terrorism

Terrorism, as one of the greatest security challenges in the world, has far-reaching impacts on societies and states. This article examines the security implications of terrorism and explores approaches for managing it. Utilizing analytical and descriptive methods and drawing on library and online sources, the study investigates the economic, security, and social consequences of terrorism. It seeks to answer the question: What are the most significant security implications of modern terrorism, and how can its crisis be effectively managed? The findings indicate that the modern terrorism crisis is not confined to a specific geographical area and thus must be considered a global phenomenon. Accordingly, managing this crisis through individual actions, state policies, and international organizations is regarded as an essential necessity.

Terrorism is recognized as one of the ambiguous terms in the international arena, which, due to its conceptual complexity and the lack of consensus on its definition and scope, has consistently faced a semantic crisis. This phenomenon encompasses a wide range of aspects and carries various meanings, each associated with its own theories and definitions. This article aims to examine the conceptual complexity and definitional boundaries of terrorism. The research question is: What has been the evolution and classification of terrorism over time? Findings suggest that terrorism can generally be defined in both traditional and modern forms. The fundamental difference between the two lies in their nature and scope. Traditional terrorism usually refers to individual or group actions aimed at assassinating or killing individuals with political or social impact. In contrast, modern terrorism—shaped by advances in technology, communication, and political and social changes—has evolved into more organized and widespread forms. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data collection is based on library sources.

Terrorism is one of the biggest problems of the modern world society. In recent years, the ISIS terrorist group, as an Islamist group with its unprecedented violence, has attracted more attention from the international community than other terrorist groups. Given the ineffectiveness of methods to combat terrorism and the uncontrolled spread of terrorist groups, this article seeks to identify the causes and factors of its emergence and adopt an appropriate and efficient approach to combat this terrorist group.
The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, and the required information was collected using the library method and by referring to reliable sources, books and articles.
The findings of this research show that the ISIS terrorist group is a product of deprivation, discrimination and violence that has occurred as a result of recent wars in Southwest Asia, rather than originating from factors such as religious extremism or racist ideas, etc. Therefore, in the meantime, the role of religious extremism or racist ideas should be reduced to a tool for neutralizing conscience.
The overall conclusion implies that considering that ISIS is the result of deprivation, discrimination, and violence resulting from recent wars in Southwest Asia, therefore, in order to fundamentally combat terrorism, it is necessary to prevent the formation of a minority not through opposition and violence against it, but through "breaking the majority".

The study of studying and selecting appropriate solutions for managing and controlling war and terrorism in the direction of improving the image of sports in Islamic countries with an emphasis on Islamic verses and narrations has been carried out with the aim of studying appropriate solutions for managing and controlling war and terrorism in the direction of improving the image of sports in Islamic countries with an emphasis on Islamic verses and narrations. Today, war and some terrorist behaviors are spreading worldwide. The existence of various terrorist groups and the creation of some profit-seeking behaviors at the international level have led to the formation of war and terrorism. The method of the present study was mixed in terms of data collection method. The statistical population included experts knowledgeable about the subject of sports and politics, who were identified through purposeful sampling. The research tool included questionnaires and a researcher-made questionnaire. The IHP and TOPSIS methods were used to analyze the research data. The entire analysis process was carried out in SuperDecisions and BT TopSis SoLver software. Finally, 7 final solutions were identified through the studies carried out. According to the results of the IACP method, it was determined that economic conditions with a score of 0.167, geographical conditions with a score of 0.120, and social conditions with a score of 0.080 are the most important effective conditions for selecting strategies for managing and controlling war and terrorism in the direction of improving the image of sports in Islamic countries. According to the results of the TOPSIS method, it was determined that creating a sports network covering sports in Islamic countries with a coefficient of 0.8823 is the best strategy for managing and controlling war and terrorism in the direction of improving the image of sports in Islamic countries with an emphasis on Islamic verses and narrations.

After the events of September 11, the fight against terrorism was pursued with particular seriousness by the US government, which was manifested in a military form, specifically by the invasion of Afghanistan and then by the invasion of Iraq. As time passed and the imposition of extensive military costs on the US, the country, by aligning its interests with regional allies, identified a range of militant groups in the Middle East and West Asia that were aligned with the Islamic Republic of Iran as terrorists and adopted mechanisms to counter their influence. The groups that were mostly gathered around the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran outside the borders and included the Syrian government, Hamas militias and the political-military group Hezbollah, and then resistance groups in Iraq and then Yemen were added to them. With the coming to power of Obama, the United States of America has adopted a new strategy to repel threats against itself in various regions, which, although not accompanied by direct participation, military presence and open intervention, has a significant impact on the course of affairs. Using the capacity of regional actors aligned with its interests and its allies in West Asia, including Israel, Turkey, and some members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the form of coalitions, having military bases, and involving them in the counterterrorism program and remote management, has created a new approach to maintaining its influence in West Asia. This approach has created confrontations, given the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an effective actor in the region and having multiple interests and state and non-state actors fighting for their independence and popular and ideological power. Some of these confrontations are threats to Iran's national security, which is defined beyond borders and has placed the fight against tyranny and support for oppressed and Muslim nations in its foreign policy agenda. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the US counterterrorism policy in West Asia and discuss its relationship with the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The necessity for conducting such research is to identify the hidden threats of America by involving its allies in the region and confronting them, which is pursued in the form of coalitions and alliances or military and civilian agreements between America and its allies. If this procedure is not managed wisely, it will put the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region at risk, which requires identification and confrontation. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and library tools have been used.

West Africa has been the scene of new international developments. With the start of coups against previous governments that were dependent on France since 2010, new developments have taken place in this region. Russia, with the aim of harming French interests in the three countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, fully supported the military coups in these countries. Finally, with Russia playing a key role in the three African countries, France’s withdrawal from these countries occurred in a domino effect. These events paved the way for cooperation between countries such as Russia, China, Turkey, and Iran with the three West African countries. Therefore, before any direct political, economic, and security cooperation, it is necessary and essential to understand the internal developments of these three countries. Since, geopolitically, the three countries share a common border and all three have had common social, political, economic, and security crises, an attempt has been made to analyze and evaluate all three countries in this study. The West African region, especially the countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, is like a powder keg that is exploding every day and at any moment. These countries suffer many human losses due to the activities of extremist groups. In a word, it can be said that this region is one of the most unstable regions in the world. Political, economic and social unrest has dimmed the prospects for peace, stability and development in this region. The countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger are facing multiple crises. These countries suffer from poverty and unemployment, a young population, ethnic and tribal conflicts, fragile states, population growth (within 10 years, the population of this region will double) and food shortages. This painful reality has created a favorable environment for terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS in the region. Takfiri terrorist groups have created terrorist networks throughout this region; so that this region has become one of the most turbulent regions of the African continent in recent years.

Counterterrorism is one of the key strategies of the United States in the international system. However, evidence suggests that this effort lacks fixed principles and criteria, being primarily defined within the framework of U.S. geopolitical interests and discursive logic. A clear example of this approach is the U.S.’s dual stance toward Hezbollah and Tahrir al-Sham. This research, therefore, seeks to answer the question: How does the U.S. discursive logic shape the representation of terrorism? The study hypothesizes that the U.S. discursive logic leads to the representation of terrorism based more on the political and ideological identity of groups rather than their actual nature. Consequently, groups opposing U.S. interests are labeled as terrorist, whereas those aligned with its interests are less likely to receive this designation. Based on a descriptive-analytical approach and document-based research within Teun A. van Dijk’s ideological framework, the findings reveal that the binary opposition of "us" versus "them," or the "with us or against us" logic, is the fundamental principle in the U.S. definition of terrorism. According to this perspective, regardless of their actual nature, Hezbollah is categorized as the "other" under the concept of terrorism, whereas the terrorist label applied to Tahrir al-Sham, as an "insider," is significantly downplayed.

The increase in security crimes implies the failure of the traditional criminal policy. Therefore, criminal policy emphasizes the necessity of new legislation. The approval of more than four laws related to the issue of terrorism in the last two decades in England or the use of the expanded phrase "crimes and misdemeanors against the basic interests of the nation" in France and the definition of multiple examples of "corruption on earth" in Iran, as follows Article 286 of the Islamic Penal Code approved in 2012, which includes internal and external anti-security measures, bioterrorism activities, corruption disrupting the country's economic system, and other widespread crimes; It is indicative of the implementation of security-oriented criminal policy strategies in the last few decades. The present article, by explaining the background of the schools and the course of development of the systems with a descriptive-analytical method, concludes that the patterns faced with examples of organized insecurity under security-oriented criminal policy strategies need to be redefined, and the most important of them is the expansion of crime. He pointed out generalization, applicability, comprehensiveness, generalization and extension of criminal liability to deputies and informants in security issues. In order to institutionalize the aforementioned strategies, proposals such as the approval of the Comprehensive National Security Law, the separation of public and security crimes proceedings, discourse creation through the production of scientific content, the creation of technical and judicial procedures in the handling of security cases, specialized training and awareness Special security officers can be counted.

European countries primarily address terrorism, a significant security concern, through criminal justice mechanisms and the criminalization of various terrorist activities. However, it is imperative to address the substantial influence of both social and individual factors on the formation and proliferation of terrorist groups. Restorative justice offers decision-makers an alternative strategy to achieve this goal. The main question of this research is: How has restorative justice influenced the fight against terrorism in Europe? This study applied the principles of community of practice theory and the explanatory-constructive method to assist Iranian security policymakers in their efforts to combat terrorism. An analysis of prior experiences in European countries demonstrates that restorative justice is effective in combating terrorism and can promote social peace by redefining individual and social identities. This redefinition encourages individuals to reconsider their terrorist identity, thereby laying the foundation for social peace. Restorative justice enables society to combat extremism effectively and reintegrate individuals by reinforcing societal values and denouncing criminal behavior. This approach is crucial in reducing marginalization and facilitating successful reintegration into society.

Terrorism is the product of multiple causes and a consequence of human rights violations in the absence of enduring peace conditions. Resorting to terrorism, regardless of the underlying motivation, leads to the violation of many basic human rights. Firstly, it threatens the right to life and freedom of all humankind. Beyond causing human disasters, terrorism destabilizes governments, weakens the rule of law, jeopardizes peace and security, and threatens economic and social development. On the other hand, as terrorist crimes should be addressed in a systematic and sustained manner, there is a perpetual concern that states may deviate from moderation and rationality and commit human rights violations in the name of counterterrorism. International documents have repeatedly mentioned the capacity to incorporate human rights in the context of counterterrorism. These documents clarify that the right to suspend certain human rights in the fight against terrorism is not so broad as to justify human rights violations. As its primary question, this article examines human rights standards that states violate in their counterterrorism measures. The results were reached through a descriptive, analytical methodology. The research findings suggest that both terrorist acts and counterterrorism measures are assumed to violate human rights. The former leads to the deprivation of innocent lives, while the latter violates freedom, privacy, and individual rights.

The events of September 11 brought the issue of the U.S. fight against terrorism in Afghanistan to the forefront. Despite the significant expenditure aimed at advancing the U.S. nation-building project in Afghanistan, the Taliban managed to recapture Kabul on August 15, 2021. This rapid takeover had profound consequences. For Iran, both the U.S. withdrawal and the Taliban’s victory hold significant importance. However, the rise of the Taliban has raised doubts about Iran’s political and economic influence in Afghanistan. In this respect, the current study tried to answer the following research question: What conditions and consequences can be anticipated for Iran’s foreign policy following the U.S. military withdrawal? The beginning of the U.S. withdrawal from Iran’s neighboring territories on May 1, 2021, presents an opportunity to enhance Iran’s regional role; however, it also poses significant challenges. These include the emergence of an unstable Afghanistan under Taliban rule, the intensification of regional rivalries, the clash of different interpretations of political ideas of Islam, and a decline in Iran’s national security and influence in Afghanistan.  Additionally, the proliferation of ethnic and Takfiri ideologies and increased insecurity in Iran’s eastern regions remain critical negative consequences.

Literature Review:

There have been studies examining the U.S. presence in Afghanistan and its implications for Iran’s national security. However, given the relatively short time since the recent developments in Afghanistan, the literature on the topic is limited. For instance, Verma (2022) in the article “Afghanistan, Regional Powers, and Non-Traditional Security Threats and Challenges,” argues that the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan leads to instability that extends beyond Afghanistan’s borders. This instability is expected to result in non-traditional threats and challenges such as transnational Islamic fundamentalist terrorism, drug trafficking, migration, and a prolonged increase in violence within Afghanistan itself. In the relevant literature, there is a noticeable lack of analysis from the perspective of realism, particularly regarding Iran’s strategic options following the U.S. withdrawal and the consequences for its national security. The present study sought to address this gap by presenting a novel approach to the topic.

The present research aimed to identify the security threats posed to Iran’s national security by the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. Following an explanatory methodology, the study relied on a realist framework to analyze the data collected from online and library resources.

The U.S. military presence in Afghanistan since 2001, sustained at great costs over two decades, alongside persistent threats from the Taliban, eventually placed the prospect of withdrawing from Afghanistan on the U.S. foreign policy agenda. Following the withdrawal, the Taliban—a movement deeply rooted in Afghan ethnic and cultural dynamics and known for its resistance against foreign occupiers—regained power with significant support from the Pashtun population in a favorable environment created by the U.S. withdrawal. Concerning Iran, one positive consequence of the Taliban’s return to power is the shared hostility of both sides toward the U.S. However, the Taliban’s declaration of an Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan introduces the possibility of ideological rivalry with Iran. Moreover, the expected terrorist threats in Iran’s surrounding regions is likely to impact domestic security, thus prompting increased migration of Afghans into Iran. Concerning its external consequences, the re-establishment of Taliban rule can expand the influence of countries such as Pakistan, Qatar, and Turkey in Afghanistan’s political landscape.The U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan will intensify the competition among regional powers aiming to shape the country’s future, with Iran playing a key role. However, Iran may face additional challenges due to the Taliban’s ethnic-based approach—rooted in a 42% Pashtun population—and their monopolization of power. The insecurity stemming from the U.S. withdrawal is likely to trigger an increased wave of Afghan refugees heading toward Iran. Furthermore, the agreement between Afghanistan and the U.S. undermines Afghanistan’s traditional neutrality in Central and South Asian politics. This shift could lead to antagonistic actions against Iran within Afghan domestic politics and among its political factions, such as Tajiks and Pashtuns, as they navigate their future relationship with the United States. This dynamic intensifies regional competition, particularly between Iran and Pakistan. The emergence of a new Taliban government also threatens to weaken Iran’s regional position. Tehran’s rivals, including Saudi Arabia and Turkey, maintain better relations with the Taliban group. In fact, the Taliban refers to the Turks as brotherly people while addressing Iran merely as a neighbor. In addition, there is currently no viable anti-Taliban coalition, and major powers—Russia, China, the E.U., and the U.S.—are engaging in dialogue with the Taliban. Another pressing issue for Iran’s national security is the water-sharing dispute with the Taliban. Iranian officials have recently accused the Taliban of violating Iran’s water rights by refusing to release water from the new Kamal Khan Dam on the Helmand River, which flows into Lake Hamoon in Iran’s Sistan and Baluchestan Province (Tookhy, 2022). If the Taliban were to rely on groups like ISIS or al-Qaeda to provide security in Afghanistan or carry out cross-border programs, Iran’s national security and its eastern borders would face serious challenges. Therefore, as Afghanistan’s close neighbor, Iran could encounter a new wave of emerging terrorism originating from Afghanistan.

The withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan has created an opportunity for Iran to play a more prominent role in the region, albeit with significant negative implications for its national security. The Iranian government views the Taliban’s dominance in Afghanistan as a potential opportunity to expand its economic influence, which, in turn, can bolster Iran’s national security. However, the most critical consequence of the Taliban’s resurgence for Iran is the exacerbation of ethnic and religious divides, leading to increased insecurity and a heightened sense of relative deprivation in the country’s eastern regions. From this perspective, even if the Taliban succeeds in forming a government, their lack of popular support will likely prevent them from effectively controlling the threatening and destabilizing processes within Afghanistan’s borders. This domestic insecurity is expected to spill over into the broader region, including Iran, thereby posing additional threats to Iran’s national security.

This study, employing a qualitative method of thematic analysis based on upstream documents and in-depth interviews with experts, seeks to address the following question: "What were the non-armed approaches of the Islamic Republic of Iran in addressing terrorism in the province of Sistan and Baluchistan during the first fourteen decades of the Islamic Revolution?"  While unarmed approaches in counter-terrorism are often proactive and preemptive, they do not typically result in the complete physical dismantling of terrorist organizations. In the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran, non-armed and soft approaches to counter-terrorism function as "essential and effective facilitators" in advancing security and military strategies. Research findings emphasize that, among the spectrum of non-armed and soft approaches, only one-quarter of the governance strategies have involved a legal-judicial dimension, with the remaining approaches focusing on cultural-social aspects. Specifically, non-armed governmental approaches to countering terrorism in the Southeast have included policies and programs focused on maximizing security, addressing essential economic and livelihood needs of the population, emphasizing the ethical considerations of the conflict, adopting authoritative and responsible actions, and implementing measures that have promoted legitimacy and effectiveness.

Terrorism is a familiar word in the international arena, and its specific meaning soon leads the mind to armed parties and movements that fight against countries and nations with illegitimate goals and demands. But it should be noted that this incident is actually rooted in the macro policies of some governments that have introduced their interest in colonizing and dominating other countries. On this basis, events called "state terrorism" are introduced, which undoubtedly form the basis of terrorist ranks and movements. In the meantime, state terrorism is one of the important tools in America's foreign policy strategy, and it tends to call itself the center of liberation, democracy and human rights, and by bringing the international system closer to its libertarian goals, it engages in state terrorism. From its point of view, America seeks to promote democracy in the world and has started the war against international terrorism. The main question of the current research is what effect American state terrorism has had on Iran's foreign policy since 2004. The result of the current research indicated that the United States has sought to weaken and confront the Islamic Republic of Iran by using force and instrumental use of state terrorism, as well as by using methods such as terror, harassment, and cruel behavior. This study has used descriptive-analytical method, library documents such as books, articles and other documents.

With an innovative action, especially in the last decade, the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken a strategy to deal with terrorism, which at the same time deals with the roots and intellectual and religious foundations of terrorism and tries to dry up the roots and causes of terrorism simultaneously in a tactical manner. And the operation has also dealt with manifestations of terrorism and has prevented the spread of terrorist acts, and in this field, it has had extensive cooperation with international organizations such as Interpol and the International Police. The Islamic Republic of Iran as one of the countries where the phenomenon of terrorism is linked to its security and has been damaged by terrorism in a dual way; At the same time, it has used military and tactical tools to deal with the manifestations of terrorism, it has tried to dry up the roots of terrorism and deal with the factors that cause terrorist actions, and it has adopted special policies to deal with terrorism. With an innovative action, especially in the last decade, the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken a strategy to deal with terrorism, which at the same time deals with the roots and intellectual and religious foundations of terrorism and tries to dry up the roots and causes of terrorism simultaneously in a tactical manner. And the operation has also dealt with the manifestations of terrorism and prevented the spread of terrorist acts, and in this field, it has had extensive cooperation with international organizations such as Interpol and the International Police. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as one of the countries where the phenomenon of terrorism is linked with its security, has been damaged by terrorism in a dual way.

The concept of "resistance" has been one of the main concepts of the foreign policy discourse of the Islamic Republic in the era after the victory of the Islamic Revolution; This concept refers to the negation of any order based on the dominance of Western and Eastern powers and the rejection of regional and international arrangements affected by the dominance system on the one hand and the attempt to redefine the regional and international status of nations and societies that are Dominion has been oppressed. For this reason, the axis of resistance, which is derived from Iran's military-security, diplomatic and cultural efforts in the countries of Lebanon, Syria and Iraq, has been one of the most important indicators of the country's foreign policy discourse in the last few years, especially in the fight against ISIS. Martyr Qassem Soleimani's managerial and security role as the most important commander of the resistance field made his position prominent in this discourse, and with his testimony, Iran's hostile approach towards the commanders and perpetrators of this terror was intensified. For this purpose, this article seeks to find the answer to this question, considering the position of Martyr Soleimani in the discourse of the axis of resistance, on what basis is his criminal pursuit in the international law system based? In response to this question, as a hypothesis, it should be said that the criminal prosecution of the perpetrators and commanders of Qassem Soleimani's martyrdom is based on the discourse of resistance and based on the approach of negating domination and weakening it in order to promote the discursive position of resistance. From this point of view, it should be said that the approach of this article was legal; Also, this article has been collected by descriptive and analytical method and its data is documented.

Intrudaction:

Despite lawyers’ and political scientists’ efforts to define terrorism over the last century, a consensus has not been reached, and no universal agreement on a precise legal definition of terrorism exists to date. As long as politicians need to address terrorism in varying security contexts, disagreements among lawyers seem unavoidable due to the overdependence of criminal law on States’ politics. Considering terrorism a crime against national security, it can only be analyzed by perceiving these actions as national security threats. The law itself is not capable of resolving these disagreements on the definition of terrorism per se. Therefore, to make sense of the existing disagreements, terrorism must be regarded as a security issue that has evolved into a legal concept.Traditional security studies lack an extensive perspective on security, often focusing solely on strategic threats, making them unsuitable for clarifying the terrorism concept. For this reason, the Copenhagen School, which divides security issues into five categories, has been applied as the theoretical framework for this research to answer this fundamental question: What are the impacts of security factors on states’ views of the legal concept of terrorism? This paper hypothesizes that the specific security vulnerabilities of each state have particular effects on that state’s perception of terrorism threats. To assess this hypothesis, qualitative content analysis method was employed by studying the definitions of terrorism in the legal documents of different countries, revealing the relevance of the motivation element of terrorist crimes in relation to state vulnerabilities using Buzan’s framework of political security. It is worth noting that the countries selected by the authors exhibit different vulnerabilities according to Buzan’s framework, which categorizes states based on their weaknesses.

The Copenhagen School provides two important theories to analyze terrorism: “Securitization Theory” and “Categorization of Security.” According to securitization theory, a security matter begins with a securitizing actor and is completed with the acceptance of the target audience. Thus, terrorism, as a security threat, must be an intersubjective matter dependent on both actors and audiences. In such circumstances, if criminal law is to be used as a tool for securitization, it cannot be done effectively within its traditional framework due to the Nullum crimen sine lege principle. Therefore, within customary instruments, politicians are unable to react differently to security matters through criminal law and must instead emphasize the excessive element of “motivation,” which does not play a prominent role in ordinary crimes. Therefore, If an actor intends to securitize the motives attributed to a political group, the most effective approach is to emphasize these motives. Consequently, a common crime is transformed into a terrorist act based on this element.

Another important question, which remains open even after implementing securitization theory, is when or under which circumstances actors securitize the terrorism threat. Since terrorism endangers the sovereignty of states within their own realms, it must be analyzed as a political threat. Buzan’s analysis of political threats to national security asserts that states’ vulnerabilities in the political sphere are related to the weakness of two elements: “nation” and “political ideology.” Therefore, in weak states suffering from a lack of political cohesion and national unity, political security matters are often associated with separatist movements. In such states, the motivation element in terrorist crimes often plays a role in securitizing political motivations attributed to separatist groups. This situation can occur in weak states that manage to consolidate various nations through a pervasive and entrenched ideology. Consequently, failed states, which lack a unifying ideology, are unable to securitize terrorism and are thus unable to securitize a political ideology. As a result, terrorism definitions in these countries may not reflect terrorism securitization. Conversely, for strong states with a united or consolidated nation, terrorism threats are linked to ideologies in tension with the government’s recognized ideology. In these circumstances, securitizing actors often trigger emergency measures against contested ideologies. The reclassification of ordinary crimes with political motivations into terrorist crimes is one of the emergency measures necessitated by the securitization process.

Coclusions:

The provision of security requires a different and more stringent approach to terrorist offences. This issue is one of the reasons that has led to diversity in the definition of these crimes, as each government has a different understanding of security according to its social and political concerns and needs. Since security is a subjective concept, definitions of terrorism have also differed because of their dependence on this subjective concept. Thus, in order to understand the differences, one should try to understand the different bases that have caused a change in the definition due to security concerns. It is evident from different terrorism definitions that the motivation element plays a significant role in terrorist crimes. This subjective element is not considered fundamental to a crime in classical criminal law, as it relates more to the perpetrator than to the actus reus. As a result of emphasizing the motivation element, states, depending on their capacity for securitization, adjust their approach to dealing with criminals based on their motivations, provided they have successfully securitized their vulnerabilities.

The Syrian crisis and the rise and spread of ISIS attracted the attention of the world and transformed the Middle East region in a way that was not imagined before 2011. So that it created different transformations in the internal arena of Syria and it was designated as an arena for the countries of the world to strive to secure national interests. From this point of view, the present article tries to answer the question that according to the problem of state-nation building in Syria, what factors have caused the penetration and expansion of the ISIS terrorist group? (Statement of the problem). The current research tries to qualitatively and with a descriptive-analytical approach, the factors of influence and spread of extremist terrorism of ISIS by insisting on the theoretical framework of the bankrupt state in Syria, by using information collection, including books, articles and internet data. put check (method). It seems that the influence and expansion of ISIS in Syria was due to the incomplete political structure, economic crisis, loss of legitimacy of the government and systemic pressures. Thus, there is a direct connection between the phenomenon of terrorism and the bankrupt government, which means that one of the factors of the rise and spread of ISIS was the weak performance of the Syrian government in the political, economic, social and cultural fields (findings).

Central Asia is considered an influential strategic bull's eyes from Russia's point of view, so the mutability in this adjoining country of the region is aforethought Russia's insecurity. Russia seriously fought to reduce instability in Central Asia to ensure stable security in countries bordering Afghanistan by creating a collective security alliance or coalition entente. From 2001 to 2020, we were on the verge of the collapse of the central government of Afghanistan; Russia initiated various security policies for the region according to Afghanistan's security conditions.  interacting with America for fighting against terrorism; this country was the protagonist for overthrowing the Taliban government in 2001, but then to cooperating with the Taliban for the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan in 2021; Russia made it as a part of its security strategy. Russia’s strategy explained a realist theoretical framework that derived from Mersheimer's bellicose realistic pragmatism. The main query of this research is: "What was the Strategic impact of Russia in Central Asia on the Security condition of Afghanistan during 2001-2020?"  "Russia's strategy in Central Asia after the overthrowing of Taliban aimed for boosting and strengthening security in Central Asia, as considering as prevailing conditions in Afghanistan." Russia's concern about the smuggling of narcotics and the influx of extremists from Afghanistan to Central Asia persuaded this government to fight against terrorist groups. Russia tried in its strategy to prioritize the security of the borders of Central Asia, which is adjacent to this country. This research explained the descriptive-analytical method and library resources.

At the present time, terrorist groups around the world do not spare any action to achieve their goals in order to carry out harmful and destructive actions and to finance and cover their costs, they use the best available method, which is drug trafficking and transit, which The method has been known as the most common way of making money for gangs and mafia networks since the 1980s. The current research is an applied research in the framework of a qualitative approach and using the foundation data research method. For this purpose, qualitative data has been collected. The participants of the research included 12 experts (commanders, police managers in the field of combating drugs and organized crime, experts) from the police, security (experts in the field of terrorism) and universities, who used the snowball sampling method, were chosen. The following article tries to present a model based on which to explain the link between drugs and terrorism with macro-security policy, so that the financial foundations corresponding to the financing of terrorism are affected and the organized networks and transnational gangs are affected. National) are also identified and eradicated.

West Asia region is one of the most sensitive geographical regions of the world. The developments in this region definitely affect Iran's status as one of the countries present in this region. Based on this, the Islamic Republic of Iran, both in terms of belief and ideology, which includes the Shari'a duty, and also according to the duty that the constitution has assigned to the government in terms of the rule of negation of mustaches, as well as the fight against oppression and assistance and cooperation to the oppressed, especially from At the time of political and security crises in the two countries of Iraq and Syria due to the destructive activities of terrorist groups including ISIS, they have tried to coordinate and prescribe these governments, while also having a military advisor in these two countries and also in the region in general. West Asia, confront and fight with religious terrorism, which groups like ISIS are considered as a clear example. From the point of view of international law, what is the necessity of Iran's military presence and intervention in the region in order to deal with extremist religious terrorism and how can it be considered legitimate? Therefore, in this article, this category has been tried to be discussed, examined and studied.