west asia

The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 marked a turning point in the political, social, and security developments of the West Asian region. This revolution not only transformed Iran's internal structures but also had extensive impacts on the power dynamics in the region. As a result of this transformation, the Axis of Resistance emerged as a politico-military movement. This axis, consisting of Iran, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Syria, Palestinian resistance groups, and other allied forces, has significantly influenced the balance of power by altering the strategies of regional and international players. In this context, the Islamic Republic of Iran, leveraging its ideological, geopolitical, and military capabilities, has played a crucial role in leading and expanding this axis. To analyze the role of the Axis of Resistance and the changes it has brought to the region, neorealism, particularly the views of Kenneth Waltz, provides a suitable theoretical framework. This theory emphasizes that changes in the distribution of power and global and regional structures lead to the formation of strategic alliances and shifts in power dynamics. The Axis of Resistance, by weakening strategic rivals and strengthening regional alliances, has played a key role in redefining the regional order. The Axis of Resistance, through its military power, active diplomacy, and security strategies, has altered the political landscape of the region and influenced the policies of Western and Arab countries. Some of its most significant effects include:Role of the Axis of Resistance in Changing Security Strategies: The Axis of Resistance, as an influential force in the region, has impacted the security and military policies of various actors. By establishing military bases and supporting resistance groups, this axis has created effective deterrence against potential threats. These actions have not only strengthened Iran's security beyond its borders but also paved the way for countering the aggressive policies of the West and its regional allies. Shift in the Regional Balance of Power: The Axis of Resistance has challenged the unilateral policies of the United States by creating new power poles in the region. Through increased military and political cooperation among regional actors, this axis has intensified existing rivalries and altered the balance of power. Countries that were previously dependent on U.S. policies are now seeking new relationships based on shared interests with Iran and resistance groups. Consolidation of Iran’s Regional Influence: One of the key outcomes of the Axis of Resistance has been the expansion of Iran’s strategic depth in neighboring countries. By capitalizing on the power vacuums created by U.S. failures in Iraq and Afghanistan, Iran has strengthened its presence in these nations. Support for resistance groups in Syria and Lebanon has further solidified Iran’s position as a regional power. This influence has not only ensured Iran’s national security but also enhanced its geopolitical standing at the regional and international levels. Failure of Western Strategies in Regional Order Formation: The policies of the United States and its allies aimed at establishing a new regional order that sidelines Iran have encountered multiple obstacles. Western efforts to contain Iran through sanctions, diplomatic pressure, and support for internal opposition have failed to diminish its influence. Instead, the Axis of Resistance, through maintaining cohesion and coordination among its members, has shifted the balance of power in favor of Iran. This trend has led to the failure of Western strategies in shaping their desired regional order. Increasing Regional Actors’ Inclination Towards the Axis of Resistance: In recent years, many regional players previously aligned with Western policies have gradually gravitated towards the Axis of Resistance. The success of this axis in countering security threats and maintaining regional stability has led some countries to show greater willingness to cooperate with Iran and its allies. This shift in approach has facilitated stronger regional cooperation and reduced regional dependence on the West. The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the emergence of the Axis of Resistance have brought about fundamental changes in regional and international politics. By forming strategic alliances and supporting resistance groups, Iran has managed to shift the balance of power in its favor and reduce the traditional influence of major powers in the region. The Axis of Resistance, as a model of political and social convergence, has curbed the aggressive policies of its rivals and altered their security and military strategies. This process, in addition to strengthening Iran’s position, has paved the way for the formation of a multipolar order in West Asia. Overall, the Axis of Resistance has proven to be a significant force in shaping the political and security landscape of the region and influencing its future trajectory.

West Asia has long been a hotspot for various forms of violence. The complex and multifaceted security threats in the region—coupled with the inherent fragility of states—demand that security be redefined within a new, regional framework. To break away from traditional security policies, there is increasing emphasis on the growing role of non-state actors, established norms, and cooperative security arrangements. In this context, the concept of governance is offered as a means to describe both the dispersion of power and the emergence of new oversight mechanisms that counterbalance state dominance. As a result, regional security governance is now seen as an important form of collective security. With this in mind, this study focuses on three key regional powers—Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia—to examine the process of security governance and the factors that shape it.

The study employs a mixed-methods approach. On the quantitative side, international data were analyzed to review the progress of regional security governance over the past decade. For the qualitative aspect, a focus group session was conducted with 10 experts (9 men and 1 woman), and the discussions were analyzed using MAXQDA software.

In terms of persuasive (or soft) policies, Iran’s performance improved steadily, with its score rising from 20 in 2012 to over 24 in 2016. Conversely, Saudi Arabia’s persuasive policy score dropped from 48 in 2011 to about 33 in 2022, and Turkey also followed a downward trend. Regarding coercive (or hard) policies, Saudi Arabia achieved the highest score of 70 in 2015, while Iran recorded the lowest score of 40 in 2013. Additionally, Iran has been more effective in countering ISIS, whereas Saudi Arabia and Turkey escalated tensions with their military operations in Yemen and parts of Iraq and Syria, respectively. While Iran demonstrated that regional security is a top priority in its fight against ISIS, Turkey generally focused on protecting its borders from refugees and terrorist attacks, even seizing opportunities to intervene in Syria. The qualitative analysis identified 9 main categories and 25 sub-categories (with a total frequency of 310 mentions). Data analysis revealed that 84% of the obstacles to regional security governance in West Asia were associated with persuasive (soft) policies, while only 16% were linked to coercive (hard) measures. This finding suggests that before resorting to hard security tools, establishing regional security governance in this region should primarily rely on diplomatic dialogue and softer forms of engagement.

Focusing on Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, this research identifies both positive and negative factors influencing regional security governance in West Asia from 2011 to 2022. The study shows that security in the region cannot be ensured by governments alone. Instead, the active participation of non-state actors, international organizations, and a mix of persuasive (diplomatic and economic) and coercive (military and security) tools are crucial to shaping regional security governance. The analysis also indicates significant differences among the regional powers.Their national objectives tend to be almost diametrically opposed, resulting in a fluctuating form of regional security governance. For instance, the persuasive tools used by Iran in resolving regional disputes averaged a score of 22, compared to averages of 36 and 38 for Saudi Arabia and Turkey, respectively. While Saudi Arabia and Turkey show similar tendencies in their use of persuasive and coercive methods, Iran has taken a notably different approach. Reflecting on Europe's approach to regional security governance, it’s clear that after World War II, European nations were able to adopt a democracy-based framework with support from the United States that led to nearly uniform responses to conflicts.However, in West Asia, the role of major powers has had the opposite effect—fueling tensions and exacerbating conflicts. Their involvement, most notably their support for the establishment of Israel, has contributed to major issues such as the Arab-Israeli wars, increased securitization, and a drift toward authoritarianism among regional governments. The military presence of extra-regional powers has pressured these countries to prioritize military solutions instead of diplomatic ones. Furthermore, the region’s geopolitical and economic significance continues to fuel competition among thses powers. Rivalries, such as that between China and the United States, have even led to bloc formations in the region, potentially undermining the development of regional security governance. Even the region's failed state- and nation-building process—which is seen as one of the main reasons why this form of governance has not been established in West Asia—has been influenced, to some extent, by the Sykes-Picot Agreement and by Israel.The qualitative findings further highlight that regional powers’ abilities to protect their societies (by leveraging resources for defense and military intervention), combined with their unique interpretations of security and stability, domestic multi-actor dynamics (involving the role of non-state actors), and external delegations to regional organizations, are among the key factors shaping regional security governance. On the other hand, issues such as the Israel factor, extra-regional interventions, authoritarian tendencies, strategic culture, border disputes, and incomplete or unsynchronized political and economic structures have negatively affected its development.

The change of political discourses and the security geometry of the region of West Asia based on the developments of recent years, indicate the desire and of course the necessity of forming a new regional order on the part of the countries of the region. But the basic issue is that the bases and contexts and how to shape the new and desirable order of the region have been neglected and have not been counted in a coherent and purposeful way. Therefore, identifying this platform and how to shape this new order is of great importance and can be examined from different angles and perspectives, one of which can be movement and action based on constructivist theory. It should be taken that due to the interactive approach and belief in the possibility of forming cooperation and interaction in international relations, it can be considered as a suitable foundation for this path. Therefore, the main question of this research has been what are the contexts of the modern order in the region of West Asia based on the theory of constructivism? In order to find the answer by using the meta-analysis method and MAXQDA2020 software, and referring to 52 published practical and research articles, the opinions of Iranian experts in this regard were analyzed. According to the research findings, 66 components in the field of norms, discourses, and ideas were identified, and it was determined that there are many and prominent commonalities such as "common Islamic values", "regional independence", "maintaining the integrity of countries", "growth and development", "peace and stability", "fighting organized crime", "combating Islamophobia", "combating Western lifestyles", etc. among the countries of the region, which can be realized in the form of ideas such as the "Organization of Islamic Cooperation". Finally, an attempt was made to present the necessary measures and work priorities.

After the events of September 11, the fight against terrorism was pursued with particular seriousness by the US government, which was manifested in a military form, specifically by the invasion of Afghanistan and then by the invasion of Iraq. As time passed and the imposition of extensive military costs on the US, the country, by aligning its interests with regional allies, identified a range of militant groups in the Middle East and West Asia that were aligned with the Islamic Republic of Iran as terrorists and adopted mechanisms to counter their influence. The groups that were mostly gathered around the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran outside the borders and included the Syrian government, Hamas militias and the political-military group Hezbollah, and then resistance groups in Iraq and then Yemen were added to them. With the coming to power of Obama, the United States of America has adopted a new strategy to repel threats against itself in various regions, which, although not accompanied by direct participation, military presence and open intervention, has a significant impact on the course of affairs. Using the capacity of regional actors aligned with its interests and its allies in West Asia, including Israel, Turkey, and some members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the form of coalitions, having military bases, and involving them in the counterterrorism program and remote management, has created a new approach to maintaining its influence in West Asia. This approach has created confrontations, given the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an effective actor in the region and having multiple interests and state and non-state actors fighting for their independence and popular and ideological power. Some of these confrontations are threats to Iran's national security, which is defined beyond borders and has placed the fight against tyranny and support for oppressed and Muslim nations in its foreign policy agenda. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the US counterterrorism policy in West Asia and discuss its relationship with the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The necessity for conducting such research is to identify the hidden threats of America by involving its allies in the region and confronting them, which is pursued in the form of coalitions and alliances or military and civilian agreements between America and its allies. If this procedure is not managed wisely, it will put the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region at risk, which requires identification and confrontation. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and library tools have been used.

With the onset of the Syrian crisis, various domestic, regional, and international actors adopted distinct strategies in response to the situation. This was particularly evident due to Syria’s critical geopolitical and geostrategic position in West Asia. As a global superpower with extensive interests, the United States pursued an interventionist strategy aimed at safeguarding its interests and those of its regional allies throughout the Syrian crisis. Initially, the U.S. supported efforts to overthrow the Syrian regime by backing Arab opposition forces. However, as the opposition weakened and faced defeat against the Syrian regime and its allies, the U.S. shifted its focus to the Kurdish forces, seeking to maintain its strategic interests through a new partnership. This study aims to answer the main question: What strategy underlies the U.S. approach toward the Syrian Kurds? The hypothesis suggests that the relationship between these two actors is not characterized by the deep commitments typical of a strategic alliance. Instead, the U.S.-Syrian Kurds partnership is more accurately described as a dynamic alignment—temporary, conditional, and responsive to immediate threats, particularly in combating ISIS terrorism and containing regional powers such as Iran and Turkey. This article examines the factors shaping this dynamic alignment and the limitations that have prevented it from evolving into a strategic alliance. The research is qualitative, employing a descriptive-analytical approach based on the theory of dynamic alignment. Additionally, this study is document-based, utilizing library research methods (both printed and digital sources) for data collection.

The region of West Asia isof special importance fromthe pointof view of geo-economics,geopolitics and geostrategic, so that after the discovery of oil in West Asia,this black substance found avery important and decisive role in the oreign policy of West Asian countries.Today,West Asia supplies a third of the world's oil,and the main question is,what are the main drivers affecting the importanceof oil and the regional security of West Asia in thefuture,and what effectswill these drivers have on stability in this region?In response,the hypothesiscan be put forward that the reduction of oil consumption based on increasing environmental concerns and efforts to not depend onoil,has led to the push of oil-producing countries to exploit the non-oil economy,which is the field of non-oil economic cooperation in the framework of It will create mutual dependence inthe West Asian region,which will increase the security factor and reduce the possibility of conflict in the region.The findings of the research indicate that the discovery of oil for the first time in Iran and West Asia turned this region into the"largest oil region in the world"The issue that made West Asia a ieldof competition for great powers.Therefore,if until now the other inherent superiority of West Asia was important for global and regional powers and acted as a tool for regional actors,after the emergence of oil, the function of West Asia for the region and beyond has undergone a fundamental transformation.

The possible victory of Donald Trump in the upcoming US presidential election could have profound effects on the development of the West Asian region. Given Trump’s previous foreign policies, which were strongly defined in line with the interests of the Zionist regime and in opposition to Iran, the main question of this article is how Trump’s re-victory could affect the political and security future of the West Asian region? Based on the hypothesis that Trump will seek to strengthen relations with Arab countries and continue to pressure Iran, this article examines the possible consequences of these policies on key developments in the region, such as the Palestinian issue, the future of Gaza, and the normalization of Arab-Zionist relations. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical and, using library resources and discourse analysis of Trump's policies, attempts to predict the possible effects of his victory on the region. The initial findings of the research show that Trump's re-election could lead to an acceleration of the process of normalizing relations between Arab countries and the Zionist regime and further weakening the position of Palestine. Also, these policies will likely be accompanied by increased tensions between Iran and Western countries and the US's regional allies. Meanwhile, the future of Gaza is increasingly uncertain due to the US's unilateral support for the Zionist regime. The findings of the article show that Trump's possible policies, if he wins again, could lead to a realignment of regional forces and increased tensions in various security and political areas, which will ultimately face new challenges for the prospects for peace and stability in the region.

Examining the influential components of any country's foreign policy can be instrumental in explaining and advancing its international objectives. One of the most crucial components influencing a country's foreign policy is the individual executing the predetermined policies in the realm of foreign affairs. To delve into this matter, it is essential to analyze the political personality and mindset of the policy executor in the field of foreign policy.This study aims to examine the character of Martyr Haj Qasem Soleimani and its influence on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the West Asia region, seeking to elucidate the impact of influential individuals on the proper execution of foreign relations. This research employs a descriptive-analytical method within the theoretical framework of "Rosena's Continuity Model" and "Political Psychology Theory," utilizing data collection techniques based on library resources.The findings reveal that Soleimani's charismatic, devout, loyal, intelligent, and prudent personality, combined with his legal authority in regional foreign policy, has contributed to establishing peace in the region and advancing the objectives of the Islamic Revolution in foreign policy.

Iran places significant emphasis on protecting its national interests and security in the West Asia region, where numerous actors have resorted to arms race as a result of geopolitical rivalries, conflicts of interest, and the necessity of establishing a balance of power. The long-term arms race in this area, stretching several decades, has not only exacerbated the precarious security situation in West Asia but also led to inquiries into Iran's possible options for attaining regional balance of Power. The mentioned inquiry has emerged as the primary concern of this study, compelling the authors to pursue answers. To address this question, this article employs a mixed-methods (quantitative-descriptive) research design to assess the current state of arms race in West Asia, the factors that influence it, and the consequences that result from such competition. The research findings suggest that states in West Asia allocate a significant amount of their economic resources towards military expenditures that exceed the global average. In pursuit of achieving a balance of power, these nations rely heavily on their economic capabilities. As a consequence of the constraints it faces, the Islamic Republic of Iran is compelled to implement more dependency on its domestic resources in order to achieve the deterrence it seeks

Order at different levels has always been one of the most central challenges and questions in the field of international relations. The West Asian region has always been the focus of experts' attention for many reasons, including its role in energy production, transit of goods and transit, and security crises. By raising the question of how to achieve a regional order in West Asia, this research looks for a possible model for regional order according to the developments of the international system.

The method used is explanatory-analytical approach and reference to library resources and data collection method based on statistics and international documents.

The effect of the withdrawal of the extra-regional powers and the creation of a power vacuum and the growth of the desire for economic development in the region are determining factors in the regional order and creates an opportunity window.

Based on the pattern of concert order and its characteristics, it is possible to reach arrangements in West Asia centered on Iran, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia.

Instability in the West Asian region and the increase in uncertainties and fluid coalitions have caused a large amount of the field of vision of political decision makers in the region to decrease. Based on this, the present article has been written using a combination of Walt's threat balance theory and Bauman's blue modernity theory as an alternative approach in understanding the roots of alliances in West Asia. According to the above topics, this article seeks to answer the question, on what basis do the Arab states of the West Asian region enter into alliances with each other, and what variables influence their alliances? The hypothesis of the research is presented as follows: the presence of threats (real or imagined) at different levels of analysis, increasing the feeling of insecurity in turbulent times such as the developments in Arab countries, determines the preferences of governments regarding regional cooperation and the formation of coalitions. In contrast, the influential variables in coalitions are regional and international conflicts and concern for political survival in Arab states. In the present study, the approach of descriptive-analytical research and its method is process research and sample research as qualitative research methods. Documentary and library sources and reliable sources in the field of regional politics have also been used in the collection of information.

The profound consequences of the Ukraine crisis on international relations caused the intertwining of the regional and global situation. The countries of West Asia and the existing security order in this region were somehow affected by the consequences of this war. The nature of Russia's relations and its role in the security relations of the West Asian region have always highlighted the importance of the geography of this part of the Asian continent for the Russians. Therefore, the main question of the article is how to analyze Russia's approach to the West Asian region after the 2022 war in Ukraine? (Research question) In response to the above question, the hypothesis of the article proposes that: since the beginning of the war between Moscow and Kiev in February 2022, Russia has simultaneously increased its presence and influence in the relations of the West Asian region in such a way that by turning the gaze from With a balanced approach, the West-East side has increased its efforts to promote interactions with the countries of the region and play a role in its security relations. This research has been done by using the descriptive-analytical method and collecting information in the form of library and internet and reviewing the upstream documents of Russia

Using a descriptive-analytical method and employing the theory of international regimes, this study addresses the question: how have international sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran affected shifts in power dynamics in West Asia? The findings indicate that international sanctions have brought substantial changes to Iran’s military, economic, and diplomatic policies in the region, intensifying regional rivalries and tensions. Although these sanctions have negatively impacted Iran’s economy, they have not fully achieved the West’s objectives against the country and have, instead, contributed to increased geopolitical tensions in the region. On the other hand, the Islamic Republic of Iran has mitigated these pressures through diplomatic tools, informal networks, and alternative pathways, maintaining its influence in the region. Furthermore, despite the economic challenges imposed by the sanctions, Iran has bolstered its military power and continued its support for the "Axis of Resistance" in countries like Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen, asserting a pivotal role in regional equations and remaining a key player in West Asia.

The West Asian region, which is located at a geostrategic and geopolitical point,has been invaded by major world powers and conflicts between regional powers throughout history.With the beginning of the 21st century,with the leadership and hegemony of the United States of America,the region entered into new conflicts and tensions,which led to the formation of new regional powers in West Asia. Therefore,the present study,with a descriptive-analytical approach,seeks to identify the challenges and opportunities facing the Islamic Republic of Iran in the emerging regional order of West Asia.The considered opportunities and threats were calculated.The findings of the research showed that the upcoming opportunities include Islamic awakening,expanding relations and developing economic cooperation with neighbors,developing relations with world powers,playing an active role in improving and solving regional crises,strengthening the axis of resistance,and also using It is strategic.The geographical location and the mentioned threats include the increasing influence of regional rivals,the military and political presence of foreign powers,economic sanctions and international pressures,internal instability,the union of Arab Islamic countries with the Zionist regime,geopolitical changes,and the expansion of the Zionist regime's conflict.With the axis of resistance and in the final part of the research,it was done with the aim of analyzing threats and opportunities.

The military strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has consistently been a key pillar in ensuring national security and influencing regional security in West Asia. Due to internal exigencies, the developments stemming from the imposed war, regional conditions such as the presence of extra-regional powers, alliances with regional states, and the perception of threats by Iranian leaders, the development of ballistic missile industries and space technology has been identified as a suitable option to address the military weaknesses caused by sanctions and Iran's technological military backwardness. The research question posed here is: How is the role of ballistic missiles evaluated within Iran's security strategy? In the research hypothesis, the missile deterrence capability is affirmed to contribute to securing Iran's defense and maintaining its offensive capabilities in line with regional objectives, as well as supporting the structure of resistance. Positive effects, such as ensuring political prestige, maximizing regional power and influence, are highlighted. Continuous deterrence and the protection of strategic centers are functional results beyond the scope of an independent strategy. The theoretical framework of this research is based on realism and deterrence theory. The methodology involves analytical and explanatory approaches, utilizing library sources and articles for content extraction.

China's power networking strategy in West Asia has made America's policy of turning towards East Asia face disruption, and once again West Asia has become the arena of competition and confrontation between the two great world powers. In this framework, containment of China in West Asia has become a strategic priority in the macro strategies of the United States and it is trying to play a new role against China's presence in West Asia. The purpose of this article is to explain US's policy to contain China in West Asia, and with an analytical-explanatory method, it has answered the question of how US is trying to contain China's influence in West Asia. In response, it is assumed that US has chosen a multi-faceted strategy to contain Beijing in West Asia through economic organization, organization of new alliances, dialogue confrontation and cooperation with allies. The findings show that despite the policy of turning to East Asia, the West Asian region has a special place for the US, and in the short and mid-term future, this country will focus on various economic, political and discourse dimensions to contain China in the West Asian region.

The increase of Russia's presence in West Asia in recent years has affected regional and international order and security. The Russia's approach in this region towards other players influenced Russia-Iran interactions and Iran's interests at the regional and global levels. This paper aims to address this question: How Russia's regional policies in West Asia have affected Islamic Republic of Iran's national interests? The paper is based on the theory of balance of power. The paper’s findings show that the most important effects of Russia's soft and hard balancing act on Iran's national interests in the region are: Help countering Takfiri Salafi terrorism, increasing Iran's strategic depth, improving Iran's regional deterrence power, strengthening the Axis of Resistance, reducing the influence of America and the West in the region, and intensifying the strategic interactions of Russia-China and Iran and their confrontation with the liberal world order and unilateralism of America.

The rise of West Asia as a hub for various terrorist groups, many of which are linked to Islam and operate on a global scale, has led to a growing connection between global terrorism and Islam. According to data from the “National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START),” between 2012 and 2017, 17 terrorist groups conducted attacks in Europe, compared to 148 in the West Asia and North Africa. A key concern, beyond the number of active terrorist groups, is the severity of their violence. For instance, during this period, ISIS alone was responsible for 5,646 terrorist attacks, resulting in 39,744 deaths and 856 injuries. In 2012, Europe saw 13 attacks, while Iraq recorded 319. By 2017, Europe experienced 40 attacks (14 in Russia), whereas Iraq faced 1,160 attacks.In explaining the factors behind the rise of terrorist groups and the intensity of their violence, particularly in West Asia, experts and analysts have pointed to various causes such as political instability, economic conditions, cultural characteristics, and psychological disorders. While each of these factors can shed light on aspects of the issue, it is essential to recognize that “terrorism is primarily linked to social factors.” Unlike criminal activities driven by selfish motives, terrorists often believe their actions serve a collective, altruistic goal, highlighting a deeply social dimension. Therefore, social factors, especially community-level trust, play a crucial role in understanding the formation of terrorism and the behavior of terrorists.

The paper adopts a quantitative approach, is periodical in nature, and relies on secondary data sources such as The Legatum Prosperity Index, the Global Terrorism Database, and START. Trust and terrorism are examined as the independent and dependent variables, respectively. Data analysis was conducted using SPSS version 22. The study focuses on West Asian countries, with sampling performed using the hierarchical clustering method known as “Ward.”

Qatar ranks highest in institutional trust, with an impressive average score of 98, while Yemen lags far behind with a score of just 11, indicating the weakest institutional trust. In terms of generalized interpersonal trust, Yemen surprisingly leads with a score of 81, whereas Iraq records the lowest score at 31. On the international trust front, Qatar again performs well with an average score of 60, contrasting sharply with Iraq, which has the lowest score of 20.Throughout the studied period, Iraq experienced a total of 6,205 terrorist attacks, averaging 443 attacks per year. Syria had the highest number of terrorist groups, with a total of 74 operating in the country, resulting in an average of over five groups conducting terrorist operations annually. Iraq also recorded the highest intensity of violence, with approximately 53,000 casualties, meaning that around 4,000 people were killed or wounded in the country each year.Out of the nine possible correlations between the three levels of trust and various components of terrorism, five showed significant relationships. Specifically, there was a significant correlation between interpersonal trust and the number of attacks; institutional trust was significantly related to both the intensity of violence and the number of attacks; and international trust had a significant connection with both the number of terrorist groups and their attacks.

In general, this research aligns with the findings of other scholars in showing that in societies with high levels of interpersonal trust, the formation of terrorist groups is more likely, while an increase in institutional trust correlates with a decrease in violence. However, a unique finding of this study is that a rise in international trust has led to an increase in both the number of terrorist groups and their attacks in West Asia. This divergence from other research may be attributed to the deep roots of Islamic culture in the region and the anti-social tendencies of authoritarian rulers in West Asian countries, who, while engaging with globalization, lean toward liberalism. Therefore, it can be concluded that the lack of mature institutional structures in the region prompts citizens to respond by forming or joining terrorist groups, escalating both the number of attacks and the intensity of violence.

The war imposed by Iraq against Iran is considered one of the most important international events in the late second half of the 20th century, and despite the extensive support of regional and extra-regional countries to the Baath regime, unfortunately, there is no complete research on the role and position of the Baath regime. Large regional countries including Saudi Arabia have not been investigated. The following article is devoted to the reasons for Saudi Arabia's support to Iraq during the imposed war with a comparative study and historical analysis and claims that the structural requirements based on the Islamic Revolution and the state of the balance of power at the regional level are the most important determining factors in Saudi Arabia has continued to support the Baath regime. Based on this, in this research, by examining the causes and support structures formed after the start of the war, it is devoted to the study of Saudi Arabia's role in the geopolitical structures of the West Asian region during the imposed war. In this framework, the research question is based on the basis of what was the position of Iraq's long-term and attrition war in the 1980s against revolutionary Iran in Saudi Arabia's threat balancing strategy? Arab rulers of Iraq led by Saddam in order to balance against the threats and influence of revolutionary Iran in the West Asian region. Is. The research method is analytical-explanatory and the theoretical approach of threat balance will be used to analyze the issue.

This research seeks to identify the challenges of the Islamic Republic of Iran achieving the desired order in West Asia. For this purpose, the framework of "causal layered analysis" was used, which were divided into four layers: litany, systemic, discourse and myth. The research method is mixed (qualitative and quantitative) that through library study and the use of expert panel, the desired indicators of challenges in all four layers were identified and their importance in each layer was determined through a questionnaire. To complete the questionnaire, a population of 25 who were purposefully selected answered the questions. The research results show that out of 111 identifiers, 44 identifiers are in the litany, 39 identifiers are in the systemic layer, 11 identifiers are in the discourse layer, and 17 identifiers are in the mythic layer. Also, the discourse layer with 4.804, took the highest average of the respondents in Friedman's test. The priority of the indicators also shows the indicator "the strong role of extra-regional military and security institutions and organizations such as NATO in regional equations" in Litani layer, the indicator "lack of indigenous collective security system" in the systemic layer, the indicator "discourse conflicts of revolutionary political Islam, Salafi Islam and Ikhwani Islam on the nature of regional order" in the discourse layer and representing the "dominance of the myth of good and evil over the strategic culture of regional governments" are the most important challenges for the Islamic Republic to achieve the desired order in West Asia.