rentier government

This study aims to answer the question "What are the key elements of administrative corruption in contemporary Iran?" Based on the results, the factors contributing to administrative corruption include the construction of political power; rentier government; state-controlled and non-competitive economy; political subject culture; weak civil organizations; lack of transparency, accountability, rule of law, and free media; political and administrative instability; weak judiciary and regulatory bodies; inefficient organizational structure; oversized government; the ethical standards of the governing elite; societal values; and the state of political parties and competitions. Despite the implementation of sound policies and measures in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the intended outcomes of an Islamic system in terms of preventing and addressing administrative corruption have not been realized. Furthermore, Iran’s position in the rankings of international organizations does not reflect the standards and expectations of the Islamic system and society.

This paper employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Initially, studies on administrative corruption in contemporary Iran were reviewed, and the underlying causes and structural contexts were identified through qualitative content analysis. Subsequently, Open, axial, and selective (OAS) coding techniques were utilized, and their logical integration across three stages led to the determination of 20 final elements. Upon analyzing the data gathered during the open coding stage, a total of 354 concepts related to the causes and structural contexts of administrative corruption in Iran were ultimately derived.Following this, during the axial coding stage, a logical sequence is established among the identified elements. To discern patterns in the data, a constant comparative analysis is performed again. This process involves comparing and integrating the coded data into suitable components. During the axial coding phase, 20 structural elements were identified. It’s worth noting that the roots of all these elements extend beyond the era of the Islamic Republic, tracing back to the times of the first and second Pahlavi governments, and even the Qajar era.

Given the fundamental distinction between the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its predecessors, and its focus on revolutionary ideals, particularly the pursuit of justice and the battle against corruption, it is crucial to address the structural shortcomings in these areas. Hence, the primary recommendations are as follows: lessening reliance on oil (a policy of the siege economy/resistance economy); instituting the rule of law; emphasizing transparency and enacting relevant laws; abolishing monopoly and fostering competition; diminishing the government’s role and size; bolstering the private sector; empowering regulatory bodies; ensuring political stability; enhancing democracy and civil organizations; supporting free and independent media; reforming the administrative structure; implementing e-government; advancing access to information; facilitating a platform for public oversight; increasing accountability; fostering religious culture and lifestyle; strengthening the government’s internal controls; and promoting education and awareness.

Various theories have been presented about the nature of Pahlavi II's rule, and each of these theories has explained the nature of Pahlavi II's rule from a specific angle. Each author has organized his theory based on his own perception of the main feature of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's government, some have made economy, some culture, some politics and some social features the criteria of their assessment of the nature of Pahlavi II's government. In this regard, various theories have been proposed to explain the nature of the second Pahlavi government, such as the theory of patrimonialism, oriental tyranny, absolute government, rentier government, Sultanate regime, etc. However, the nature of this government is still disputed by theorists, so the author in this article It seeks to answer the question, which theory has the greatest ability to explain the nature of Mohammad Reza Shah's government between 1342 and 1357? In this regard, the author believes that none of the theories presented about the nature of Pahlavi II's government alone can explain the nature of Mohammad Reza Shah's government. , and the application of each of these theories alone has shortcomings and weaknesses. Therefore, by presenting the theory of patrimonialism, Tahsildar tries to explain what the second Pahlavi government is, which is a combination of patrimonialism and rentier government

Rentier governments have a unique characteristic, which can be seen as their independence from the society and the absence of provincial taxes and the separation of resources among the prominent aspects of this characteristic, and such a characteristic can be found in such governments. Politically, these governments have always been authoritarian and unresponsive, and they always try to dominate the society, and in terms of the generally single-product economy, the dependency and government nature of the economy can also be mentioned as their common features. This article aims to show that the Saudi rentier government to examine pathologically from the economic and political point of view due to its dependence on oil revenues. Saudi Arabia, as the world's largest oil producer, is strongly dependent on oil revenues, and despite the adoption of economic policies for independence from oil revenues, these policies have not always been effective, and a significant part of this country's economy is based on oil revenues, and this country's economy has suffered Such things as economic growth reduction, production reduction, private sector weakness, increase in consumerism and production reduction are suffering. Politically, this kingdom has a very authoritarian and dictatorial structure, and oil revenues have been a powerful and widely used tool to advance non-democratic policies, and oil revenues have been able to consolidate the position of the Al Saud family on the power base for many years. Therefore, it can be said that this government has been able to satisfy the social actions of the society independent of the political structure with political persuasion and purchase and more or less has been able to achieve political stability by relying on these revenues. It seems that in the era of globalization and technology, these policies cannot continue and if fundamental changes and reforms are not made in

In Iran, since the beginning of oil exploration, the governments have not been able to properly exploit oil. If the oil revenues are not used properly, a rentier government will be formed and the Dutch disease will plague the national economy. The peak of the rentier government can be seen between 1353 and 1356. The Pahlavi government was a rentier state because it regularly received huge amounts of foreign rent. Therefore, Iran's oil revenues have little connection with the domestic economy and the domestic labor force. In fact, with the increase in oil revenues, the Pahlavi regime's independence from the domestic society reached such a degree that the government began to change the social structure and created support groups for itself and created supporting groups for himself and weakened opposing social groups such as marketers and clerics, which was one of the reasons for the formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Therefore, the question of this article is what effect did the structure of the rentier government have on the collapse of the Pahlavi government? And it is also the hypothesis that following the increase of oil revenues of the Pahlavi government by creating an absolute political structure and destroying the capacities and foundations of the production-oriented economy and based on tax revenues, it provided the basis for political, social and economic dissatisfaction and ultimately the collapse of the political system. This article is written in an analytical and descriptive way and its information is collected in a library way. In the end, the conclusion has been reached that the oil-owning countries, especially Iran, have no way to restore their economy except to exit from the single-product economy and increase tax revenues.

Examining the issue of the rentier government from different perspectives is necessary to understand the functioning of the Pahlavi rentier government. The innovation of the current research is to examine the impact of the rentier government on the change of the political and social field of the 1950s and the construction of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution centered on Imam Khomeini (RA). Therefore, the purpose of this research is to try to explain the influence of the Pahlavi rentier government in the formation of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The main question of the current research is why the Pahlavi II rentier government in Iran failed to implement its development policy and the Islamic Revolution of Iran emerged? In response to the main question of the current research, after theoretical discussions, the development performance of that government in Iran was examined. The findings of the research show that the performance of the rentier Pahlavi government changed the political and social field of the 1950s and the emergence of new political, social and economic demands in the society. Imam Khomeini's revolutionary speech was one of the most important consequences of the rentier government's performance in this decade. The method of qualitative research is done in the way of historical investigation.

The formation of social classes in Iran, developments and relations between them and their relationship with the government are strongly influenced by oil revenues. In Iran, the modern middle class was not born from the womb of production. That is why it is necessary to change the modern middle class of Iran from a dependent class to a productive and independent class. In this study, while examining the emergence and nature of the modern middle class in Iran, we investigate the role of the rentier government in the formation and expansion of the modern middle class. In general, three causal mechanisms can be introduced to explain the impact of a government benefiting from oil rents on the modern middle class: Rantier effect, suppression effect and modernization effect. Based on the presented economic-political analysis in relation to the influence of the ninth and tenth governments on the modern middle class of Iran, the following two conclusions can be drawn: First, the modern middle class of Iran has grown quantitatively due to the increase in oil revenues in the period 1384 to 1392. Second, this positive oil rent shock has had a significant negative impact on the functioning of a strong and independent middle class. To test the second hypothesis, data on good governance have been used.

Some thinkers have set a low standard for distinguishing the rentier state from other states and have named any government that accounts for 42% or more of its total foreign rental income as the rentier government. Although vulnerability is an integral part of all political systems, it seems that this vulnerability is far greater in the case of rentier governments. In other words, rentier governments are economically single-product and far from structurally diverse due to their heavy dependence on oil revenues. This characteristic shows their one-dimensional nature. Second, their economy, in addition to product shortages, has always faced financial crises which have been affected by falling oil prices. Is. Finally, the abundance of resources and the ease of access to these revenues have led to the reluctance of government officials to the productive sectors, including industry and agriculture. This study seeks to investigate the economic and political pathology of the rentier state's Qatbar San. Qatar's economic status is highly dependent on oil revenues and all economic aspects, including funding and other economic areas, are provided by oil revenues. However, for the diversity of its single-product economic structure. It has made efforts and engaged in activities in the fields of trade, shipping, banking and investment in the fields of energy, including oil and gas, but still plays a significant role in the oil and gas sector in the Qatari economy. Qatar's rentier economy became dependent on oil revenues and addiction after the discovery of oil, effectively causing financial crises such as

The purpose of this article is to discuss the political ups and downs of the “Reform era” in Iran (1997-2005). To analyze the “Islamic Republic of Iran” as a political regime and its dynamics, “Hybrid Regimes” theories have been used in current work. Such theories reject the duality of Democracy-Authoritarianism and try to provide essential concepts for analyzing the regimes which are in the middle of the spectrum. Those regimes have unique features in comparison to Democratic or Authoritarian regimes. To analyze the Islamic Republic of Iran as a political regime and to explain the ups and downs of the “Reform era” in Iran, the studies of four researchers on “hybrid Regimes” have been used here. Some of the keynotes which have been applied to the current study to discuss the political ups and downs of that specific period are as follows: the importance of political competition, social and political backgrounds of creation of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a hybrid regime, and finally, the relation between such a regime and rentier economy in Iran. Finally, the article has concluded that the reformist’s earlier progress and their later withdraw and defeat could be considered as “inner dynamics of a hybrid regime” instead of the “the defeated transition to democracy”.

In political and economic literature, economies that rely on the revenues of one sector are rentier economies, and if these revenues are paid exclusively to the state treasury, these states are called rentier states. Due to the high abundance of governments whose main source of income is from oil resources, rentier governments are generally referred to as oil monopoly governments or governments with more than 42% of their foreign revenues from oil. Although the vulnerability is an integral part of all political systems, it seems that this vulnerability is much greater in the case of rentier governments. This article focuses on Saudi Arabia and seeks to pathologically and economically pathologize this rentier government. Saudi Arabia, as the world's largest oil producer, is heavily dependent on oil revenues, and all economic resources, including funding and other economic areas, come from oil revenues. However, it has made efforts to diversify its single-product economic structure and engage in trade, shipping, and other activities. Banking and investing in the energy sector, but still plays a significant role in the oil and gas sector in the Saudi economy. The country changed. The political situation is similar, with the reliance on oil revenues leaving an authoritarian state with an undemocratic structure. It has given rise to an authoritarian nature and nature

After the establishment of the federal government, Iraqi Kurdistan has made many advances in various fields of science, economics and politics. The emergence and growth of autonomy in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, which began in 1991 and later became recognized by the Iraqi constitution in 2005, has been a source of hope for the Iraqi Kurds.In the economic realm, political power in Erbil, like the ruling system in Baghdad, is heavily dependent on oil. The oil reserves are equivalent to one third of Iraq’s total oil reserves. Currently, the main problem that the Kurdish government faces is the economic crisis in the region. Kurdistan government has always insisted on the external and imposed factors in the changes in Iraq, the region and the world. Meanwhile, economic analysts consider inaccurate and uncontrolled investment, bribery, bulky government, and reliance on the oil economy as the main drivers of the current crisis.Given the issues raised, the question arises that; what are the main cause of economic corruption in the Kurdistan region, and what crises have emerged for the this region? It is hypothesized that the single-product process (the dependence on oil sales) is the main cause of corruption and the ongoing crisis for the Kurdish region. This study was conducted based on analytical-descriptive methods and available data, and the findings indicated the persistence of corruption and crisis due to dependence on oil, the bulk of the state, lack of attention to other producing sectors and, etc.

Since development requires peace and security, more Middle East region areas could not enter into development because of various and long term crises. Domestic and foreign crises that are due to nature of authoritarian and economic and political atmosphere, causing Middle East not be able to enter the development orbit with respect to fixed principles of development. The main question is that why the Middle East could not enter development in comparison with other developing regions, having natural and human potentials? The article hypothesis is that, dominance of security and ideological atmosphere in the Middle East in the globalization era has been main obstacle for development of this region's countries. The research method is descriptive-analytical and method of collecting data is library. The main goal of this research has been the presentation of an image about lookout of development in the Middle East region. The findings of the research are that the continuation of the underdevelopment trends of the Middle East region in the age of globalization and the rule of the security and ideological atmosphere after September 11, 2001, excludes economic surpluses from the region and providing the continuation of the backwardness and development of the underdeveloped region.

One of the important factors influencing the national security of energy producing and consuming countries is oil and gas. After the emergence of oil in Iran, the raw material has been considered as the most important factor affecting the economy, politics and, in general, Iran's security. The success of policies in Iran is inextricably linked to oil and oil revenues. This success is best achieved when Iran's foreign policy is consistent with international standards. In the light of this adjustment, the national security and economic growth of the country will be enhanced. This paper examines the use of the theoretical basis of institutional decision making, how to benefit from the ninth government from oil revenues and, consequently, the policy orientation of this government in the historical process from 2006 to 2013. More precisely, the impact of high oil revenues on the security policy orientation of the ninth government has been examined. Eventually, the result was that the sudden increase in incomes in the ninth and tenth governments created the aggressive discourse of this government toward the international system and the interests of the great powers, with the aim of changing the situation in line with the new model of justice-centered.

One of the things that governments can maintain in power is the use of economic mechanisms that are referred to in political literature as a commercial-political cycle. Hence, governments will easily achieve economic growth with economic policy that will have negative effects on the economy. Thus, the present paper with the aim of understanding the various dimensions of the relationship between the state economy and the commercial-political cycle seeks to answer this question What economic policy in Iran does government provide to win in election and gain power? The hypothesis in this article is that Iranian governments according to the single-product economy and the independency of social classes, can always figure out the process of political developments with economic policies, in particular the victory of the election, which leads to economic instability; The issue that the country's constitution has to react to the legal mechanisms in place to take more action in the general policy of general principles of article 44 of the Constitution.