taliban

Although Afghanistan and Iran share a common civilizational structure and have cultural, linguistic, literary, historical and religious similarities and ties, the cultural relations between the two countries have been held hostage in a way in the last few decades under the influence of political developments and foreign interventions. This issue was clearly evident during the twentyyear rule of the republican system (the liberal democracy of Hamid Karzai- Ashraf Ghani), and now, after nearly three years of the second Taliban government, culture, if not to say hostage to politics, is strongly influenced by the Taliban's political strategies. Whether we like it or not, culture and politics follow and are subordinate to each other. In other words, both culture affects politics and politics affects culture. The collapse of the US-dependent political system and the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan are in themselves the most important platform for the expansion of cultural activities in this country. With the coming to power of the second Taliban government, the question has always been on the minds of Iranian policymakers as to what the Taliban's approach to cultural interactions will be? Given the existence of some restrictions in the Ashraf Ghani government for cultural interactions, it seemed that with the conclusion of the intra-Afghan negotiations and the formation of an interim government, more ground would be created for cultural activities. However, the Taliban leaders' disregard for the formation of an inclusive government and the lack of acceptance of other groups and political movements within the country and the prioritization of security issues have practically caused cultural relations to be at their lowest during the nearly 3 years of Taliban rule.

During the so-called jihad against foreign forces, the Taliban always emphasized that the Shiites were our brothers and would play an effective role in the future government; but the issue of recognizing the Shiites was never raised by the Taliban leaders. Before entering Kabul, Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said about the rights of the Shiites in the future system of Afghanistan: “In a true Islamic government, the rights of Afghans of every tribe and religion will be protected, and everyone must participate in this Islamic government. Without a doubt, our Shiite brothers will also be present in the council and will participate in the decisions.
Even now, Shiites in some areas are standing with us in the jihad against the Americans and the central government, and even the governor of the Islamic Emirate in the Balkhab region has been elected from Shiites. Without a doubt, we will use Shiite brothers in the future military structure so that the future Afghan army will be a comprehensive and powerful army.” More than three years have passed since the Taliban rule, and during this time, the current rulers of the Islamic Emirate have tried to further dominate Afghanistan by first controlling the Shiite Hazaras and, in various ways, not allowing them to make any moves so that the Shiites do not form an alliance and alignment with the Tajiks and Uzbeks and so that the ground for a military rebellion by the Hazaras is not prepared.

The Islamic State of Khorasan Province is one of the branches of ISIS that is not only still active three years after its establishment, but is currently expanding its regional influence. The capture of Kabul by the Taliban in 1400, along with the withdrawal of the United States and the collapse of the Afghan government, created a new opportunity for ISIS Khorasan to regroup and resume its violent attacks. The terrorist acts that ISIS has so far registered in its name have also provoked a reaction from the Taliban, to the extent that this group has given ISIS the nickname "Khavarej". ISIS Khorasan seeks to disrupt the existing order in the region through violent methods. Given the geographical proximity of Afghanistan to the Iran and the goals of ISIS Khorasan and its regional and extra-regional supporters, this article seeks to explain and identify this group, examine the current status and strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

This current research aims to design a pragmatic model of the security threats of the Taliban against the Islamic Republic of Iran, emphasizing the environmental factors of Hirmand. The current research is developmental in terms of its purpose; In terms of approach, it is done qualitatively and based on metacomposition. Based on this, the statistical population of the research includes a collection of articles that were published from 1392 to 1402 on the subject of Hirmand water, its security, and environmental issues. The authors selected 42 articles from among 160 articles by searching among prominent domestic scientific databases. After analyzing their content, categories and concepts were extracted and their prioritization was done using Shannon's entropy method. Based on the research findings, 28 concepts were identified in 8 categories and classified in the form of two categories of political-legal and geopolitical-environmental threats. Political-legal threats include political blackmail, non-compliance with legal laws, increased security and political movements of centrifugal forces, and geopolitical-environmental threats including hydro-political tensions, development of dam projects in Afghanistan, deviation in the Hirmand water path, the threat of Before the micro dusts and the destruction of the economy and agriculture of Baluchistan region.

The purpose of this research is to present the structural-interpretative model of the Taliban in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The research method is quantitative-qualitative. In the qualitative part, in order to identify influential factors, the content analysis method, literature review, and exploratory interviews with 28 experts in the fields of political science, geopolitics, international relations, and regional studies were used. The non-random method with the snowball technique was used to select experts until reaching theoretical saturation. The statistical population in the quantitative part was 85 experts, researchers, and researchers who were estimated by simple random sampling. The Delphi method was used to screen and select the factors, and among the 17 identified factors, 15 elements were selected. Using exploratory factor analysis, the factors were determined in the form of the three main factors of the moderate Islamic state, the effort for ethnic unity in Afghanistan, and the strengthened social and popular base. Also, for leveling, the structural modeling-interpretive method has been used, which is placed in the first level - the moderate Islamic state, the second level is the effort for ethnic unity in Afghanistan, and the third level is the strengthening of the social and popular base. According to the graph of the power of influence and degree of dependence, all three factors were placed in the autonomous region, which has low power of influence and degree of dependence and will have little influence and permeability.

The events of September 11 brought the issue of the U.S. fight against terrorism in Afghanistan to the forefront. Despite the significant expenditure aimed at advancing the U.S. nation-building project in Afghanistan, the Taliban managed to recapture Kabul on August 15, 2021. This rapid takeover had profound consequences. For Iran, both the U.S. withdrawal and the Taliban’s victory hold significant importance. However, the rise of the Taliban has raised doubts about Iran’s political and economic influence in Afghanistan. In this respect, the current study tried to answer the following research question: What conditions and consequences can be anticipated for Iran’s foreign policy following the U.S. military withdrawal? The beginning of the U.S. withdrawal from Iran’s neighboring territories on May 1, 2021, presents an opportunity to enhance Iran’s regional role; however, it also poses significant challenges. These include the emergence of an unstable Afghanistan under Taliban rule, the intensification of regional rivalries, the clash of different interpretations of political ideas of Islam, and a decline in Iran’s national security and influence in Afghanistan.  Additionally, the proliferation of ethnic and Takfiri ideologies and increased insecurity in Iran’s eastern regions remain critical negative consequences.

Literature Review:

There have been studies examining the U.S. presence in Afghanistan and its implications for Iran’s national security. However, given the relatively short time since the recent developments in Afghanistan, the literature on the topic is limited. For instance, Verma (2022) in the article “Afghanistan, Regional Powers, and Non-Traditional Security Threats and Challenges,” argues that the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan leads to instability that extends beyond Afghanistan’s borders. This instability is expected to result in non-traditional threats and challenges such as transnational Islamic fundamentalist terrorism, drug trafficking, migration, and a prolonged increase in violence within Afghanistan itself. In the relevant literature, there is a noticeable lack of analysis from the perspective of realism, particularly regarding Iran’s strategic options following the U.S. withdrawal and the consequences for its national security. The present study sought to address this gap by presenting a novel approach to the topic.

The present research aimed to identify the security threats posed to Iran’s national security by the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. Following an explanatory methodology, the study relied on a realist framework to analyze the data collected from online and library resources.

The U.S. military presence in Afghanistan since 2001, sustained at great costs over two decades, alongside persistent threats from the Taliban, eventually placed the prospect of withdrawing from Afghanistan on the U.S. foreign policy agenda. Following the withdrawal, the Taliban—a movement deeply rooted in Afghan ethnic and cultural dynamics and known for its resistance against foreign occupiers—regained power with significant support from the Pashtun population in a favorable environment created by the U.S. withdrawal. Concerning Iran, one positive consequence of the Taliban’s return to power is the shared hostility of both sides toward the U.S. However, the Taliban’s declaration of an Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan introduces the possibility of ideological rivalry with Iran. Moreover, the expected terrorist threats in Iran’s surrounding regions is likely to impact domestic security, thus prompting increased migration of Afghans into Iran. Concerning its external consequences, the re-establishment of Taliban rule can expand the influence of countries such as Pakistan, Qatar, and Turkey in Afghanistan’s political landscape.The U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan will intensify the competition among regional powers aiming to shape the country’s future, with Iran playing a key role. However, Iran may face additional challenges due to the Taliban’s ethnic-based approach—rooted in a 42% Pashtun population—and their monopolization of power. The insecurity stemming from the U.S. withdrawal is likely to trigger an increased wave of Afghan refugees heading toward Iran. Furthermore, the agreement between Afghanistan and the U.S. undermines Afghanistan’s traditional neutrality in Central and South Asian politics. This shift could lead to antagonistic actions against Iran within Afghan domestic politics and among its political factions, such as Tajiks and Pashtuns, as they navigate their future relationship with the United States. This dynamic intensifies regional competition, particularly between Iran and Pakistan. The emergence of a new Taliban government also threatens to weaken Iran’s regional position. Tehran’s rivals, including Saudi Arabia and Turkey, maintain better relations with the Taliban group. In fact, the Taliban refers to the Turks as brotherly people while addressing Iran merely as a neighbor. In addition, there is currently no viable anti-Taliban coalition, and major powers—Russia, China, the E.U., and the U.S.—are engaging in dialogue with the Taliban. Another pressing issue for Iran’s national security is the water-sharing dispute with the Taliban. Iranian officials have recently accused the Taliban of violating Iran’s water rights by refusing to release water from the new Kamal Khan Dam on the Helmand River, which flows into Lake Hamoon in Iran’s Sistan and Baluchestan Province (Tookhy, 2022). If the Taliban were to rely on groups like ISIS or al-Qaeda to provide security in Afghanistan or carry out cross-border programs, Iran’s national security and its eastern borders would face serious challenges. Therefore, as Afghanistan’s close neighbor, Iran could encounter a new wave of emerging terrorism originating from Afghanistan.

The withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan has created an opportunity for Iran to play a more prominent role in the region, albeit with significant negative implications for its national security. The Iranian government views the Taliban’s dominance in Afghanistan as a potential opportunity to expand its economic influence, which, in turn, can bolster Iran’s national security. However, the most critical consequence of the Taliban’s resurgence for Iran is the exacerbation of ethnic and religious divides, leading to increased insecurity and a heightened sense of relative deprivation in the country’s eastern regions. From this perspective, even if the Taliban succeeds in forming a government, their lack of popular support will likely prevent them from effectively controlling the threatening and destabilizing processes within Afghanistan’s borders. This domestic insecurity is expected to spill over into the broader region, including Iran, thereby posing additional threats to Iran’s national security.

Afghanistan must be considered one of the most important countries with a fragile government in today's world. A country under Taliban rule with specific ideologies and actions has become a source of numerous security, economic, and socio-political threats both domestically and internationally. Iran, with its long shared borders, has been on the front lines facing the consequences of Afghanistan's government inefficacy and fragility for several decades. With this in mind, the current article, focusing on the security impacts of this country on the Islamic Republic of Iran, seeks to answer the question: What threats and security challenges has the fragile state of Afghanistan caused for the Islamic Republic of Iran following the Taliban's return to power, and what solutions exist to mitigate these threats? In response to this question, it must be hypothesized that the fragile and unstable situation of the Afghan government under Taliban rule in managing and solving its challenges has led to threats such as Taliban behavior towards Afghan Shiites, ethnocentric and exclusive approaches in forming the government, the expansion of terrorist activities, securing borders, irregular migration of Afghan migrants, issues regarding the water rights of the Helmand River, and drug trafficking as the most significant security threats to Iran from Afghanistan. The research findings affirm that the presence of these challenges as security threats to Iran is acknowledged, and intervention by international organizations along with the cooperation of neighboring countries of Afghanistan and extra-regional powers to enhance the efficacy and power of the state in Afghanistan within the framework of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine could reduce the effects of these security threats for Iran. The current research is based on a descriptive-analytical method, and its data has been collected through library resources.

The Taliban Islamic Emirate came to power in Afghanistan in two periods in the political history of Afghanistan. The Taliban is a military religious organization and fundamentalist Islamist movement of Deobandi Sunni Hanafi and in the 200-year history of Afghanistan and in the Pashtun ethnic community. The Mojahedin era, affected by various circumstances, managed to take over the government of Afghanistan. This movement has been considered terrorist by most of the international organizations and governments of the world. What distinguishes the Taliban from other Afghan groups. The area of ​​special religious thought is the ethnicity of the Pashtun Governorate's internal government and its traditional ethnic nervousness system. The purpose of this article is to examine the sociological and historical causes of the emergence of the Taliban, its social consequences at the domestic and international levels in Afghanistan. In this article, the center of gravity of the Taliban is examined in the sociological field. The Taliban is a phenomenon within the Afghan society that can be addressed from different aspects, not a social issue, but from a sociological point of view. The most important topic will be its sociological consequences, especially around the future situation and social conditions and development of this country.

considering the significant effects of the Taliban's return to power on Iran, it is crucial to analyze this event from various perspectives. Therefore, the central question of this paper focuses on the examination of the Taliban’s discourse within the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and its ideological repercussions for governance in Iran. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the Taliban's rule over Afghanistan is underpinned by discursive foundations and has multiple political and social implications, which are both shaped by this discourse and directly impact Iran. Research findings indicate that the Taliban’s discourse is not theological but rather reflects a form of Salafi fundamentalism that is incompatible with Afghanistan's sociocultural fabric, exacerbating internal tensions and leading to social instability. This instability poses negative consequences for governance in Iran, ranging from conflicts between Shia and Sunni discourses to issues such as an increase in the number of migrants. The research adopts a discourse analysis approach, with data gathered through library research.

The Relationship between the Afghan Government and the Taliban Group has experienced many ups and downs. With the Taliban's rise to power in 2021, the group's influence on the policies of Afghanistan's neighboring countries, including Iran, has been subject to varying approaches. This paper seeks to answer the question of how the political developments in Afghanistan and the Taliban's seizure of power will impact Iran's policy towards Afghanistan. This research has been conducted using a documentary-library method. The findings of the research indicate that the Taliban's rise to power and subsequent developments have had a significant impact on Iran-Afghanistan relations. These developments have posed new challenges to bilateral relations and led to greater complexities in these relations, influenced by security issues, power distribution in Afghanistan, and cultural and environmental factors.

The present study aims to examine the strategic model of relations between Iran and the second Taliban government. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that during the years of the second Taliban government, the Islamic Republic of Iran has yet to officially recognize the Taliban. Both sides face disagreements on significant issues such as the type and model of an inclusive government in Afghanistan, border disputes, the Hirmand River water rights, the uncontrolled influx of Afghan refugees, arms and drug trafficking, extremism and attacks on Shia communities, fostering divisions, weakening the Persian language, and internal instability in Afghanistan. However, based on the SWOT model, despite these threats, there are important opportunities for Iran in areas such as economic cooperation, intelligence-sharing, regional organizations, combating terrorism, and utilizing the potential of Afghan refugees. Moreover, strengths such as a rich and shared culture with Iran, underground resources and minerals, an anti-imperialist discourse, Afghanistan's unique geopolitical position, the presence of the Hazara ethnic group and Shia communities, and military resources and weapons provide Iran with the ability to balance strengths and weaknesses by employing the SWOT model. This allows Iran to adopt four strategies for formulating and adjusting its foreign policy towards the second Taliban government. Among the four proposed strategies, the first and third would assist Iran in maintaining favorable relations with the Taliban, while the second and fourth strategies would enable Iran to stay aware of Taliban-related threats. Equipped with knowledge and grounded in current realities, Tehran can then design and implement its relations with the Taliban accordingly.

The sudden withdrawal of Western forces from Afghanistan and the reappearance of theTaliban in this country led to the creation of a new scene in the field of Afghan politics and the change of the position of internal and external actors involved in thiscountry;These developments andevents in Afghanistanbecame aserious challenge for Russia.The sudden withdrawal of the remainingWestern forces from Afghanistan and the seizure of power by the Taliban led to a decrease in fighting violence across the country,but greatly increased the overall level of uncertainty.Therefore, Russia tried toreact to thiscrisis byconsidering regional and international goals.This article is created with the aim of identifying the reasons for revision in the foreign policy of Russia regarding the developments in Afghanistan due to the re-emergence of theTaliban.Therefore, the main question is raised, what are the reasons for revising Russia's foreign policy regarding the developments in Afghanistan due to the emergence of theTaliban in this country?To find the answer to this question, the descriptive-analytical research method has been used,using library collection tools and internet sites.Also,the authors will examine this hypothesis,Afghanistan isof great importancein thestrategicposition of Russia,andstable instabilityin Afghanistan after the withdrawal of American forces can create a security threat forRussia and otherCIS members.The findings of the article show that Russia has dealt with Afghanistan by adopting a tactical approach with the aim of managing and repelling threatsin itsforeign policy.NowRussia is trying toenter the peace processinAfghanistan with its aggressive approach as a world power and in this way it can impose its policy on Afghanistan.

Afghanistan experienced a new experience of state-building from 2001-2021. During this period, the Afghan government, with its international and mainly Western partners, tried to establish a liberal state in Afghanistan. Although there were high hopes for the formation of a modern state from 2001-2003, since 2003, disappointment in the efficiency of the state has slowly emerged; because since 2003, insecurity has been intensifying. Some have considered the reason for insecurity to be the inability of political leaders to manage the country; some have pointed to the negative role of neighbors; and others have spoken of the Great Game. The purpose of the current article is to explain this issue. Therefore, the main question in this research is how has the competition between Russia and the United States in the three dimensions of politics, military-security, and economy affected the security of Afghanistan? The research hypothesis is that these two powers, considering the differences over the US presence in Afghanistan, the issue of the Taliban and Afghan peace, the transfer of energy through Afghanistan, and American democratization, have pursued a confrontational policy in Afghanistan, which has led to a decrease in security in Afghanistan. This article, using a qualitative method and library data, has reached the conclusion that the competition between Russia and the US in Afghanistan in the three aforementioned areas has caused both countries to seek to balance and limit each other's influence and pursue a complex multi-level game in Afghanistan. This has damaged the country's relative security and rendered peace talks fruitless. Because the alignment of interests of domestic groups (whether political parties, part of the government, or the Taliban) with these two countries has complicated security policymaking and measures to ensure security.

With their resurgence in Afghanistan, the Taliban has adopted the term "Islamic Emirate" instead of "Islamic State." After capturing Kabul, the Taliban formally introduced their interim government and requested the United Nations to recognize their representation. The Taliban regime, which can be described as an "Ethnic-Religious Leviathan," does not adhere to the conventional norms of legitimacy in international law. Instead, it bases its principles on "Hanafi jurisprudence," "Pashtunwali customs," and the "Loya Jirga tradition," none of which align with international standards of legitimacy. These principles, characterized by ethnic nationalism, patriarchy, and the fusion of political and religious despotism, are incompatible with the modern state's elements, such as authority, legitimacy, sovereignty, territory, centralized power, and a constitution.The concept of Leviathan, introduced in Thomas Hobbes' political philosophy, is a significant theory concerning sovereignty and political systems. It is based on a social contract where individuals surrender their decision-making rights to a centralized government. According to Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, the balance of power between the state and society is crucial in determining the type of Leviathan. This balance may result in different forms of Leviathan: a despotic Leviathan where the state is strong, and society is weak; an absent Leviathan where both the state and government institutions are weak; a constrained Leviathan where the state and society are balanced and interact; and a paper Leviathan where both the state and society are weak. In each type of Leviathan, norms play a crucial role in shaping government behavior and actions. In comparison to Leviathan, the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate can be seen as a blend of a despotic Leviathan and a paper Leviathan. In this structure, the Taliban government is strong and authoritarian, but its inability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services leads to a weakened society. This situation restricts individual and social freedoms and places society under the heavy control of the government, with no opportunity for effective political participation. Additionally, exploitative economic institutions in this type of government eliminate incentives for progress and innovation, leading to social instability and weakness. Considering these factors, the Taliban Leviathan can be seen as a combination of both despotic and paper Leviathan types. The paper Leviathan lacks the ability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services, rendering both the state and society weak. At the same time, it constantly fears mobilization from society, which could threaten the stability of its control. In this type of Leviathan, freedom is ultimately thwarted.According to Quentin Skinner’s perspective, understanding the Taliban’s ideology and actions requires reconstructing both their practical and ideological contexts, aiming to clarify what the Taliban intends to achieve. A hermeneutic analysis of the Taliban's actions and the political environment in their Islamic Emirate necessitates examining their ideological foundations, customary norms, their political actions, the development or transformation of their ideology, and finally, the relationship between ideology and political action. The ideological crisis in Afghanistan stems from the lack of indigenous forces for national and political independence. As a country with ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity, Afghanistan has long faced identity problems. The state's, system's, and nation’s identity in Afghanistan have always been ambiguous and unstable. This identity crisis has been exacerbated by the dominance of tribal culture, which conflicts with modernity and inter-ethnic culture. In this context, the Taliban, as a group with a specific ideology, has been influenced by Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. Talibanism emerged as a reaction to the inefficiency of the Jihadist government and ethnic fragmentation, attempting to strengthen its legitimacy among the Afghan people by ensuring security.The Taliban's political actions are based on Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. After the 2001 US invasion and the subsequent fall of their government, the Taliban resorted to guerrilla warfare. Through reorganization and alliances with groups like al-Qaeda, they managed to regain control over various regions and gradually became a significant political power in Afghanistan. However, the Taliban's political actions have consistently been characterized by totalitarianism and exclusivity, which has deepened ethnic and racial divisions in Afghanistan. In forming their ideology, the Taliban collaborated with fundamentalist and reactionary groups, adopting norms from Hanafi culture as their political ideology. Over time, this ideology has evolved under the influence of global and regional developments, particularly after the deaths of the Taliban’s original leaders and the emergence of new ones. The group has attempted to adapt its ideology to new global and local challenges. Global events like the September 11 attacks and the US wars in Afghanistan also played a role in these ideological shifts.As an Islamic movement, the Taliban has intertwined its ideology with political actions. By adhering to Islamic principles and Sharia law, the group seeks to reshape Afghanistan's social and political structures in line with its ideology. The connection between the Taliban's ideology and political action has enabled them to dominate the Afghan people and implement their policies using ideological power. The Taliban's conservative ideology, emphasizing the enforcement of Islamic limits and a particular interpretation of Sharia, serves as the foundation of their governance and helps them reconstruct Afghanistan's social and political systems according to their ideological vision. This analysis shows that the Taliban has not only used its ideology but also its political and military actions to establish a prominent position in AfghanThe comparison between the Leviathan theory and the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban reveals that each of these concepts possesses unique characteristics in areas such as sovereignty, state formation, and political systems. This analysis not only enhances the understanding of philosophical and political concepts but also sheds light on the challenges and opportunities emerging in different contexts. With the collapse of the Afghan government and the ensuing panic among the people, there are growing concerns that with the rise of the Taliban, Afghanistan might revert to a pre-modern era, where women would be confined to their homes, girls would be denied education, men would be forced to comply with Sharia law, and the Taliban-controlled media would lack freedom. Moreover, the public fears that any Afghan citizen who collaborated with the previous government or the United States might face severe punishment if discovered by the Taliban. In essence, it can be said that the state-building process appears to be moving in reverse, leading to a breakdown of order. However, the Taliban has denied all these claims in conferences, asserting that they have no intention of reinstating previous policies and that their objective is to assist the people and promote the progress and development of Afghanistan. This is a question that cannot be answered definitively at this time; it remains to be seen what the outcomes of the Taliban's Islamic governance in Afghanistan will be. Nevertheless, given the internal and regional circumstances, the future of the Taliban government remains uncertain. Domestically, the issue of governing a fragmented society persists, and the Taliban's Leviathan, in addition to maintaining stability, faces multiple and diverse demands from Afghanistan's youthful and sectarian society. Consequently, the Taliban will inevitably need to adopt a more inclusive approach, which will require developing a coherent theory of governance and appropriate mechanisms. However, it must be acknowledged that the process of forming a strong and stable state is still in its early stages, as the Taliban's Islamic Emirate is highly dependent on developmental assistance and de jure recognition on the global stage to carry out the typical functions of a sustainable government.

The long-term political conflict in Afghanistan over the acquisition of power reached its peak in 2022 with the fall of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the Taliban's resumption of power. However, to find the roots of the many causes of this event, we must consider the geographical and ethnic-racial features of Afghanistan, along with the efforts of the modern governments of this country in the direction of nation-state building in the context of political history, as well as the role of neighbors and regional and extra-regional powers. In addition, centralized/decentralized and federal/non-federal governance models should also be discussed in theory and practice. In this article, an attempt is made to answer this question: why can the governance model based on centralized federalism be a desirable political solution to end the long-term power conflict in Afghanistan? According to the research hypothesis, due to the mosaic fabric of society in Afghanistan and the preference of ethnic tendencies over national tendencies and interests, the model of federalism and at the same time the existence of a powerful central federal government can be presented as a desirable political solution. The research results that the factors of the fall and collapse of the Afghan government were the high level of government concentration, the lack of attention to the participation of political groups and ethnic groups in power, and the lack of use of the capacities of local governments.

In 2021, with the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan, the Taliban returned to power after nearly twenty years. The return of the Taliban has had various geopolitical, social, political, and economic effects on Afghanistan and the region. This article is dedicated to answering a crucial question: what effects has the Taliban's rise to power had on Afghanistan's economy? It collects and categorizes library resources analyses previously written in this field and analyzes Afghanistan's economic data during the Taliban era. The central hypothesis is based on the premise that the Taliban's return to the political scene in Afghanistan has had negative effects on the country's internal economic indicators and the welfare level of its people, leading to the creation of recession, poverty, and unemployment. However, from a regional economic perspective, the Taliban has managed to maintain its trade levels by exporting agricultural products and raw materials. Although the Taliban has not successfully reduced unemployment, alleviated poverty, decreased recession, or increased production and business within Afghanistan, it has managed to maintain its trade relations with neighboring countries compared to the republic era.

Emphasizing the role of external factors, this research seeks to investigate peace, which led to the collapse of the Afghan government. After the American presence in Afghanistan during this period of twenty years, most of the political priorities, the discussion of war and peace, and the discussion of terrorism in Afghanistan were determined and assigned by the United States of America. Finally, the fate of this country was determined by different parties in the Doha Agreement in 2020. This agreement and the withdrawal of the American military from the Bagram military base made the fall of the Afghan government certain on August 15, 2021. What important factors play a role in the downfall of the Afghan government? This research is faced with the hypothesis that in addition to various internal issues, the collapse of the Afghan government was caused by external factors. The findings of the research show that the Doha Peace Agreement is a factor in initiating the Taliban; The withdrawal of foreign military forces is a factor in creating a power vacuum. Support for the Taliban has been the three key factors for the collapse of the government in Afghanistan.

Along with the Taliban’s rise to power, a set of direct and indirect impacts on the security and political aspects of Iran’s border regions has occurred. Considering the current political and discursive developments of the Taliban in Afghanistan, the present study examines the potential and actual implications of the Taliban’s rise to power on Iran’s border regions. The main question of the research is: based on the Copenhagen School theory, what are the potential political and security implications of the Taliban’s rise to power for Iran’s border regions? Using a descriptive-analytic method, this study shows that Iran’s border regions are and will be affected by the change of governance in Afghanistan concerning potential and actual variables and factors. The governance indicators of the Taliban have the potential for discursive dissemination and spread to Iranian borders. This can occur in terms of identity, Talibanization, and Pashtunization. At objective levels, too, along with the spread and development of terrorist movements within the Taliban’s realm in Pakistan and Afghanistan, there is an increasing possibility of recruiting soldiers and providing military training to certain ethnically and religiously marginalized Iranian individuals in those regions. On the other hand, border conflicts between Taliban forces and Iranian border keepers are a major issue that should be considered, along with the issue of Afghan migration to Iran. Another significant variable is the issue of drug smuggling.

After twenty years, the Taliban regained power for the second time in 2021. The Islamic Emirate must inevitably engage with regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to sustain its governance. Central Asian countries, which are gathered under the umbrella of the SCO, have an influential role in the political developments of Afghanistan. The main question is what impact does the security interaction between the Taliban and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have on the economy and politics of the Taliban government? The research hypothesis is that the security interaction between the Taliban and the (SCO), through the fight against ISIS as a regional consensus, leads to security, political, and economic convergence between the Taliban and the organization. The findings indicate that the anti-ISIS policy of the Taliban and their fight against drug trafficking provide a basis for security cooperation with the organization. Moreover, the political alignment with China and Russia, who are among the main actors of the organization, stands the Taliban in the anti-unilateralism camp against the United States. The present research has utilized the explanatory method and library-based data collection approach.

In August 2021, Afghanistan faced a political crisis as it fell under Taliban control. One of the key factors contributing to this crisis is the lack of recognition for the Taliban government as the Islamic Emirate, which has significant implications at the domestic, regional, and international levels. Given its proximity to Afghanistan, Iran has been significantly impacted by the developments in the region. Consequently, Iran has focused its foreign policy on constructive participation to help resolve the crisis. The current situation in Afghanistan presents a new crisis, raising the question of what role can Iran play in managing the political crisis under the Taliban's rule? However, Iran's traditional influence on social and political groups opposing the Taliban, coupled with its active participation in regional and international organizations, could form the basis for its mediation efforts to facilitate a dialogue between conflicting parties. Through a descriptive/analytical-qualitative approach and data gathered from library and internet sources, this study sought to examine the plausibility of this hypothesis. The research results suggest that the Taliban recognizes the need to resolve the crisis through political means to maintain its political life and fulfill international obligations. As such, the group welcomes any actions that move towards this goal. Iran is also taking constructive measures to manage the crisis and align its foreign policy agenda accordingly.