm of Kant's aims) is, on the one hand, full of moral laws that human wisdom imposes on itself, and, on the other hand, man is confronted with legal laws that the government imposes. In fact, the readings of Kant so far have presented Kantian ethics as a separate system from Kantian politics, a disintegration that will bring the Kantian system to the verge of collapse. This paper discusses the various conceptions of freedom in Kant's texts, and analyzes the connection between them and Kant's moral theory and epistemology. Kant rejects a basis for the state, in particular, arguing that the welfare of citizens cannot be a basis for a state power. He argues that a state cannot legitimately impose any particular conception of happiness upon its citizens. It is important to try at the outset to clarify the relation between Kant political philosophy and his moral philosophy in general. He clearly subordinates politics to morality while at the same time basing politics on "right" not on utility or happiness.

Radical hermeneutic (ontological) method is used in this article. From the perspective of this methodology, there is no a priori meaning in the text that can be discovered by empathizing. In fact, from this point of view, instead of reconstructing and recovering the objective meaning of the text, the interpreter through mental agreement with the text participates in the creation of meaning and understands the text.

The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes:Political and social implications of Kant's Copernican revolution in the field of political thought According to Kant, man is "an end in himself" and "existence in itself", and therefore he calls the living space of these ends together "the realm of ends". In fact, Kant's thought, after introducing a specific type of subject that was created in the modern era, brings that subject into the social field.The influence of Protestant political theology on Kant's political thought By rejecting the church as a mediator, Protestantism made possible the manifestation of the subject for the first time in the history of theology. The importance of understanding Protestantism for understanding Kant's political and social thought is not through leaving the church, but this importance lies in the confrontation of the particular and the general.The subject as The AutonomyAccording to Kant, the Autonomy is pure principle of all moral laws and all duties corresponding to them. Production of a new type of social contract in Kant's political thought Kant's intended social contract is a subject-centered social contract due to the elimination of superior authority.

Analysis:

Kant's social contract is fundamentally different from previous social contracts in the thinking of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, etc., and this difference is in the sense that this contract is actually a mechanism for judging the optimal performance of the government. In the sense that the social contract does not include any practical agreement with a practical obligation to obey the government.

German Idealism and Kant, as the pioneers of this intellectual current, brought two fundamental legacies to political thought; the first legacy was "subjectivity". From Kant onwards, the subject became capable of action, an action that involved knowledge on the one hand, and moral will and action on the other. These possibilities are the possibilities of human subjectivity and action, and their outcome is a second fundamental concept that is considered the second fundamental legacy of German idealism for modern political thought; this concept is "right". In fact, according to Kant, man is a subject with action and right, and therefore he follows only the moral laws of wisdom that other people also have, and through these general and universal laws he respects both his right and the right of others, because both he and the other have an end in themselves. According to Kant, man is a moral subject. Therefore, the government that manages the society of such moral people is not an authoritarian or totalitarian government. In other words, it is a civil state and not a political and police state.

The political education system in every country is considered a part of its cultural and civilizational heritage. Research in this case can create a correct understanding of this heritage. One way to understand the political education of a country is to study the history of the evolution of its political education system. Knowing the structure of the political education system, its foundations, educational courses, resources, and human and scientific forces in this field is one of the most important steps to study and understand it. Studying the development and evolution of these three areas over time will help to understand this educational system. Although the political education system in Iran started several centuries ago in an inconsistent manner, its initial steps were taken during the Qajar period. During the Pahlavi period, formal education was established in a university form. During the period of the Islamic Republic, more fundamental steps have been taken in the evolution of the political education system, leading to extensive qualitative and quantitative changes in the three areas of educational structures, theoretical and philosophical foundations, and trained forces in this area. Based on this, the main question of this article is: What has been the history of political education system evolution in Iran? The main assumption of this article is that along with the social, political, and economic developments of Iran in the past centuries, the political education system has also changed, leading to a more scientific, popular, and practical system.

The conceptual framework of the article is a realistic approach with an analysis of the historical developments of Iran's political education system. This article is descriptive-analytic using the method of qualitative data analysis of the historical developments of Iran's political education system. Qualitative data is collected using library findings.

The findings of the research show that:The political education system in the Qajar period was based on transferring the basic theoretical foundations of this modern science to Iran, with a limited educational structure where professors imparted only basic knowledge of this science to students in this field. Graduates were only employed in diplomatic, political, and executive affairs in a limited capacity.In the Pahlavi era, a complementary step was taken in the three areas of the educational system, teaching materials, and training of its graduates.During the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with the developments of the cultural revolution, Iran has seen a more complete development in the qualitative and quantitative aspects of this educational system, its theoretical foundations, and its graduate force.

Analysis:

In the Qajar period, the initial and limited theoretical foundations of this field were transferred to Iran, and in the Pahlavi period, with the translation movement, a wider and expanded volume of these scientific topics was introduced to Iran. During the period of the Islamic Republic, efforts were made to propose Iranian-Islamic philosophical foundations for political science, alongside the theoretical foundations of Western political science, with a more positivist approach. Steps were also taken to localize this science and train its students accordingly. In all three periods, the foundations and philosophical-epistemological roots of political science were not fundamentally transferred to Iran, despite lessons being taught in this field.

The results showed that this fundamental flaw has hindered the localization of political science in Iran, preventing the study of local issues and problems in both the internal and external spheres of Iran. Although progress has been made in making the field more scientific, popular, and practical, it has not yet reached the desired point. This article discusses proposed solutions to address these basic problems in these areas.

This article deals with the political methods and political strategies of the two empresses of the end of the Sasanian dynasty, Boran and Azarmidoxt, in the most critical years before the collapse. The kings after Xosrowparviz are shown to be weak, playthings of the nobles and to blame for the collapse, including the two queens. Also, it is believed that the two queens became kings due to the absence of a prince.In this article, by using the most important historical sources, we will discuss how the two queens came to be, decisions and actions and their characteristics in order to get a more accurate picture of their reign and their roles. appear in the state affairs office. Sources show that Boran and Azarmidoxt were legitimate and had royal authority, they were chosen by elders and not by conspiracy or war or serious opposition. In this article, by using the most important historical sources, we will discuss how the two queens came to be, decisions and actions and their characteristics in order to get a more accurate picture of their reign and their roles. appear in the state affairs office. Sources show that Boran and Azarmidoxt were legitimate and had royal authority, they were chosen by elders and not by conspiracy or war or serious opposition.