weak government

Lebanon's elections have always been of great importance to Lebanon's domestic actors and regional and international actors due to its internal and external influence. Although this election is considered to be a suitable platform for displaying the power of internal parties and currents as well as foreign actors united by these Lebanese parties and currents due to the parliament-oriented political structure as well as the weak government structure and strong network society, it does not have the power to create structural changes in the distribution of power. It should be analyzed by understanding this fact. This article tries to answer the question regarding the holding of 2022 elections in this country, what are the special conditions and features and consequences of these elections. It seems that the most important conditions and special features of this period of elections are:holding elections in a critical economic situation, the continuation of the internal cohesion of resistance groups and the disintegration of rival currents, the participation of Sunnis without political authority, the decisive results of Christian-Christian competition, the increase in the mobility of groups civil and independent, the intensification of the destructive role of foreign countries and the continuation of political procrastination. Regarding the consequences of the election results, it can be stated as follows: stabilization of the position of the axis of resistance in Lebanon despite the intensification of destruction, continuation of the crisis situation in Lebanon, reduction of the legitimacy of the current Lebanese politicians, continuation of the presence of prime ministers with weak political support, deepening of the political divide, strengthening of the third movement. Increasing political and security movements of the Zionist regime against the resistance.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between government and society in the Safavid era in the light of Joel Migdal's theory. In response to the question that according to the Magdalen model, what was the relationship between the government and society in the Safavid period? It was hypothesized that during this period, the special role of the clergy and Ghezelbash forces indicated the non-monopoly of the state institution and the complexity of government-society relations, and that a strong government was not formed for change and transformation. With a sociological approach and in the framework of Magdalen theoretical consideration and in the form of a qualitative and understanding method of the government and society of Safavid Iran and the collection of documents and information libraries; It was found that in the theocratic and bureaucratic structure of the Safavid state, the clergy acted as intermediaries for the Shah and the people and the Ghezelbash forces as a military force; Their special role has been to express the non-monopoly of the institution of government and the complexity of government-society relations. High levels of social control, countering foreign aggression, extracting resources, and organizing people for social change have been among the reasons for the formation of a weak government. The distribution of resources is not extensive and networked and is slow. Due to the formation of power networks and groups in society, a strong government has not been formed for change and has been limited by power networks.

If a country loses threats that are facing them, it will not be able to create national unity within the country. In this context, Huntington pointed out that the United States had gradually lost its structural legitimacy in the years after the Cold War, resulting in the emergence of challenging identities within the U.S. and therefore, the U.S. is in critical condition. Indeed, formed assessments indicate that the United States is in a state of "weak state" status. in this paper we will try to answer the question about the main causes and marks of the decline of America in the international system. After analyzing the structural implications of the emergence of a weak government in the United States, we believe that regional and international indications are the emergence of a weak state and the spread of social challenges in the US. It will also lead to the development of social challenges, the emergence of critical identity, increasing community expectations, another reproduction of international policy and increasing American debt in the international economy as a major factor in the decline of the U.S. economy. The theoretical framework of this paper is based on the displacement of geopolitical power and the theoretical framework of this paper is based on the displacement of geopolitical power and the method of research has a descriptive and analytical approach and the method of data collection is based on the library and reliable internet resources.

This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such as the royal family and their relatives, clergies, landowners, merchants and marketers, and ultimately local rulers and head of tribes who had a high degree of control and regulation in society, made the Iranian society to be web like. The power of the leaders of the society prevented the government from fulfilling its reformative demands and policies. The constant struggle between the state and society led to ways of achieving "compromise" by the state. "Encouraging strife" in networked society has been another way for the government to overcome this inability. This paper analyzes the structure of Iranian society and the power of the pre-modern state from the Safavid era to the beginning of the Constitutional era based on Migdal's theoretical model and seeks to answer the question: “What pattern of power relations between the state and society in pre-modern Iran did it follow?” The purpose of this study is to examine the sociological power relations of the governments with social forces from a historical perspective in order to understand the reason for the problem of the weakness of the political power of the modern state in Iran. In this article, the results suggest a kind of confrontation and contrast between governments and social forces in which government is disintegrated and the network community struggles to survive the government and social rivals.

A large part of the chronic shortages that Afghanistan is suffering from is a reference to the weakness of the government. Historical evidence has shown that the government in Afghanistan has consistently been unable to exercise empirical sovereignty. In this country, the government has come into conflict with foreign actors rather than seeking to locate threats outside of the country. Governments that have been created since September 11th have not been included in this, and the United Nations support policies have failed to break the violent breakdown of government in that country. This paper seeks to answer the question of which areas, conditions and factors contributing to the failure of the government in post-communist Afghanistan have been effective? The hypothesis of the article, which has been examined by descriptive-analytic method, is that the reduction of political power, the high level of political violence, the low level of socio-political cohesion, the existence of systematic chaos, which was one of the most prominent features of Afghanistan throughout history, is one of the factors that the government The post-Taliban have put the failed state of the past in a state of choice

One of the main requisites for the successful implementation of public diplomacy programs is the preparedness of the host society. Lebanon is a fertile ground that is susceptible to the implementation of public diplomacy programs and soft influence of foreign governments. The author enumerates four factors including the tribal fabric of the society, weak government, open cultural atmosphere and inefficient economy that overall make Lebanon an ideal place for the presence of governmental and nongovernmental foreign institutions as well as free conduct of public diplomacy activities. Drawing upon his own personal observation and field study, the author has tested this hypothesis with respect to the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. He has concluded that significant success gained by Iranian public diplomacy in Lebanon, in addition to the activities of Iranian institutions, has resulted from the four aforementioned factors. Taking these factors into consideration and comparing them with the conditions in other countries would provide guidelines on how to devise viable public diplomacy strategies by the Iranian foreign policy-makers.