road initiative

The relationship between Iran and the United States has been turbulent, especially following the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Both Democratic and Republican administrations have used different strategies to pressure Iran, making this one of the most complex relationships in international affairs. Examining this dynamic—particularly in light of major historical events like the 1953 coup and the post-1979 tensions—is a multi-layered challenge that goes beyond politics. It also involves sociology, economics, and security studies, reflecting the deep and evolving complexities of global power structures. However, over the years, scholars and analysts have studied the various strategies the U.S. has employed against Iran, identifying patterns of hostility. This paper focuses on the Biden administration’s approach, assessing how it builds on past U.S. policies while introducing its own methods in response to global changes.

This study explores a key question: What framework defines the "Hybrid Containment" strategy used by the Biden administration against Iran? The main goal is to understand how the U.S. applies a mix of tactics to exert pressure on Iran. The research is both theoretical and practical, contributing to policy discussions while offering operational insights. It relies on documentary and library sources, combining deductive and inductive reasoning, and uses a descriptive-analytical approach for interpretation. Since the study is exploratory, it does not test specific hypotheses.

The study finds that the Biden administration’s approach to Iran falls under the concept of "Hybrid Containment in a Complex Environment." This strategy reflects the unpredictable and deeply interconnected nature of economic, security, and social factors influencing global relations today. Because of this complexity, two key aspects—planning and exploitation —are essential. The U.S. aims not only to structure a containment strategy for Iran but also to take advantage of unexpected developments and interactions.Washington’s approach involves two main elements: deterrence (blocking Iran’s actions) and compellence (forcing Iran to comply). This strategy is shaped by broader shifts in global power dynamics, particularly the U.S. effort to manage its declining influence while countering emerging powers like China. Moreover, the foundation of U.S. policy toward Iran operates on two levels. The first level concerns Iran itself—its post-revolution identity and the nature of the Islamic Republic. The second level involves Iran’s geopolitical and economic significance, particularly its role in China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Russia’s access to southern trade routes. The Ukraine war has, in turn, increased Iran’s strategic importance in global trade.To counter Iran’s influence, the U.S. has adopted two key strategies:"Neither Negotiation nor Confrontation" – Keeping Iran in a frozen state diplomatically while minimizing its geopolitical relevance.Undermining the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic – Portraying Iran as ineffective and creating social divisions.Within these strategies, the U.S. and its allies employ various techniques. One common approach is gray-zone deterrence, applying pressure below the threshold of open war to limit Iran’s ability to respond. Specific tactics include:Expanding economic sanctions, disrupting Iran’s oil exports, and interfering with financial transactions.Supporting a network of terrorist groups and regional allies—including India, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Israel—as a counterweight to Iran’s axis of resistance and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.Using media and psychological tactics to weaken Iran’s domestic unity, polarizing society, and questioning the future of the resistance movement.

The Biden administration’s Iran strategy reflects a blend of historical precedents and modern geopolitical shifts. Its hybrid containment model operates within a deeply interconnected global environment, balancing deterrence with strategic exploitation. The U.S. aims to limit Iran’s regional influence while shaping a global order that preserves American power in an era of rising competition.

In 1996, China launched a long-term modernization plan aimed at promoting the economic development of its western regions, aligned with the Go West campaign and the Made in China 2025 initiative. These strategies were designed to elevate China's global standing in high-tech industries, while the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), introduced in 2013 by President Xi Jinping, sought to establish transit corridors for goods and services across Asia, Africa, and Europe. Together with China's peaceful rise strategy, these initiatives aim to position China among the world's top powers by 2025. A critical component in implementing the BRI is the 14+1 Agreement, a framework for cooperation between China and several Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). Originally proposed as the 16+1 in 2011, it became the 17+1 in 2018 with Greece's inclusion, and was later reduced to 14+1 following Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia exit in 2021 and 2022, respectively. The primary objective of this Agreement is to enhance regional cooperation and facilitate significant Chinese investments in the industries and infrastructure of CEEC. Under this framework, China has committed to undertake infrastructure projects, such as upgrading and developing ports, communication networks, bridges, and railway lines. According to what was mentioned, the main goal of this research is to answer the following question: “how the Belt and Road Initiative has affected the economic integration of the European Union”. In response, the research hypothesis is proposed as follows: “In alignment with the People's Republic of China’s ‘Go West’ campaign, the implementation of the 14+1 Agreement has led to an increase in foreign trade and a rise in the rate of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in the region. This, in turn, has contributed to economic divergence within the European Union.”

In this research, the hypothesis was comprehensively explored by integrating Cantori and Spiegel's theoretical framework with Policy Analysis and Econometric Modelling. The study focuses on the timeframe from 2010 to 2023, providing a robust temporal scope for analysis.

According to the defined indicators, foreign trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) statistics between the European Union, China, and the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC) were reviewed for the period of 2010–2022 (up to 2021 for FDI). The results of these reviews and comparisons reveal that CEEC maintained the highest rate of trade with the European Union and their neighboring states, reflecting complementary economies in the region and favorable conditions for regional convergence. A notable outcome of the Belt and Road Initiative and the 14+1 Agreement is the significant increase in trade between China and CEEC. Based on the data in Table 3, and after calculating the growth rate of foreign trade between China, the European Union, and these countries, the necessary information and statistics were obtained to plot Charts 2 and 3. The statistical data from these tables and graphs can be summarized as follows: EU Foreign Trade with CEEC: Chart 2 illustrates that the EU's imports and exports with Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries have experienced consistent, exponential growth overall. Table 4 shows a 5.8% growth in EU imports from CEE countries and a 5.4% growth in exports to these countries. Additionally, Table 4 identifies four points of disruption in EU-CEE trade relations, which are clearly marked in Chart 2. Overall, trade between the EU and CEE countries grew by 5.6%, reflecting steady and robust economic ties. China’s Foreign Trade with CEEC: Analysis of Table 3 reveals an 8.5% increase in China’s imports from CEE countries and a 9.2% increase in exports from China to these countries. Chart 3 confirms this growth trend, showing disruptions only at three points: 2012, 2015, and 2022. China’s trade with CEE countries has grown at a higher rate than the EU's, achieving a 9.03% increase from 2010 to 2022, which suggests deepening economic ties. A comparison of Charts 2 and 3 highlights that while the EU's trade volume remains higher, China’s rapid growth rate indicates a shift among CEE countries toward diversifying economic relations beyond the EU.A second indicator analyzed is the comparative foreign direct investment from the EU and China into CEE countries. Charts 4 and 5 indicate a rising trend in Chinese FDI since 2012, with China’s investment showing a steeper upward trajectory than that of the EU, particularly in capital flows. China's FDI growth in CEE countries reached 15.3%, surpassing the EU's 13.8% growth rate. In terms of investment stocks, China exhibited a 16.6% growth compared to the EU’s 6.7%, highlighting China’s significant advantage in FDI. These figures suggest that China has outpaced the EU in FDI within CEE countries, maintaining a stronger and more dynamic growth trend in the region.

In summary, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has significantly strengthened economic relations between China and most Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC) through extensive economic plans and investments. This trend is clearly illustrated in the relevant charts, which highlight the growing alignment of CEEC economies with China’s higher growth rates and the deepening economic integration between the two regions. However, since 2020, the BRI has faced challenges, including the Covid-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and political disputes between China and CEEC. Despite these setbacks, the data presented in this article suggests that the BRI remains a powerful force with significant potential to further enhance economic ties between China and CEEC. Consequently, it can be argued that the BRI has, to some extent, weakened economic integration within the European Union, particularly in the realms of foreign trade and foreign direct investment.

Since 2013, China has announced and advanced the largest infrastructure and development project in the world, known as the Belt and Road Initiative. Various perspectives have been presented regarding China's motivations and objectives in entering this unprecedented global megaproject in terms of scope and scale. One less-discussed idea that this article explores is the impact of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy on the expansion of China's designinng its international program under the Belt and Road Initiative. In this context, the main question based on the descriptive-explanatory method of the article is: how has the announcement of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy influenced the perceptions and calculations of China's new leadership in designing a more proactive international policy? The hypothesis tested is that "the announcement of the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy, while reinforcing the perception of the threat of China's encirclement, prompted Beijing's new leadership to expand its currently designing international strategy in the form of the Belt and Road Initiative, in order to indirectly counter this threat and ensure the continuity of China's rise in the international arena." The findings of the article indicate that, had the U.S. pivot to Asia strategy not been announced, China's new leaders would likely have pursued less ambitious programs in their surrounding environment instead of proposing the Belt and Road Initiative.

From 2013 to 2023, the United States has followed a clear path in its reaction to China's Silk Road initiative, gradually shifting from a position of silence and indirect actions to aggressive and confrontational behaviors regarding China's infrastructure initiative. The aim of this article is to explain why the United States’ positions towards China's Silk Road initiative have gradually become more confrontational. In this context, the main question based on the article's descriptive-explanatory method is: why has the U.S. stance towards the initiative become increasingly confrontational in the decade following the announcement of the Silk Road initiative (2013-2023)? The response proposed as a hypothesis to this question is that the increasing confrontational position of the U.S. towards China's Silk Road initiative is a function of the changing nature of relations between the two countries from cooperation to competition. This shift has led to a move from President Obama’s relatively cooperative approach towards the initiative to a competitive stance under President Trump, followed by an escalation of competition during President Biden’s administration. The findings of the article indicate that, given the evolving U.S. approach to the Belt and Road Initiative, there remains potential for increased competition with China in the area of international infrastructure development.

Following the collapse of the bipolar system, many concepts in international relations underwent significant shifts in meaning. Among these, the concept of security experienced a transformation, shifting from a unidimensional military-focused approach to a multidimensional one. This transformation has influenced the foreign policies of various powers, including China, in the Middle East. This study seeks to answer the question: how has the evolution of the concept of security impacted China's foreign policy in the Middle East? The hypothesis proposed is that the transition of the concept of security from a unidimensional military perspective to a multidimensional one has led China to focus on various dimensions of security, such as political, economic, military, and cultural factors in the Middle East. To analyze the changes in China's foreign policy in the region, the study examines four key aspects: the role and significance of energy in China's relations with Middle Eastern countries, China's trade exchanges with the region, China's political strategy in the Middle East, and the significance of the Middle East within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative.

The New Silk Road, also known as the Belt and Road Initiative, stands as a powerful manifestation of China's influence extending beyond its borders. This initiative originated as a response to China's need to counter the encirclement resulting from America's pivot to Asia strategy and address internal developmental imbalances by tapping into new markets through its geo-economic prowess. In the context of the evolving global order, the New Silk Road holds immense significance as a determinant of power dynamics. This article explores the fundamental question of how the competition between the United States and China in the Arab Middle East impacts the international power structure. Adopting a process-tracing approach and focusing on the geopolitical dimensions of the initiative, the article examines the strategic shifts towards the West from both American and Chinese perspectives in the establishment of the New Silk Road. Additionally, it delves into the crucial trend of "leaving the belt, putting the road under pressure," providing detailed analysis, and assessing its consequences on the global competition between the two nations. Ultimately, the article concludes that while Beijing's endeavor to launch and advance the New Silk Road may appear as a geo-economic competition on the surface, a deeper examination reveals a geopolitical battle between China and the United States for global dominance in the 21st century.

The signing of the comprehensive strategic agreement between Iran and China in 2021 marked a new direction in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This policy gained further momentum with the arrival of the 13th government. The agreement raises important issues, particularly the collaboration between China and Iran in the context of the Belt and Road infrastructure project, introduced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. This initiative encompasses six distinct land routes, with the China-Pakistan Economic Belt being the most significant. This corridor links Kashgar in western China to Gwadar in southern Pakistan. A potential means of integrating Iran into the expansive infrastructure project of the Belt and Road involves joining the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. As a result, this article aims to explore Pakistan's collaboration with China, examining various facets of the current corridor's development and elucidating its impact on the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The West Asia region has always been of great importance to major powers, and it remains a core focus of research in this field. This article aims to explain China's balancing policy towards Iran and Saudi Arabia over the past decade, with a specific focus on regional balancing. The main research question posed is: What objectives does China pursue in West Asia and the Persian Gulf through its balancing strategy between Iran and Saudi Arabia? The study employs qualitative methodology and data collection through library resources to demonstrate that China seeks to secure its energy needs through long-term contracts and investments in these two countries. Additionally, China's foreign policy aims to counter visible and hidden conflicts with the American order in all regions worldwide, including the Persian Gulf. By respecting the sovereignty of Iran and Saudi Arabia, China aims to foster harmony, to support the security of both countries, to understand their security concerns, and to adopt a regional balancing policy in West Asia. In conclusion, China's approach towards Iran and Saudi Arabia reflects its strategic interests in the region. This research contributes to a better understanding of China's foreign policy towards West Asia and it provides insights into future developments in the region.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, in the fast-paced process of transformation in the world economic order, needs a fundamental transition from a vulnerable resource-oriented economic structure (oil) to a manufacturing-oriented economic model (industrial production). China, as one of the emerging powers effective in the formation of the new economic order, has an important capacity to create a new role for Iran at the regional and international level, but the bilateral relations between Tehran and Beijing have remained limited to the sale of oil and oil products. The main purpose of this research is to answer the question of how to redefine strategic relations with China according to the characteristics of the new world economic order. The findings of this research show that the most important concern that can cause a strategic link between Iran and China in the future is the overlap between China's need for continued economic growth and forming a new value chain and Iran's vision to become the factory of West Asia. With a new design, Iran can define an important part of its industrial development strategy and technological transformation program in the form of cooperation between Iranian and Chinese companies around the Belt and Road initiative corridor from Iran, and by learning and transferring experience and technology from China in A period of 5 to 10 years to become the main producer of factory industries in the region.

After the collapse of the bipolar system and the changes in the international system in the age of globalization, many concepts of international relations underwent changes and interpretations. In the meantime, one of the basic concepts of international relations that underwent a change in meaning is the concept of security, in such a way that security changed from a one-dimensional state of mere military to a comprehensive multi-dimensional state. The evolution of the concept of security has changed and transformed the political-economic strategy of many great powers, including China, in the Persian Gulf region. In this article, based on the title of the article, an attempt has been made to answer the question that the evolution of the concept of security has left an impact on China's politicaleconomic strategy in the Persian Gulf region. In response to this question, this hypothesis has been studied and paid attention to, that the evolution of the concept of security on China's politicaleconomic strategy in the form of a transition from one dimensional military security to comprehensive security has caused China to pay attention to multiple components of security such as political security. , economic, military and cultural in the Persian Gulf region. In order to understand and infer the transformation of China's political-economic strategy in the region, four important categories and issues of the role and importance of energy in China's relations with the countries of the Persian Gulf region, China's commercial exchanges with the countries of the Persian Gulf region, the examination of China's political strategy in the Persian Gulf region and The importance of the Persian Gulf region has been studied and investigated based on the road belt plan. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical.

The Persian Gulf region has been important especially in the field of trade and transportation in the Mesopotamia since ancient times. China, a growing country that intends to overtake America in economy, has tried to follow the open door policy in politics and economy in the past decades and has upgraded its relations with the world to a higher level. Since this country needs energy to achieve its goals, especially in the industry, it has tried to solve this need through relations with the oil-rich regions of the world, and it is one of the important points in this field in the Middle East and especially the Persian Gulf. . In the last decade, China's presence in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf region has made it become an important player in the region. By playing an active role in this part of the world, this country has provided the basic needs of its industry, and by raising the level of its relations, it has become a prominent and influential player in the region. Despite all this, this country is still a newcomer to the region and faces many challenges in its approach. By describing China's conditions, the following article seeks to explain what are China's goals in the Persian Gulf region and what behavior model has it followed in order to achieve its goals? The important point in China's presence in the region is the connection of political and economic interests, and to examine the hypothesis of the article, it states that in order to achieve development goals and within the framework of peaceful development, China seeks to meet its energy needs and its security, promote the Belt and Road Plan, and invest In the economic infrastructure of the region, it has entered into interaction with the countries of the region, and the model that China follows in the region includes avoiding interference, dealing with the balanced behavior of this country with the countries of the region, and avoiding dealing with America.

The signing of a memorandum of understanding on comprehensive cooperation between the two countries of Iran and China over the next 25 years has facilitated the expansion of bilateral cooperation in various fields. Scientific cooperation is one of the important dimensions of this document. Allocating clauses to the scientific cooperation between the two countries, in addition to creating the opportunity for scientific development, can be the basis for cooperation in other fields. The focus of this article is on providing policy solutions and strategies to improve the level of scientific cooperation, considering the will of the governance systems of the two countries to improve relations over the next 25 years. To achieve this goal, a theoretical framework containing propositions derived from the network system and structure-agent has been drawn for three micro, medium, and macro levels. The research method is structural-interpretive analysis. The result is that the scientific cooperation between the two countries, Iran and China, is affected by a set of factors at the macro, medium, and micro levels that directly and indirectly affect its progress. Based on the findings of the research, macro-level factors, including "political will" and "Iran's membership in the Belt and Road Initiative," have the greatest direct impact on the expansion of scientific cooperation between the two countries. The main achievement of the article is to determine the share of influential factors and the types of relationships between this network of factors and to provide suggestions for prioritizing them with the aim of promoting scientific cooperation between the two countries of Iran and China.

The Indian economy is in dire need of investment in infrastructure and manufacturing. However, Dehli has declined to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), citing concerns that the project may escalate regional rivalry and conflict, violate national sovereignty, and accord with Beijing's ambitious policies. Some suspect that the establishment of naval installations in the Indian Ocean and the fortification of the China-Pakistan land route are parts of a larger plan by Beijing to encircle India. This article provides an analytic review of the BRI, examining its economic, military, and geopolitical implications. It also delves into India's perspective on the matter, exploring why the country views Beijing's institutional arrangements, including the BRI, as a major threat to its national interests. Using the descriptive-explanatory approach and basing our reasoning on structural realism's first and foremost tenet—that capabilities, not objectives, shape the international system—we have put the following hypothesis to the test: The significant economic success of this project is a logical assumption; however, this initiative may also serve as a guarantee for China's regional influence and military or security presence in the Indian Ocean, shifting the relative balance of power in Beijing's favor. Findings indicate that Dehli's opposition to the initiative stems from its sovereignty and territorial integrity concerns.

The Belt and Road Initiative was launched in 2013 by Xi Jinping. This initiative is one of the important aspects of China's foreign policy. Due to the geographical extent, extensive infrastructural dimensions and subsequent developments of this project, different countries have studied and paid special attention to it at both academic and executive levels. The study of the relations between Russia and China has always been the focus of international relations experts. In this light, the Russian Federation has also considered the Belt-Road Initiative and has followed a certain pattern of behavior in relation to it. Therefore, understanding the behavior pattern and Moscow's approach to the Belt and Road Initiative will reveal important aspects of the dynamics of mutual relations between these two countries. The present study investigates and evaluates the approach of the Russian Federation towards China's Belt and Road Initiative in the light of the macro strategy in the period of 2013-2020. Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the main question, how can the behavioral pattern of the Russian Federation be explained towards China's Belt and Road initiative in the mentioned time frame? The findings of the article show that Russia considers the Belt-Road as a project aimed at increasing China's geopolitical influence at both the international level and the Central Asia region, and by following the model of competition and cooperation for this plan, it seeks to coordinate it with the Eurasian Economic Union and prevent more influence. It is from China in Central Asia.

It seems that the most important element of China's soft power policy is the Belt and Road Initiative, and China is seeking to invest its surplus capital in the revival of the ancient Silk Road. This article shows that the Chinese government actively pursues economic diplomacy based on soft power. It follows the Belt and Road Initiative and relies on hard power sources for its effectiveness. With the intensification of five Belt and Road Initiative cooperation in Iran, it can be said that China's soft power is also on the move, which may significantly change the prevailing mentality in Iran regarding the quality of Chinese-made goods, services and infrastructure. Remarkable progress. The Belt and Road Initiative's five dimensions of cooperation (i.e. policy coordination, infrastructure development, trade and investment, financial integration, and people-to-people communication) in Iran emphasize the increasing risks and deepening of complex interdependence in China-Iran relations. This article examines Iran's position in China's Belt and Road Initiative in the context of complex interdependence. The hypothesis of the research is that due to Iran's location in the third layer of China's neighbor in two economic-commercial areas and the security of transportation and transit routes, it has a special geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic position for the Belt and Road Initiative. This article seeks to investigate Iran's position in China's Belt and Road Initiative using an explanatory method.

During the previous years the geo-politic of South Asia has been a scene for competition of New-Delhi and Beijing thanks to the latter’s the Belt and Road Initiative. India views the initiative a threat for its national interests; on the one hand it could challenge India’s plan for becoming regional hegemony and on the other hand the initiative could weaken India’s position in the international system. For these reasons, New-Delhi has adopted some policies in which prevent China to become a regional hegemony through the Belt and Road Initiative and meanwhile improve its own position regionally and internationally. Accordingly, the main question of the research is what are India’s policies in order to confront threats of China’s belt and Road initiative? The hypothesis is that in order to confront the Belt and Road Initiative and China increasingly power in the framework of this initiative, India has adopted some policies and strategies in foreign policy arena such as creating competing commercial corridors, development of maritime transport infrastructures, strengthen economic convergence with regional countries, increase naval power and influence, strengthen regional multilateralism with the aim of expanding technical and trade cooperation also trans-regional coalition, with the aim of balance of power. The research method is qualitative based on analytical- explanatory approach. The qualitative data was collected from library and internet resources. Also theory of balance of power was utilized in order to analyze the subject matter.

China is increasingly seeking to define its superior position in the international system during Xi Jinping's administration. In doing so, one of the main strategies of Beijing to expand its economic-political influence in around the world is the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI), which is a comprehensive infrastructure plan that could be game-changer in the current Great Power competition of the international system between the United States and the People's Republic of China. Regarding this issue, the U.S. during the presidency of Joe Biden, together with its international allies in the “Group of 7” (G7), proposed a rival global initiative with the same infrastructural factors called “Build Back Better World” (B3W) to compete with the Chinese one. This research aims to examine the extent of how much the U.S., along with its main allies, could compete with the Chinese plan through different strategies. The main finding of the research is that the “Established Power” and the “Rising Power” of international system are in a strategic competition for global supremacy in conducting these initiatives with different spheres of political, economic and ideological worldviews. By applying the “Realism School” theory, the research examines the strategic competition between U.S. and China as the great powers of the International System. Based on the research question, the methodology of the paper is qualitative data analysis and the data has been collected from library sources, statements and valid documents from think tanks and international strategic research institutes.

China-EU relations are expanding fast. While the relationship between EU and China was initially more of a transactional and pragmatic type with the supremacy of trade, it has gradually shifted toward a strategic and comprehensive one. In this regard, this article sought to answer the following questions: what is the driving force behind the EU-China partnership and what are the obstacles to its further development? The research hypothesis states that a common view of the world order, multilateralism and common economic interests have led to the signing of the strategic partnership between the EU and China. On the other hand, internal divisions within the EU, the China’s Belt and Road Initiative, market economy status of China, and the impact of transatlantic relations and the Ukraine crisis are among the challenges the partnership faces. In this study, qualitative method and statistical analysis were carried out within the theoretical framework of Keohane and Nye’s complex interdependence. The results indicate that the European Union has defined a special type of strategic partnership with an emphasis on fluidity of business sectors and geography in order to achieve strategic goals such as enhancing its role in international relations and through its strategic partnership in Asia and Indo-Pacific strategy, it seeks to change China's behavior. On the other hand, challenges such as the Ukraine crisis have increased the pressure on the EU to review its Indo-Pacific strategy and harmonize it with the exclusive and anti-China US-led indo-Pacific strategy.