skinner

The political arena cannot be imagined without conflicts in which enmity is created, and which perpetuates the presence of the enemy in this arena. The internal connection between politics and enmity is very prominent in Carl Schmitt's thought, and examining how the keyword enemy appears in his thought is of great importance. This importance is due to the concept of enemy being at the center of Schmitt's thought, and the issues he raises in relation to this concept. The present article, focusing on contextual and meta-textual foundations, re-reads Schmitt's thoughts in order to gain an understanding of Schmitt's thought in the context of his works and under the concept of enemy. The question of what processes caused the concept of enemy to be at the center of Schmitt's thought, and what goals he pursued, is the focus of the discussions that will be addressed using Skinner's method.

Skinner's intentional hermeneutic method considers the text as a speech act of the author with a specific purpose, and considers its understanding to require attention to the text and the context of its formation in two areas: political and intellectual geography. Skinner establishes a link between the text, the context, and the author, and emphasizes the role of the author's agency and the communicative aspect of the text. In addition to the meaning they convey, he considers texts to have a latent power that shapes speech acts, and understanding them paves the way to achieving the author's purpose. The application of this method is pursued by placing Schmitt's works in the context of the political and intellectual geography surrounding him, and understanding speech acts.

Liberal thoughts and Weimar Republic are considered the most important hyper-textual variables affecting Schmitt's thought in the two areas of intellectual and political geography. Schmitt considers the crises of the Weimar Republic and the authoritarian governments of this period to be the result of following liberal thoughts and the idea of political romanticism, which is politically neutral and passive in taking a position, while in his opinion, the most important source of political life is based on the principle of what is normal and right. By defining the boundary of the concept of sovereignty in a state of exception, he considers the purest state of exception in the face of the enemy, and the significant moments of politics to coincide with the moments when the enemy is identified with objective clarity as the enemy. The state of exception also provides the conditions in which the state is placed above the law, and Schmitt's goal in line with the authority of the state is achieved. The distinction between friend and enemy as a criterion of The political is considered the peak of the emergence of the concept of enemy in Schmitt's thought. In a clear contrast to liberalism, Schmitt rejects the search for a neutral, conflict-free space where rational understanding and consensus can be achieved through dialogue, as it conflicts with the logic of politics, and sees the outcome of the above process as temporary compromises.

Politics is the arena of contradictions in which enmities are created, developed, and sustained. Understanding and why a wide range of political events occur is possible only under the concept of the enemy and the relations of enmity and friendship. The distinction between friends and enemies is the basis that shapes and gives meaning to the behavior of political actors. The permanent possibility of battle as the ultimate limit of political enmity depends on the concept of the enemy, and this fact is vital for understanding politics.

Ferdid and Sayyid Qutb were prominent Islamic thinkers whose ideas have had a significant impact on the political landscape of their respective countries and even the Islamic world. In this context, this article examines the influence of their political thought on shaping society and politics in the development of political Islam. This research utilizes a comparative analysis framework, employing Skinner’s hermeneutic method, and analyzes their writings and speeches to explore how their thoughts have shaped ideologies and political movements in Iran and Egypt and the effectiveness of these influences on the broader social and political development of the two countries. The findings of this research indicate that the ideas of these two thinkers have contributed to the formation of radical political Islamism, ideological narratives of religion and tradition, transitioning into the public and political spheres, and manifesting in the creation of radical political movements and a cultural policy based on intolerance and rejecting Western ideas in favor of a more traditional and conservative approach. These results suggest that despite the differences in the ideological foundations and political-social conditions of the two thinkers, their arguments follow a fundamentally similar structure that intersects in their insistence on the role of religion in shaping society and politics in the development of political Islam.

The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran institutionalized the principle of Guardianship of the Jurist (Velayat-e Faqih) in the country and extended its influence over all aspects of the lives of the Iranian people. Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri and Ayatollah Seyyed Mohammad Hosseini Beheshti played an irreplaceable role in formulating the Constitution due to their positions in the parliament. Each of these two eminent figures had significant differences in their understanding of the Constitution and its concepts. This article, from the perspective of Skinner's hermeneutic method, delves into analyzing the prominent roles of these two figures in the Islamic Revolution in the drafting of the Constitution. What were their intentions and practical actions within the political system established by the Constitution? During a time when Islam was severely threatened by Western thought, they aimed to establish an Islamic political system. Montazeri believed that the principles and rules of fiqh concerning the concept of Guardianship of the Jurist were sufficient for governing Islamic society, while Beheshti viewed Islamic principles and standards around the axis of Guardianship of the Jurist as a framework that could selectively incorporate modern democratic, Marxist, and human rights concepts to be responsive to the current Iranian Islamic society. In the final analysis, Beheshti's theory prevailed in drafting the Constitution, bringing about an Islamic government through a constructed customary process.

With their resurgence in Afghanistan, the Taliban has adopted the term "Islamic Emirate" instead of "Islamic State." After capturing Kabul, the Taliban formally introduced their interim government and requested the United Nations to recognize their representation. The Taliban regime, which can be described as an "Ethnic-Religious Leviathan," does not adhere to the conventional norms of legitimacy in international law. Instead, it bases its principles on "Hanafi jurisprudence," "Pashtunwali customs," and the "Loya Jirga tradition," none of which align with international standards of legitimacy. These principles, characterized by ethnic nationalism, patriarchy, and the fusion of political and religious despotism, are incompatible with the modern state's elements, such as authority, legitimacy, sovereignty, territory, centralized power, and a constitution.The concept of Leviathan, introduced in Thomas Hobbes' political philosophy, is a significant theory concerning sovereignty and political systems. It is based on a social contract where individuals surrender their decision-making rights to a centralized government. According to Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, the balance of power between the state and society is crucial in determining the type of Leviathan. This balance may result in different forms of Leviathan: a despotic Leviathan where the state is strong, and society is weak; an absent Leviathan where both the state and government institutions are weak; a constrained Leviathan where the state and society are balanced and interact; and a paper Leviathan where both the state and society are weak. In each type of Leviathan, norms play a crucial role in shaping government behavior and actions. In comparison to Leviathan, the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate can be seen as a blend of a despotic Leviathan and a paper Leviathan. In this structure, the Taliban government is strong and authoritarian, but its inability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services leads to a weakened society. This situation restricts individual and social freedoms and places society under the heavy control of the government, with no opportunity for effective political participation. Additionally, exploitative economic institutions in this type of government eliminate incentives for progress and innovation, leading to social instability and weakness. Considering these factors, the Taliban Leviathan can be seen as a combination of both despotic and paper Leviathan types. The paper Leviathan lacks the ability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services, rendering both the state and society weak. At the same time, it constantly fears mobilization from society, which could threaten the stability of its control. In this type of Leviathan, freedom is ultimately thwarted.According to Quentin Skinner’s perspective, understanding the Taliban’s ideology and actions requires reconstructing both their practical and ideological contexts, aiming to clarify what the Taliban intends to achieve. A hermeneutic analysis of the Taliban's actions and the political environment in their Islamic Emirate necessitates examining their ideological foundations, customary norms, their political actions, the development or transformation of their ideology, and finally, the relationship between ideology and political action. The ideological crisis in Afghanistan stems from the lack of indigenous forces for national and political independence. As a country with ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity, Afghanistan has long faced identity problems. The state's, system's, and nation’s identity in Afghanistan have always been ambiguous and unstable. This identity crisis has been exacerbated by the dominance of tribal culture, which conflicts with modernity and inter-ethnic culture. In this context, the Taliban, as a group with a specific ideology, has been influenced by Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. Talibanism emerged as a reaction to the inefficiency of the Jihadist government and ethnic fragmentation, attempting to strengthen its legitimacy among the Afghan people by ensuring security.The Taliban's political actions are based on Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. After the 2001 US invasion and the subsequent fall of their government, the Taliban resorted to guerrilla warfare. Through reorganization and alliances with groups like al-Qaeda, they managed to regain control over various regions and gradually became a significant political power in Afghanistan. However, the Taliban's political actions have consistently been characterized by totalitarianism and exclusivity, which has deepened ethnic and racial divisions in Afghanistan. In forming their ideology, the Taliban collaborated with fundamentalist and reactionary groups, adopting norms from Hanafi culture as their political ideology. Over time, this ideology has evolved under the influence of global and regional developments, particularly after the deaths of the Taliban’s original leaders and the emergence of new ones. The group has attempted to adapt its ideology to new global and local challenges. Global events like the September 11 attacks and the US wars in Afghanistan also played a role in these ideological shifts.As an Islamic movement, the Taliban has intertwined its ideology with political actions. By adhering to Islamic principles and Sharia law, the group seeks to reshape Afghanistan's social and political structures in line with its ideology. The connection between the Taliban's ideology and political action has enabled them to dominate the Afghan people and implement their policies using ideological power. The Taliban's conservative ideology, emphasizing the enforcement of Islamic limits and a particular interpretation of Sharia, serves as the foundation of their governance and helps them reconstruct Afghanistan's social and political systems according to their ideological vision. This analysis shows that the Taliban has not only used its ideology but also its political and military actions to establish a prominent position in AfghanThe comparison between the Leviathan theory and the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban reveals that each of these concepts possesses unique characteristics in areas such as sovereignty, state formation, and political systems. This analysis not only enhances the understanding of philosophical and political concepts but also sheds light on the challenges and opportunities emerging in different contexts. With the collapse of the Afghan government and the ensuing panic among the people, there are growing concerns that with the rise of the Taliban, Afghanistan might revert to a pre-modern era, where women would be confined to their homes, girls would be denied education, men would be forced to comply with Sharia law, and the Taliban-controlled media would lack freedom. Moreover, the public fears that any Afghan citizen who collaborated with the previous government or the United States might face severe punishment if discovered by the Taliban. In essence, it can be said that the state-building process appears to be moving in reverse, leading to a breakdown of order. However, the Taliban has denied all these claims in conferences, asserting that they have no intention of reinstating previous policies and that their objective is to assist the people and promote the progress and development of Afghanistan. This is a question that cannot be answered definitively at this time; it remains to be seen what the outcomes of the Taliban's Islamic governance in Afghanistan will be. Nevertheless, given the internal and regional circumstances, the future of the Taliban government remains uncertain. Domestically, the issue of governing a fragmented society persists, and the Taliban's Leviathan, in addition to maintaining stability, faces multiple and diverse demands from Afghanistan's youthful and sectarian society. Consequently, the Taliban will inevitably need to adopt a more inclusive approach, which will require developing a coherent theory of governance and appropriate mechanisms. However, it must be acknowledged that the process of forming a strong and stable state is still in its early stages, as the Taliban's Islamic Emirate is highly dependent on developmental assistance and de jure recognition on the global stage to carry out the typical functions of a sustainable government.

The political orientation to the interpretation of the Holy Quran has been one of the interpretation methods and one of the innovations of the commentators of the Holy Quran in recent centuries. According to this trend, the commentators seek to find answers to the political issues of the societies and seek the solution to the problems and problems from the Holy Quran. Sayyid Qutb's comments regarding political issues in this interpretation are facing challenges, the nature of which is the problem of this article. The method of collecting information in this research is library and documentary and with descriptive and analytical methods. has been placed. In order to achieve this purpose, using Quentin Skinner's hermeneutic intentionalist methodological model, the understanding and decoding of the hidden meaning behind Seyyed Qutb's opinions was discussed. Based on the findings and results of the article, the dual linguistic and intellectual fields such as the influence of the political family, the internal crises of the Islamic world, joining the Muslim Brotherhood, the intellectual influence of the Al-Manar movement, the influence of the contemporary Salafi movement and imprisonment on the one hand, and practical and environmental contexts such as governance Religion, Jahili society, influence on radical groups, instrumental view of religion, strong stance on people of the book and strict criticism of western civilization on the other hand, caused Seyyid Qutb to adopt the method of political interpretation

Investigating the history of the political thought of power limitation in the Qajar era, which led to the constitutional monarchy, is the aim of the present study, and the question has been raised that what process the concept of constitutional monarchy goes through as the final manifestation of the power limitation in the Qajar era. Skinner's research program was selected as the basis of the research, which believes in the historical course of thought, and considers it identifiable through linguistic conventions. The result of the study shows that the constitutional monarchy is the result of the development of three linguistic covenants in the limitation of power: the limitation of power first entered the field of Iranian political thought during the reign of Feth Ali Shah as the limited king, and then in the Nasrid era with two covenants of absolute monarchy. And moderate monarchy developed. The final course of the idea of power limitation was in the era of Mozaffari, when the continuation of the autocratic monarchy led to very unfavorable conditions in Iran and the transition from it was considered a constitutional monarchy. In Skinner's opinion, all the processes used to limit power in the Qajar era are corrective measures to legitimize the political system.

The relationship between religion and political power is one of the important issues regarding the intellectual system and political action. The current research with analytical-comparative method is the relationship between religion and politics in the works and writings of Tensor and Machiavelli. Therefore, with a comparative method and also with the application of Skinner's method in understanding the internal logic of the texts, Tensor's writings have been examined by focusing on his religious-political ideas in accordance with Machiavelli's opinions in his books. Therefore, the main research question is what is the relationship between religion and politics from the perspective of Machiavelli and Tensor? The findings of the research show that Machiavelli believed that religion and politics are two separate elements, and in cases where they intersect, politics has special precedence over religion. In general, it can be said that the main essence of Tensor's and Machiavelli's works is that there should be a serious difference and distinction between religion and the necessities of politics. Although in Tensar's works, the alignment of religion and politics is quite tangible, but in the relationship between religion and politics, religion has always been left aside in favor of politics and power, under the guise of expediency and heresy.

China is seeking a dynamic presence in the high seas and strategic ports of the world in order to become a world power. One of its important initiatives is the "China's Maritime Silk Road Initiative" (MSRI), which has various political, economic, and geopolitical dimensions for China. This sea route, after passing through the Indian Ocean and various ports, will eventually reach the European continent. One of its goals is to "raise the level of development of European and Asian countries" through this initiative, which will be achieved by developing the infrastructure in the "transit countries" and facilitating regional cooperation among them. The key question of this research is: How can Iran's political economy improve in China's maritime silk road plan? The research method is descriptive, using library resources, to express and operationalize the variables through indicators. The research also explains how this "improvement of position" in the field of political economy is possible for Iran. The main hypothesis is that "the increase of Chinese investments and mutual cooperation" in developing Iran's infrastructure, in line with China's MSRI, will improve the position of Iran's political economy for China.

Today, democracy has been proposed as the most desirable way of political life, and all political systems benefit from the label of democracy in order to gain legitimacy and continue their existence, and by creating some democratic political institutions, they claim such legitimacy and legitimacy. Despite this, every thinker tries to provide a specific definition of it. In this essay, we try to examine democracy in the opinions and thoughts of Dr. Ali Shariati as a religious intellectual, in the framework of Skinner's hermeneutic methodology. In his thoughts, Shariati focuses on two types of democracy: one is free democracy and the other is committed democracy. Free democracy is the one that comes to work with the people's vote and has no commitment other than what the people want. Democracy is committed to the government of a group that wants to transform people, people's vision, people's language and culture, social relations and people's living standards and the form of society and drive it to its best form based on a progressive revolutionary program. By presenting a different understanding and interpretation of democracy, under the title of committed democracy, which is based on the mechanism emerging from the totality of "modern Shia Islam", he had a significant impact on the intellectual and political discourses of the revolutionary currents leading to the 1357 revolution.

Today, democracy has been proposed as the most desirable biopolitical way and all political systems use the label of democracy to gain legitimacy and continuity of life and claim such legitimacy by creating some democratic political institutions. Nevertheless, every thinker has paid special attention to it. In this article, we try to study democracy and its principles in the religious views and ideas of Mohammad Mojtahed Shabestari, in the framework of Skinner's hermeneutic methodology. By studying the views and ideas of Mujtahid Shabestari as a religious thinker and influential in the intellectual currents of Iran after the revolution, a democratic interpretation of religion can be given to his thought and he with a hermeneutic view, a modern interpretation of traditional concepts such as justice, council, council. And ... presented that is compatible with contemporary human understanding or modern understanding of religion. Also, Mujtahid Shabestari has tried to reconcile religion and modernity, and to offer a modern and time-friendly interpretation that is in line with the spirit of the time, and with this approach to modern concepts such as democracy, with the principle of freedom and equality, Believes in the existence of "Muslim democracy" and believes that these two principles should manifest themselves in the heart of society with different traditions as the core of the regime everywhere, and the separation of religion from politics, the secularism of politics and The government believes.

The purpose of this study is to study the hermeneutics of religious texts and the political context of the formation of these texts in the Safavid government, which took place with the activities of Shiite jurists. The Safavid rule marked the beginning of an important shift in Iranian history for the transfer of power from Sunni to Shiite governments. This change would not have been possible without reinterpreting religious texts. Skinner's hermeneutic method has been used to understand the process by which this change may occur. Skinner is one of the thinkers who, in addition to paying attention to the text and its context, emphasizes the author's intention to understand the meaning of the text and has been able to explain ideological change or change in the conventional norm of a society in its five stages. Give. The findings of this study show that the Safavid government, with the cooperation of Shiite jurists, succeeded in a gradual process to figure out this change in the norm with religious texts and special attention to the political context of the day.

Islam is one of the religions that are based on fixed and sacred texts. It is natural that political systems derived from the school of Islam are also formed on the basis of the interpretation of sacred texts. The question of this article is what is the interpretation of the religious texts of the Islamic Republic of Iran. And what is the difference between this interpretation and other religious governments derived from Islam? To answer this question, Skinner's hermeneutics has been used to pay attention to both the political context and the intent of the author Vanity, as well as to the ideological change necessary for the formation of a new political system.Religious texts and traditions emphasized in the Islamic Republic, the changes brought about by the change of interpretation of some verses, the place of power building in this change, the role of jurists and scholars in this field are among the concerns that have been tried with the help of hermeneutic experts. Focus on the context of Skinner's hermeneutics.Religious texts appear to have been used to reinforce and consolidate the new ideology, various religious ceremonies as a symbol of normative change, with the formation of the Islamic Republic and the support of the power structure necessary to expand the expression of Ahl al-Bayt's virtues. Conventional usedThe position of the jurists at the top of the pyramid of power over the former Shiite governments has unprecedentedly increased. This process led to the formation of new political ideas and identities.

This paper examines six methodological myths, which animates a wide range of fallacies in the study of the history of political thought. “The reduction of social facts to language representations” and “the reduction of the relations among politico-intellectual facts to family resemblance and language games” are the first two myths, which I try to discuss and bust in this paper. They stem from an unwarranted generalization of Wittgenstein’s ideas regarding philosophical statements and metaphysical claims to scientific (theoretical and experimental) statements. The next four myths are those, which Skinner pioneered in introducing and critically examining—i.e., “the myth of anachronism”, “the myth of reification”, “the myth of coherence” and “the myth of prolepsis”. In the Introduction, I discuss some theoretical basis for this methodological critique to the study of the history of political thought. Afterwards, in the first two parts of the paper, the two Wittgensteinian fallacies will be examined separately through a close reading of the ideas he developed in the two phases of his intellectual life. The four Skinnerian fallacies will be examined through four sections under the third part of the paper. Setting forth an overall review of the debates, which have taken shape around the six introduced fallacies, I conclude the paper with an evaluation of the relations between the Wittgenstein-inspired methodological myths and those discovered by Skinner given the fact that Skinner’s ideas regarding the methodology of the study of the history of political thought were partly under the influence of Wittgenstein’s philosophical ideas.

The present study is an analysis of speech-hermeneutic action of the conventional norm of revolution with a political context in the thought of the Supreme Leader.

To achieve the purpose of this article, Skinner's hermeneutic method is used, which explains the conventional norm change during specific processes and during five stages. Criticizing the textualist and contextualist hermeneutic method, Skinner Hermeneutics tries to combine the findings of both methods with its own intentional methodology in order to understand the main intention of the author and to express the process of changing and developing a new norm.

The findings of this article show that the development of the conventional norm of the Islamic Revolution was carried out by theoretical explanations and practical leadership. Imam Khomeini (ra) with the system and institution building and finally with the revision of the constitution in 1989 set a new norm on the path of consolidation. The guidance of this important path fell to the Supreme Leader after Imam Khomeini. The speech action of the Supreme Leader has been oriented in line with the conventional norm of the time according to the conditions and political context of the society.

The Supreme Leader during his leadership in accordance with the current situation of society and according to internal and external events related to the Islamic Revolution by designing theories of the Islamic State, forming a single nation, discussing the goals of the Islamic Revolution, modern Islamic civilization, resistance economy And the second step of the revolution, they have explained the conventional norm of the revolution with their verbal action.

The main question of the present study is why the scholars of the Baghdad school, unlike their predecessors, allowed people to cooperate with tyrant sultan. The significance of this research goes back to the important evolution that has taken place in Imamiyya's political jurisprudence, namely, the conversion of the fatwa of the sanctity of cooperation with tyrant Sultan to the authorization and necessity of cooperation with it. The study first examined the views of the jurisprudents before the Baghdad school, and it was concluded that they regarded the state as the exclusive right of the innocent Imam and favored cooperation with the ruler of oppression. Subsequently, the conditions of the jurisprudents time of Baghdad work era have been analyzed to determine the factors that have revised their earlier jurisprudence and legitimized cooperation with tyrant sultan. The present study examines this shift in the views of Shiite scholars with Skinner's hermeneutics and identifies its causes. The result is that the changing norms of the sanctity of cooperation with the tyrant Sultan and its conversion to license, and even the necessity of cooperation by the Imamiyya scholars of Baghdad school, have been due to the changing conditions prevailing in Islamic society and an opportunity for Buyids to strengthen the Shiite religion and the status of Shiites. This study provides a background for future researches on the relationship of the change of jurisprudential fatwas in politics with the prevailing scientific, social and political conditions.

The political statements of Isa Ahmad Qasim and Abdul Wahhab Hussein - two thinkers and political activists known in Bahrain as “Sheikh Isa Qasim” and “Master Abdul Wahab Hussein” respectively - have had a significant impact on contemporary popular movements in Bahrain. These two characters are, in turn, both reformist and revolutionary discourses. Their attitude to the popular movements in Bahrain led to different approaches in achieving their goals and, ultimately, to the split in the popular body of the February 14, 2011 movement. The reason for this discrepancy is also due to the difference in their viewpoints towards the desirable government that derives from their thinking. This study, by means of comparative comparisons and library data collection, seeks to compare government theory from the perspective of the most important common concepts of their political viewpoints towards the Skinner’s hermeneutical method. The findings indicate that recent developments in Bahrain and the severity of the repression of the people and movements by the regime have had a significant impact on changing Ayatollah Qassim’s political tone and attitude and have led him to present a moderate conception of his political thought that ultimately the constitutional monarchy is considered the most favorable for Bahrain. While the repressions of the Bahraini regime not only tempered Abdul Wahhab Hussein’s action, it also led him to present a revolutionary model of his political attitude, as before, with the aim of overthrowing the system with the aim of forming a democratic Islamic State Ruler. In fact, Professor Abdul Wahhab Hussein opposed Sheikh Isa Qassim’s idea of forming a constitutional kingdom in Bahrain, calling the ideal Islamic government democratic. These two different literatures in the February 14th movement eventually split the people and divided them into reformers and advocates for revolution. This led to the prolongation of the February 14 movement and its suppression by the Bahraini regime.

The challenge of methods of proper understanding of thought, in general, and that of political thought, in particular, is a challenge that the thinkers of this field have been facing for the past several centuries. One of these methods is hermeneutics. But hermeneutics, as a method, has at times been criticized for not enjoying the necessary objectivism. The subjective approach and individualistic method latent in it has been challenged by some rival methods. In this article, it has been attempted to attain a synthetic method in a revised form through employing comparative philosophical method and using analytical tools and concepts of Skinner and Gadamer’s hermeneutics in reading the text. The teachings of Skinner and Gadamer have been used in a comparative form so that by transition from them to a synthetic method is attained for understanding thought. In this method, while using the technique of speech act used by Skinner’s hermeneutics, the role of audience in finding the final meaning through Gadamer’s method is considered. This synthetic method of reading the text is not free from influence of revised and constructionist methods.

The subject of this article is the objective context of the thought of Seyed Hossein Nasr. (Problem) It is therefore important that the traditionalist discourse, along with two fundamentalist and modernist discourses of Islam, has many thinkers and critics. Various methods can be used to study the thoughts of thinkers. In this research, we tried to use the skinner's hermeneutic method to explain the objective fields of Nasr's political thought. First, Skinner's method and its main concepts are explained, which emphasizes the two elements of intention and context. It has also been attempted to draw a perspective on the possibilities of the above methodology for analyzing political thought. Then he explains the life of Nasr as the subject of his thinking. The objective fields of thought of Seyyed Hossein Nasr mean the study of biography and biography of a person from the beginning of life to the attainment of intellectual maturity, and then to better understand how the formation of thoughts and ideas of the author in the context of history, how education in social relations in The opinions of one person are influenced and then they examine the intellectual and political environment of the author, which allows him to understand his work better. (Findings)

Generally, there are several dominant ways to interpret political thought, such as discovering the rational structure of text, discourse analysis and hermeneutical methods. Hermeneutical methods can be divided into two macro categories: Contextual interpretations and textual interpretations. This article, in theoretical level, and with a focus on the hermeneutic interpretation of the text, tries to compare two of the contemporary commentators: Strauss and Skinner. It describes Strauss' method, criticisms against his school, and ultimately provides a description of Skinner’s methodology. To a better understanding of Skinner's critique of the Strauss school, an example of Straussian historiography points out Tabatabai's commentary, and briefly illustrates how Strauss’s method can be applied and shows its possible disadvantages. The purpose of the article is to describe the theoretical and critical comparisons of the two ways of interpreting political thought, which have great importance to historiography of thought. The article ultimately concludes that there are shortcomings in the textual reading of the political ideas that can be compensated by using some of Skinner's method.

According to this writing, Hafez inspired by the pattern of “treaty writing”, is of political thought. The article has benefited from the strategy of content analysis in favor of the extraction of political concept of Divan e- Khajeh as well as the compilation of data.In the study of political thought, it is asked whether Hafez is traditional or nontraditional or what the mystery of his compliments from the rulers of that age is. The article has viewed to the intention hermeneutic, theoretical pattern of Skinner through a balanced view towards the text and the ground of political thought of a scholar.In this writing, three opponent theories are rejected. Hafez has taken advantage of dissimulation and if he has shown any fondness towards the owners of power, it has been due to preserving his life and position 0. Hafez has had an instrumental usage of this fondness, his main political view was not in favor of monarchy, and his ideal was towards seeking right and justice, 3. There exists a constantly positive and meaningful relationship between Hafez’s mystical alterations and his political thoughts.