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The concept of hybrid warfare is a framework for studying the various components of Western pressure and conflict against the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this respect, examining strategies to confront hybrid warfare can provide both theoretical and practical insights for relevant elites and officials. This research aimed to answer the question: What are the strategies to counter the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran? The significance of this study lies in two main aspects: first, its approach and theoretical framework, which emphasizes the integration of countermeasures, and second, its operational relevance, which offers practical guidance for officials.

In Hybrid Wars, McCulloh and Johnson (2013) provided a comprehensive description of the literature and dimensions of hybrid warfare, addressing the deficiencies in the definition and application of hybrid conflict theory. In the Persian-language book titled Cognitive Warfare: The Fifth Dimension of War, Mohammadi-Najm (2015) explored evolutionary theories related to the future of warfare, with a particular focus on the human mind. In The Tragedy of Fourth-Generation Warfare, Ghorbani-Zavareh (2017) examined the nature of hybrid warfare within the context of fourth-generation warfare. The article “Examining and Understanding Hybrid Threats From the Perspective of Modern Warfare” (Koochaki-Badelani, 2010) discussed hybrid threats as the primary strategy employed by the West in conflicts and political-security struggles in the Middle East. In “Complex Irregular Warfare: The Next Revolution in Military Affairs,” Hoffman (2006) criticized America’s classical approach to warfare, emphasizing the transformation of warfare patterns. Concerning the Iranian context, Raji’s Ph.D. dissertation titled Western Hybrid Warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran: Dimensions and Methods (2023) used the hybrid warfare framework to analyze the Western warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. In “Components of Saudi Arabia’s Hybrid Warfare Against the Islamic Republic of Iran (2015–2017),” Pourhasan (2017) examined Saudi Arabia’s measures and policies against the Islamic Republic of Iran, using the hybrid warfare framework. Moreover, “The Complexity Theory and Foreign Policy: Iran’s Strategies in West Asia” (Qasemi & Faraji, 2018) explored Iran’s strategies in the region by using complexity theory. Most of the works discussed above are subject to two main criticisms. First, many of the mentioned works do not focus on the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Second, the studies that do address this subject predominantly describe the application of this form of warfare, with less attention given to strategies for countering it. Therefore, the innovation of the present research lies in two aspects: first, it is directly concerned with the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and second, it addresses strategies for countering the hybrid warfare.

This study is considered a qualitative, exploratory inquiry with both developmental and applied aspects, as it tried to address hybrid warfare from two perspectives: first, from a theoretical and conceptual standpoint, focusing on the development of frameworks for understanding hybrid warfare, and second, from a practical standpoint, examining strategies for countering the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a result, the findings of this study are valuable for two groups: researchers in the field of hybrid warfare and practitioners facing hybrid warfare in operational settings. The data was collected through documentary and qualitative methods, and a descriptive–analytical approach was used to analyze the data.

This research highlighted the interconnected and systemic nature of strategies designed to counter the Western hybrid war against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which can be referred to as the strategy for countering hybrid warfare. The strategies for countering the Western hybrid warfare were analyzed through three frameworks: situational, methodological, and approach-based. It is crucial to consider the interdependence of these three frameworks when designing macro, semi-macro, and micro strategies. In macro strategies, the primary focus is on restoring Iran’s role in the new world order. This process arises from the synergistic integration of two key geopolitical and geoeconomic components, emphasizing the significance of the Iranian idea and narrative on the world’s transition. In semi-macro strategies, the focus shifts to an institutional review of Iran’s governance structures and efforts to promote good governance grounded in local contexts. In micro strategies, the emphasis is on the government’s ability to act in the gray area, guiding the components of a gray network in a purposeful manner.

Adopting a systemic and complex perspective on hybrid warfare, while avoiding a non-systemic and linear approach, is crucial for effectively countering the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Since the Arab societies' encounter with Western life and thought and related categories, especially " customization" and "secularism", Each of the different intellectual and political currents and discourses has attempted to provide a suitable response to the seemingly insoluble issues of tradition and modernity in a worthy manner. In this regard, the question has been evaluated as to whether, what are the reactions and responses of intellectuals and actors of the later generations of the Arab world (2007 to December 2024) especially in the Mu'tazilite reformist movements and later nationalism towards the conceptual curve of the West and what are the two effective concepts of secularism and secularization? to the curve of (developmental) political and economic achievements of the West, especially with regard to the two influential concepts of secularism and customization? In the analysis, the authors emphasized the assumption that, later Arab intellectuals - especially in the two reformist Mu'tazilite and later nationalist movements - were influenced by numerous changes and new issues, they have provided a variety of responses and reactions, which have ultimately led to the relative consolidation of secularization and secularism compared to previous decades. The research findings indicate that, New Arab activists, by confronting traditional problems, they have been relatively successful in institutionalizing the development-oriented values of Western thought in politics and society, and have channeled customization and secularism through paths such as rethinking tradition and modernity and Arab nationalism

The concept of justice has long held a special place in human thought and has always been a subject of discussion and examination among philosophers,theologians,and intellectuals.Given that one of the analytical shortcomings of critical theoretical approaches is the influence of assumptions and viewpointsofreligious leaders,the present research endeavors to examine this issue from such a perspective.Undoubtedly, Martyr Motahhari and Martyr Sadr are among the prominent thinkers ofthe present centuryin the fieldof the philosophy of justice,who have played a significant role in explaining and interpreting justice and its analytical indicators.Therefore,the examination of the philosophical ideas of these two thinkersin studying the subject of justice in comparison with Western intellectuals has been highlighted. Hence, the main question ofthis article is what are the differences and similaritiesin the concept of justice between the perspectives of Western thinkers and the Islamic thoughts of Martyr Motahhari andMartyr Sadr?The research findings indicate their commonalities inthe divine nature of the basis of justice, criticism of models such as communism and liberalism,the necessity of justice forthe happiness of humanity and society,and the government's duty to establish justice.However,the criticism leveled against them isthat they have only addressed one dimensionof the multidimensional truth and have not paid attention to other aspects and elements,while Islam has addressedthis issue comprehensively anddiscussed justice from various angles sothatno one's right is violated in Islamic society.This article, using a descriptive-analytical and comparative method and benefiting from library resources,first examines the evolution of justice in the West and Islam and then logically compares them.

Parties are poweroriented politicalorganizations that, under guidance of their leaders, act with the intention of gaining, maintaining-and increasing power. Paying attention to different generations of parties in European andAmerican countries shows the upwardtrend of these organizations' use of politicaldoctrines to meet publicdemands. Although in recent years, with the expansion of socialnetworks andthe proliferation of education and trainingresources, the position of politicalparties in the intellectual and emotionalleadership of publicopinion has declined, but weare still witnessing therole of these social and political intermediary institutions in politicalcampaigns, especially electioncampaigns.
In contemporaryIran, as one of the politicalunits established in the internationalsystem and based on the democraticsystem, the role and position of parties in the electionprocess - although with differences compared to the westerncountries - is more or less defined in the samedirection. Therefore, the recognition of these politicalorganizations as the most important politicaldrivers in the country is of serious importance and is undeniable for the reform and improvement of the electionsystem in the IslamicRepublicof Iran. The main question of the article is whats the role and function of politicalparties and organizations in theWest andIran from thepoint of view parliamentary electioncampaigns? In response to this hypothesis, it canbe proposed that therole and function of parties in theWest seems more desirable, while Iranianparties are able to perform their specialtasks, including mediating between the society and the politicalsystem, aggregating and transferring the demands of the society to the politicalsystem, and justifying the society. They aren't for the implementation of systempolicies, politicalsocialization, voter mobilization, training of leaders and politicalcadres.

Russia is one of Iran's strategic neighbors in terms of geopolitics. After the start of the war between Russia and Ukraine and the escalation of the conflict between the West and Russia, Putin's ambitious policy had an impact on the relations between Iran and the West. It seems that Russia is trying to get the most benefits by involving Iran in the war with Ukraine. The question of the current research is, what is the role of Russia in the formation of relations between Iran and the West in the political and economic field? In this article, an attempt is made to answer the role of Russian policies in the formation of Iran's relations with the West in Iran's political and economic spheres by using the theory of aggressive realism and the comparative research method. The hypothesis of the research is that in order to confront the West and expand its hegemony, Russia is not very willing to establish a relationship between Iran and the West, and on this basis, it seeks regional hegemony by using any means.

Gopolitics, like any other science, has general rules and specific patterns and this issue has provided the feasibility of the school of geopolitics in the field of global thought. In Russian scientific circles, due to the country's role in the balance of international power in the last three centuries, thinking about Russian geopolitics has become a vital necessitybut the important issue in this field has been the dispersion of opinions and the instability of propositions over time and finding a common point of view for the formulation of the special Russian school in this field.

Research questions: 

The main question raised in this research is how to talk about the Russian geopolitical school and understand its central concepts?Research hypothesis: The author's hypothesis is that despite the dispersion of ideas, their common link and point of commonality can be expressed in the concepts such as maritime inaccessibility, territorial vulnerabilities, the problem of strategic depth, the buffer zone and expansionism as the Russian geopolitical school. Among these, two categories of geographical vulnerability and territorial expansion of the central sign are taken into consideration.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

To examine the hypothesis of the article, I have used the method of qualitative and thematic content analysis of texts related to Russian geopolitical thought. In this regard, various texts have been written in the last three centuries. Although more distant texts are difficult to access, many new texts refer to the main themes of those writings. To review these texts, the author tried to select the most important ones and then by reviewing them, select the most important thinkers in the field of Russian geopolitical studies. The main basis for selecting indicators such as the age of scientist, the importance of thought, thematic coherence and the reputation of the school of thought was created. In the meantime, of course, some approaches such as Eurasian, Atlantic and Eastern approaches have been less difficultbut this issue regarding other approaches has not been an easy task due to existing differences of opinion.

The main factor that has caused the Russian school of geopolitics to remain limited is that geopolitical ideas in this country, unlike other great powers, are very diverse and controversial and this makes it very difficult to understand. The causes of this diversity can be found in important cases such as territorial expansion and the complexity of factors affecting geopolitics, the diversity and expansion of threats and their types, the issue of empire and the crisis of national identity, the instability of borders and the constant intellectual and identity conflict against the West. From the point of view of Russian geopolitical thinkers, this country is very vast and has many neighbors and has a common land border with fourteen countries and faces various threats in the western, southern and eastern directions. Russia has a territorial connection with the two continents of Europe and Asia and has a close maritime neighborhood with the American continent. Russia has a serious relationship with three global geostrategic regions including Euro-Atlantic, Middle East and East Asia, and therefore, from their point of view, this issue is considered very vital. From the point of view of many thinkers of Russian geopolitical knowledge, to overcome the problems and threats caused by the lack of maritime access and defense vulnerability, this country should put strategies such as strategic depth, buffer zone and territorial expansion on the agenda and this is a fact that has shaped its practical policy in post-Mongol Russia from the 15th century to the present day. The collection of these geopolitical propositions in recent centuries have led to two basic issues in Russia: on the one hand, the need for a powerful government and on the other hand, the creation of an imperial state. However, as a result of the powerful and autocratic government, it has faced the development crisisand the inevitable state of the empire, it has also suffered an identity crisis and both have caused instability in the directions of domestic and foreign policy.

Based on the findings of this article and despite some conflicts, we can talk about the Russian geopolitical school whose main concepts and components are common among different thinkers in this country from the 18th century to the present day. It seems that the reason for the lack of recognition is a kind of denial, neglect, cultural and ideological denial of Russia in the past two centuries by Western academic circles and the lack of translation of Russian texts in Iran, except for some articles on Eurasian approach. Therefore, despite the dispersion of views in the field of Russian geographical studies, concepts such as maritime inaccessibility, territorial inaccessibility, defense vulnerability, lack of strategic depth, the necessity of a buffer zone, and expansionist politics are the common variables of these views and geographical vulnerability, especially in the western regions, and territorial expansion in the surrounding environment are the focal points of this geopolitical school.The findings of the article showed that the realities of Russian geography and the concerns of the thinkers of geographical studies have provided important possibilities for the presentation of the Russian geopolitical school along with its other western counterparts and without it, a deep understanding of the country's foreign policy becomes difficult. With its help, important progress can be made for the countries around Russia and especially Iran, which has been one of its victims in a wide area from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean.

The main discourses of Iran during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic revolution are Western and Islamic discourses. In these two discourses, there is a lot of ambiguity regarding the indicators of political development, and this issue has not been investigated in the framework of the discourse analysis method. The main question is the most important commonalities and differences between these two discourses. The most important difference is the presence or absence of the element of religion in their chain of equivalence, and that they look at political development with different central signifiers, and what they both have in common is affinity in the floating signifiers that find different meanings in the chain of equivalence of the two discourses. . The final goal of the article is to compare the approach of political development discourses during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic Revolution. To prove the hypothesis, the discourses of political development in this era were analyzed with discourse analysis and comparative methods. Pahlavi discourse emphasizes the indicators of political development in the framework of secularism and Islamic discourse emphasizes these indicators in the framework of religion. In Pahlavi's discourse, despite the desire for western models of political development, due to the existence of opposite elements such as popular participation and tyranny in the equivalence chain, the growth of political development indicators is not observed even in its western form. But in the Islamic discourse, political development as a floating signifier in relation to the central signifier i.e. authentic Islam, found a completely different meaning. In this discourse, due to the absence of signs of tyranny, as well as special attention to issues such as public participation, political development indicators have enjoyed significant growth.

In this regard, the current research tries to investigate the position of women in the family in two Islamic and Western legal discourses, and especially the two legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the country of Canada, tries to investigate the issue of women's rights in the family institution. The main question of this article is as follows: In the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada, what position and rights does a woman have in the family? In response to this question, the main hypothesis of the article stipulates: Western legal discourse, especially in countries like Canada, with a materialistic and reductionist view, considers the position and rights of women in the family in her individuality and freedom, and it is based on the dimensions He compiles his sexuality and material; This has been formulated in the Islamic discourse based on the rights and duties of women in the sacred sphere of the family and its constructive role in human education and excellence.

A review of the literature and research conducted in the field of comparative analysis of legal systems and discourses clearly shows that less research in this field has investigated women's rights in the two legal systems of Iran and Canada. Meanwhile, only one article has been compiled in this field, and most of the works are about women's rights in the family in Islam, Iran, or other countries such as France, England, and America. From this point of view, this article has innovation and tries to provide the ground for further research in this field. In the following, we try to examine the most important and closest articles in terms of content and topic.Maruti et al. (2019) in the article "Comparative study of women's legal system discourses in Iran and Sweden" discussed the issue of abortion and women's rights in this matter; The author has concluded that the prevalence and prosperity of women's absolute freedom in countries like Sweden is due to the prevalence of "freedom of choice" theories, which emphasize the absolute freedom of the "body" with a philosophical view of the world, and against the discourse Divine laws in the legal system of a country like Iran arise from the duality of right/duty, which is the continuation of the divine view of human existence, therefore, absolute and unbridled freedom cannot be believed.Zainaldini and Razavi (2019) in the article "Investigating the requirements for the entry of the property sharing system into the structure of the family financial system in the laws of Iran with a view to the laws of the province of Quebec/Canada" talked about two models of financial order in the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada and has concluded that the legal system of the Quebec state of Canada, believing in the equality of rights and responsibilities of couples in the family; The financial system presents the property sharing of spouses as a legal financial regime for the family, in which men and women share each other's income in the family; But in Iran's legal system, following the model provided by Imami jurisprudence, couples have chosen "financial independence".In the article "Comparative study of female alimony in the laws of Iran, England and America" ​​(2013) Tashet and Hejbari discussed the issue of the right to alimony from the economic rights of women in the family. In this article, the authors have concluded that "in the legal laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, alimony is the responsibility of the man, and in the common legal system, it is the responsibility of the husband and wife, and in the comparison between these two models of Iranian law, with regard to the duties that are customary for couples It is defined in the family as being closer to justice. Also, the receipt of alimony by a woman depends on fulfilling her duty towards her husband (obedience), while in common law, the financial need of the spouses is a condition for the obligation of alimony, and apparently as soon as the marriage contract is concluded or without the marriage contract and cohabitation for a period of time. Special payment becomes obligatory.Abbasi and Ramezani (1400) in the article "Women's non-financial rights in Iran's legal system and its compatibility with international documents" have made women's non-financial rights the principle and concluded: Women's non-financial rights in international documents and in the legal system Iran has been formulated under the shadow of cultural and ideological considerations and political-social developments, and these rights have always been formulated under the dominance and structure of the male approach, and it has not been able to realize women's rights in the non-financial dimension.Johnson (2017) in the article "Family Matters: Gender Justice and Success of Litigation in Canada's Supreme Courts" tries to examine the issue of gender justice in the family and family litigation in Canada and has concluded that in the courts Supreme Court of Canada, female judges pay more attention to women's rights than male judges and have caused many successes in family disputes for women and have been able to establish more gender justice in the realization of women's rights.

This article has been compiled using the descriptive-analytical method and has collected its data and information through documentary and library methods.
4. ConclusionIn this article, an attempt was made to examine the status and rights of women in the two legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Canada with a comparative perspective. In this regard, the main question of the article was as follows: In the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada, what position and rights does a woman have in the family? In order to answer this question and based on the research done in this article, it should be said that the two Islamic and Western legal discourses regarding women's rights have basic differences. A woman has great dignity in the Islamic discourse because of the expectations and duties that are expected from her in the form of building a family. The subsequent legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is based on Imamiyyah jurisprudence and Islamic teachings, has taken a family-oriented approach and by adopting the discourse of legal propriety for women in the family. These rights are all in line with the role of women as the main pillar of the family. On the other hand, the Canadian legal system, influenced by the doctrines of individualism, libertarianism, materialism, and feminism, has tried to regulate the rights and position of women in the family like men by adopting a subordinate and analogical approach. From this point of view, women's economic and non-economic rights have been drawn and compiled in a completely equal way without any difference in the roles and responsibilities of men and women within the framework of the family. In this system, the family is the product of a completely biological choice that can be started and ended at any time by the will of one or both couples; Regarding the economic rights in Iran's legal system, the man is responsible for securing and realizing the economic rights of the woman, and for this purpose, he imposes various models (dowry, alimony, etc.) Building and managing the family should be provided by the woman. It is for this reason that the financial system of the family in Iran's legal system is based on the system of financial independence; But in the Canadian legal system, this financial system is based on the sharing of property and assets by men and women; because each of them is equally responsible for the economic provision of the family; And according to this common procedure, they can choose multiple models of the family financial system. Regarding women's non-economic rights, it should be said that the legal system in Iran has tried to protect women's rights and legitimate and legal freedoms against men. For this purpose, it has considered ten rights in its civil and family laws for women to guarantee their rights. Also, these rights guarantee a woman's active role in performing the tasks expected of her in the family; This means that the duality of right/obligation has been seen by the legal and the legislator; In this way, if rights are considered for the woman in the family, it is for the purpose of doing the tasks that have been asked of her; And this duality has been based on the natural need of man to form a family and the active role of men and women for the promotion and excellence of this social institution. However, the non-economic rights of women in Canada, which are formulated at the core of the unwritten system of common law and based on subject requirements in the courts, are set with emphasis on femininity and gender justice to guarantee the preservation of individuality and freedom of women in the field. His numerous personal and public. Therefore, in this system, due to the emphasis on the individuality and freedom of the woman in regulating her rights and status, the concept of family does not have its Eastern and Islamic meaning and is merely an interpersonal contract that was formed during a historical process in the society and is changing day by day. The benefit of feminist demands goes to the sidelines and takes a nuclear form. In the following table, we can discuss the most important differences between these two legal discourses.

This article aims to investigate the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy, and in this context, it has focused on the economic sanctions of the United States and European Union member states on Russia. The research method was descriptive-analytical and used library data and information. The findings of the research indicate that among Western sanctions against the Russian economy, financial and banking sanctions with a frequency of 8 have the highest frequency, followed by exchange sanctions with a frequency of 6, scientific and technological sanctions with a frequency of 3, and transportation sanctions with a frequency of 1. They are ranked next. The findings of the research on the macroeconomic indicators of Russia such as the economic growth rate, exchange rate, inflation rate, interest rate, export and import rate of this country showed that the Russian economy during 2014, which was the beginning of Western economic sanctions, until 2022 (which is the latest and most up-to-date The data of the World Bank is related to this year) has followed a downward trend and the economy of this country has faced fundamental challenges in various fields, especially liquidity. Therefore, the goals of Western economic sanctions have been achieved to a significant extent in Russia, and the country's economy, as the fifth economic power in the world, has been able to face a crisis. However, paying attention to confrontation with sanctions and policy-making based on the special conditions of sanctions can partially compensate for the harmful and destructive effects of economic sanctions in the sanctioned countries, or even bring mutual costs to the sanctioning countries.

This research is a qualitative research that was done with a descriptive method. The purpose of this research was to answer the question, what kind of culture is the political culture of the West? The result of which was as follows; The word culture in the meaning that is used today is the result of a historical transformation; Because until the 18th century in the West, culture was used to mean cultivating, protecting and worshiping. But from this century onwards, culture finds its modern meaning; It means the way of life. But with the formation of modern and quasi-modern governments and the democratization of societies, a new form of culture is created, which is called political culture; Because the modern government needed people's participation in various social and political fields to confirm itself. In one definition, political culture can be people's orientation towards political affairs. But with the formation of modern and quasi-modern governments and the democratization of societies, a new form of culture is created, which is called political culture; Because the modern government needed people's participation in various social and political fields to confirm itself. In one definition, political culture can be people's orientation towards political affairs. In general, there are three types of citizens and three types of political culture in Western societies; First. isolated citizen with limited or closed political culture; In this type of political culture, people's orientation towards political goals is extremely weak. Second. indifferent citizen with subservient or passive political culture; In this type of political culture, people cannot have much political efficiency. Third. A committed citizen with a participatory or active political culture: In this type of political culture, people are relatively involved in the development of laws. However, according to the research, there is a significant relationship between the type of society and the type of political culture in the West. In other words, the more cooperative and submissive the society is, the more civil the political culture of that society will be. This is like citizens influencing the political structure and being affected by this structure. Also, there is a significant relationship between the type of citizen and political culture in the West; Because the more competitive the political culture is, the more committed the type of citizen will be; And the more isolated the type of citizen, the more limited the political culture will be.

This paper examines the cases of nuclear non-proliferation in Iran and South Korea, focusing on the Western approach toward these cases. Both Iran and South Korea were found to be non-compliant with the International Atomic Energy Agency's regulations. Although the nature and level of non-compliance were similar, the cases were resolved differently, with South Korea's case being closed shortly after the resolution of their non-compliance issues. This research aims to investigate the differing outcomes of the nuclear cases of Iran and South Korea. Specifically, this study analyzes the reports of the International Atomic Energy Agency on the non-compliance of Iran and South Korea, as well as the positions of Western countries during the conferences of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Through this analysis, the study concludes that the primary reason for the divergent outcomes is not related to the political systems or relationships of Iran and South Korea with the West but rather to the differing approaches of the West towards these cases.

This article examines the techniques of the West in changing the nutrition culture in Iran. The transformation of the food pattern of the Iranian people and the establishment of Western food culture are among the goals that the western colonizers have set for overthrowing the Islamic Republic of Iran and destroying the main and fundamental beliefs and traditions of the Iranian society. Through communication tools and mass media, they are the most powerful and penetrating tools of cultural invasion in providing unhealthy and un-Islamic patterns to Iran. The present article has commented analytically on some of the cultural techniques and tricks of the western countries in this regard, which include: humiliation of native and Islamic culture in the field of food style, ill-intentioned play against the cultural heritage of Islam in the field of food style, culturalization of western food style, supporting the promoters of Western nutrition style, false cultural norming in the field of nutrition style, cultural domination in the field of food diplomacy

Since about 200 years ago, the Islamic world has shown many reactions after encountering the western civilization and observing their growth and progress, as well as being aware of its backwardness. Each of these reactions, while being based on the basics, are trying to overcome backwardness and reach development and prosperity. From the point of view of the historical sequence, at the beginning, the modernist thought flow was formed, which, while giving authenticity to the "Islamic tradition", tried to reconstruct it in the land of "Western modernity"; Rafa Tahtawi, Khairuddin Tounsi were examples of this movement. The contradiction between the duality of Islamic tradition and Western modernity caused reactions. Modernism was the manifestation of this reaction, which actually turned towards western modernity to get rid of backwardness. The modernist gave originality to the western civilization and rejected the Islamic tradition. Malkam Khan and Ali Abdul Razaq were the manifestation of this current. This stream also faced a crisis of acceptance among Muslim communities. In response to this crisis, the flow of traditionalism is formed, which, on the contrary, gives authenticity to tradition and rejects modernity. Seyyed Qutb among the Sunnis and Imam Khomeini (RA) among the Shiites were among the founders of this thought, who took the flag of resistance against the West and all its manifestations. In this research, while analyzing these three currents with a paradigmatic approach, we explain the confrontation of the thought of resistance against the domination of the West.

One of the upcoming challenges in the field of globalization of culture is the issue of assimilation or assimilation of culture. In the discussions of cultural convergence and homogenization, attention has often been paid to globalization and assimilation, rather than examining the process of homogenization of cultures, which will be achieved by universal acceptance and public persuasion towards a superior and more complete culture. The purpose of the current research, which was carried out in a descriptive-analytical and library way, is to investigate the assimilation of different cultures, identities and values. The results of the present research show that the intellectual foundations of Islam have been placed for the homogenization of the world for the sake of human dignity. The design and implementation of these intellectual foundations is for all humanity, far from any color, race, nationality, etc. The intellectual basis of Islam is complete and it is the source of revelation and wants the all-round happiness of humanity. But on the other hand, the intellectual foundations of the West for assimilation seek to dominate humanity and to achieve their goals. These foundations are incomplete and have a one-dimensional view of humanity. It does not pursue the all-round development of humanity and is only to meet the material needs of mankind; Therefore, it can be said that the West does not have the authority to lead this assimilation.

Reza Davari is one of the prominent figures in the field of philosophy and thought in Iran who has thought a lot about the concept of the West and modernity and has tried to respond to the pervasive crises of the new world and in particular through their knowledge and pathology. Issues and questions of one's own community. In the process of his philosophizing, he has dealt with new issues such as development and the necessity of its application, as he has provided the ground for contradictory interpretations of his views. The present article will also focus on the hidden contradictions in the judgments of the West about modernity and development, in the meantime, while showing these contradictions, we will try to analyze them as much as possible. These contradictions and contradictions can be seen in issues such as the following: the totality or disintegration of the West, the internal order or disorder of modernity, how to deal with the West, the possibility or impossibility of imitating the West, the role of philosophy in development, the possibility of imitation or The necessity of ijtihad in this direction. The main question that this discourse seeks to answer is what effect has time and the evolution of thought had on Reza Davari's intellectual confrontation with modernity and the West? Accordingly, the hypothesis of the present study is formulated as follows: And how to deal with them over time is sometimes contradictory.

This article, after examining the views and theories of western and Muslim scholars we have comparative discussion and comparison around the two types of good governance in the West and transcendent governance in Islam. In the present world and in passing bad governance to favorable governance which is the Ideal situation and idealistic the whole world is global, and that governance should be of what kind of person or group and what the personal and ideological characteristics of the statesman or governors should be, the main issue is the circles of governance. Characteristics and major components of governances in their desirability and gaining people satisfaction from the most important issues in governance and to achieve the perfection and prosperity of individuals and communities. In the meantime, however, most Western theories of justice and talked about other traits and characteristics of good governance that are also sought by Islam, but their main approach was toward the material and temporal perfection of mankind and that's because of their human-centered tendency. On the other hand, Islam with a god-centered attitude, introduces the happiness of the hereafter as the purpose of the creation of human beings and societies. Accordingly, because the purpose of the creation of the world, human beings, societies and the formation of governments is to achieve eternal bliss, therefore, the characteristics of the best kind of governance are revealed and people's compliance with such governments is essential.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the dimensions of influence, especially economic influence in the Islamic Revolution. The method used in this paper is descriptive-analytical and uses library and Internet data. We assume that the enemies of the revolution, following the defeat in the political and military dimensions, have turned to the phenomenon of influence, and one of the most important dimensions of this phenomenon is the issue of economic influence. This process takes the form of various forms such as soft power, economic sanctions, the media, erosive negotiations, and influence among decision-makers.The findings of this study show that the colonial countries sought to use various tools such as the hegemony of international organizations to achieve their goals and force the sanctioned countries to surrender through the window of economic pressures. Passive internal forces in the face of sanctions, increasing frustration with solving economic problems, dividing the nation and the government, and weakening the axis of resistance are other goals that are pursued in this direction.