zionism

The Gaza crisis that happened in October 2023 has been the most complex, longest, and most deadly crisis between the Zionist regime and the Palestinian resistance. For this reason, this crisis had a wide reflection on the world level. Some countries, especially America and England, sided with Israel, and some countries, such as South Africa, sided with Palestine and went as far as bringing Israel's case to the Hague Tribunal for the crime of genocide. The position of the Indian government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi regarding the Gaza crisis was also unique in its kind. The Indian government, contrary to the tradition of the independence leaders of this country, who usually supported the goals of Palestine, stood by Israel. This stance brought with it the question why the Modi government has adopted such a position? One of the important hypotheses in answering this question is that the affinity of Hindutva ideology as the ideology of the right-wing government of India and Zionism as the ideology of the right-wing government of Israel played a prominent role in Modi's position. The findings of the article also showed that the alignment of the two right-wing factions in India and Israel is not new, and their ideological affinity has brought them together at different historical times.

Zionism, as the foundational identity of the Israeli regime, has framed its success around the amalgamation of ethnic nationalism, cultural differences, and a singular national identity. In a society like Israel, characterized by a multitude of distinct identities and strong ethnic, racial, religious, and linguistic components, identity-based and social conflicts have found ample ground for emergence. These conflicts and disputes are often shaped through a combined pursuit of identity and security. Among these factors, ideological attachments, shaping beliefs within dogmatic and biased frameworks, have created fertile ground for deep social divides, particularly religious divides, thereby threatening the regime’s security. Drawing on the Copenhagen School and adopting a descriptive-analytical approach, this article seeks to answer the question: What are the consequences of the religious divide for the security strategy of the Israeli regime? According to the findings of our research, the widening of social gaps, particularly religious divides, has led to political fragmentation. Consequently, Israeli society, as a central pillar of the regime’s existence, is facing crises of divergence and identity, severely undermining social cohesion and unity. Meanwhile, the dominance of a rigid and inflexible Zionist outlook, along with the deepening of societal divides, has seriously threatened social identity and security, forming the core of identity crises and insecurity. In response to these crises, according to its security strategy, the regime’s leaders—perceiving their survival and existence to be at risk—have pursued the securitization of these threats. However, with the continuation of this conflictual dynamic, there appears to be little prospect for meaningful transformation within the structure of the Israeli regime.

The increasing spread of social gaps in the heterogeneous society of Israel and casting doubts on identity symbols of Zionism have challenged the ontological security of this regime. By applying racial discrimination policies, Zionism has faced social elements with structural separation, it has reduced the desires of social forces to support this regime. Assuming various gaps in Israel and with a descriptive-analytical method, the present article answers the question, in Constructivism theoretical framework, that what is the role of identity crisis in formation of the Israelite ontological insecurity? According to the findings, inability to resolve the problems and gaps resulting from internal, have led to make the structure of this regime security-oriented. The formation of this securitized environment along with the use of violence emanating from the Zionist ideology has caused Israel to have a strong tendency to belligerence in such a way that threats and tension have become a part of the ontological security of this government, and the efforts to security been included in Israel's foreign policy. Solving the crisis of ontological insecurity requires a change in the rigid Zionist approach to a soft approach, as well as going through the process of making the government non-security-oriented.

The present study analyzes the impact of the Islamic Revolution discourse on the vulnerability of the Zionist regime (Objective). Given the importance of the discourse impact of the Islamic Revolution on the weakening of the Zionist regime and the existence of internal challenges of the regime, this issue can still be discussed (issue). The research question is, what effect has the Islamic Revolution had on the weakness and vulnerability of the Zionist regime, and how will its internal factors play a role in the future of the regime? (Question) The revolutionary discourse will cause the legitimation of the regime and the internal problems of the Zionist regime will also weaken it (hypothesis). The discourse of the Islamic Revolution has led to regional influence and development and increased deterrence on the part of the resistance against the Zionist regime, which has resulted in pressure on the regime in various political, military and social spheres. It will also increase the regime's internal challenges at various political, social, and cultural levels, and the disruption of demographic balance and incoherence, which will be serious obstacles to its survival (Yafteh). The article is done by descriptive-analytical method (research method) and its results show; The Islamic Revolution has changed the political, cultural and social principles and values ​​of society and has had an impact on the region.

Since its establishment, the Islamic Republic of Iran, relying on the humane principles of "supporting the oppressed" and "fighting the oppressor" and the Islamic principle of " The rule of negation of dominance " has entered the Palestinian issue, and in its 45-year history, it has always tried to support Palestinian ideals in any conditions. Iran's position has been stable throughout these years, but various events such as the Iran-Iraq war, the normalization of Israel-Arab relations, the peace agreement between Israel and the PLO, and the Syrian crisis have caused Iran's relationship with various Palestinian groups to deteriorate. Flows like PLO and Hamas with their approaches of nationalism and Sunni Islam have created frictions with Iran's policies. This has given rise to internal reactions. In a historical process, it can be claimed that while being stable in strategy, the Islamic Republic has gone through these periods with the Palestinians in the field of tactics: the period of formation (1357-1359), the period of fluctuation (1359-1366), the period of restoration and reconstruction (1366-1389), the period of pessimism ( 1389 to 1398) and finally, the transformation period from 1398 until now. This division refers to the different Palestinian currents, each of which seeks the realization of the Palestinian cause based on theis political ideology. Regarding the Palestinian nation, Iran's relations have always been based on solidarity. In this research, based on the combined theoretical framework of constructivism and defensive realism, we analyze the reason for this behavior and based on the Moskavieh measurement and evaluation method, we analyze the lessons of these actions for current decision makers.

In the early verses of Surah Al-Isra (the children of Israel chapter) has been referred to two corruptions of the children of Israel.In verses from Surah Ma'idah (the table spread), a group of true jewish believers are excluded from the rest.But many of them insist on corruption and incitement to war which, of course, their attributes correspond the Zionist government.The article deals with the chronological order of the verses and describing how the repression of the corruption of the children of Israel occurred in the apocalypse by "uli ba-sin shadidin" -those of strong (severe) power/might- using a kind of contemplation method; that is paying attention to the continuity of the verses of the Qur'an and analyzing the apparent implications contained in the text of the verses sequentially and finally, knows the probability of the occurrence of one of the two corruptions of this people in contemporary period stronger than other probabilities.According to the narrations and reasons presented in this article, the successive chain of adventures of corruption of the children of Israel and their great insolence in the apocalypse will be at the end of the period of the great absence and leading to the advent of Imam Mahdi -May God Almighty hasten his honorable return.

The world's Jewish population is estimated at 15 million, 85% of whom live in the United States and the Occupied Territories. Although Zionism and Judaism are not equal; because some Jews are political anti-Zionists and some non-Jews are also Zionists; However, Jews are the dominant aspect of Zionism. Jews do not have a single identity. The main question of the article is: What is the view of the American Jews and the Jews living in the occupied territories of Palestine towards the ideals of Zionism? The hypothesis of the article is formulated using the results of the Pew Survey Institute as follows: Jews living in America and the occupied territories, due to their identity sources and different life experiences, have different views in terms of believing in the ideals of Zionism, adhering to the beliefs and rituals of Judaism, and the performance of the Zionist regime.This difference of opinion has led to a variety of political actions, including a reduction in the immigration of American Jews to the Occupied Territories. International Zionism, while tacitly acknowledging this difference, sees Jewish influence in American and even world politics as complementary to the migration of Jews from other parts of the world to the occupied territories, and seeks to reduce these differences. The main purpose of this article is to open a new direction in Zionist studies and to explain the real gaps between the Jewish communities, especially the United States, and the Occupied Territories, and to make policy recommendations in this regard.

The position of lobbies as influential and influential groups The decision-making process in the United States of America is completely legal and obvious In the meantime, the Jews have been able to seize this opportunity And increase their position and power among their competitorsTo the extent that all decisions should be filtered by Jewish lobbies (Which is headed by International Zionism) pass And full oversight of the internal decision-making process And foreigners with influence and influence over Congress, the White House Thinking rooms and other influential centers In the decision-making process Thanks to the above, the question is the role of Jewish lobbies What role do they play in US foreign policy decision-making in support of the Zionist regime? (Statement of the problem)

Research hypothesis by descriptive-analytical method and method of document-electronic collection And based on policy-making theory, the answer is:Israeli lobbying in ways such as financially supporting congressional candidates And the presidency, the propaganda pressures in the media As well as influencing scientific circles to seek guidance The US policy apparatus is to support Israel. (Hypothesis). Necessity and importance of research: It must be said that the Jews rule the world through the American government They make others fight for them And be killed. So it is necessary with this The premise was to eliminate the weaknesses and backwardness of the Muslims.

One of the first acts of struggle of Imam Khomeini (may God have mercy on him) at the beginning of the Islamic movement was to declare the illegitimacy of the usurping Zionist regime. O (Modzaleh Al-Aali) while emphasizing insight, enmity, and mentioning the consequences of not knowing the enemy, mention this regime as one of the main enemies of the Islamic system. The intensity of expression and the number of repetitions show the importance of this issue. It is important to know the main enemy in order to focus attention and do all you can to deal with it. Lack of knowledge while wasting material and spiritual power will cause defeat and destruction in the face of enemies. For this knowledge, the existence of a model can help in achieving this goal. The intensity and extent of the enemy's actions will remain unknown and will have a negative effect on the preservation of the Islamic system. The purpose of this study is to achieve a model of hostility from the point of view of Imam Khamenei. The opinion is the quality of the implementation method and the data of the foundation. In the implementation, after selecting the title of the research, word mining was performed from the original texts and the desired data were determined, and in the first place, 345 indexes or codes were extracted. Organized data in the form of 5 factors; Causal, contextual, limiting factors, strategic factors, and the consequences and consequences of the hostility model were organized.

The topic of Turkish-Israeli relations is considered as one of the important issues in the regional, Middle East and Islamic world studies. The Republic of Turkey was the first country among the Islamic countries in the Middle East that has recognized the Zionist regime as a country and has established diplomatic relations with it in 1949. Relations between the two countries have a strategic nature based on the security needs of both sides. These relations have continued despite the political changes in Turkey and the emergence of the AKP, a party of an Islamic nature and policy.Israeli officials from every party, including Benjamin Netanyahu''s far-right Likud party, have pursued the policy of maintaining ties with Turkey. The military-security cooperation agreement between the two countries has been in force since 1996 and has not been repealed.Our major question is structured on the convergence and divergence factors, which have shaped the nature of Turkish-Israeli relations during the two last decades (2000-2019). Based on the theory of regional security complex, the framework of Turkish-Israeli relations has been analyzed. The descriptive-analytical model has been opted as the research method. Our analysis is relied on the documents, comments and reports of the experts.The concluding remarks state that in the current situation, Turkey and Israel continue their policy of alliance and co-operation, although this alliance is not sufficiently coherent and both sides use their leverages to force the other party to co-operate in certain circumstances.

The purpose of this article is to examine the religious ideas governing the foreign policy of the Zionist regime through discourse analysis of the statements, speeches and programs of its prime ministers over the past two decades. The main question of the research is how Jewish religious beliefs are reproduced in the words of the Israeli prime ministers in the field of foreign policy?
Research

The research method is Fairclough critical discourse analysis, which we analyze based on three levels of description, interpretation and explanation of selected texts and show what narrative of these textual factors reflects the social relations and in particular the foreign policy of this regime.

The findings show that the foreign policy discourse of the Israeli Prime Ministers (from various political parties and spectrums) is strongly influenced by the Jewish religious political culture, which is based on the general policies of foreign behavior, especially its conflict with Muslims, Arabs and It reflects the Palestinians.

The results of assessments of the textual factors and discourse positions of the three prime ministers of the Zionist regime show that these leaders base their foreign policy mainly on conflicting religious identities, discourse conflicts, Jewish holy precepts, the existence of fundamental conflicts and conflicts with Muslims. In this way, they legitimize their 70-year-old violence, expansionism, and continuing aggression against the Palestinians.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the internal contexts of the ontological insecurity of the Zionist regime. The research is based on the assumption that modern historians and critical sociologists in the form of the post-Zionist movement have jeopardized the ontological security of the regime by questioning the foundations of the two myths of the "Promised Land" and the "Chosen Nation" - the head of Zionist identity. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the results show that the Zionist regime has turned to the policy of "securing identity" in the face of ontological insecurity to solve its ontological insecurity and identity problem by using a single, selective and uniform narrative.

Good governance today depends on the best possible completion of the state-nation-building process. This issue has been placed as a serious challenge in the path of survival of the Zionist regime.  This regime has based its existence on a special and complex identity that at first glance, this special identity can be considered a strong point for survival and formation of a society;But the specific characteristics of this identity based on race and its lack of demographic diversity have created challenges for this regime. On the other hand, the fragmentation of the core of the citizens of this regime, who have migrated to this land mainly from outside the borders of occupied Palestine, is also a serious challenge to nation-building.  State-nation-building in Israel also faces multiple political, security, and economic implications. In this research and according to the subject, descriptive-analytical method has been used.Also, while studying the state-nation-building process in Israel and looking at the demographic context and identity of the Palestinian and Zionist Jewish community (Israeli citizens) as the most serious challenge, to examine the failures of this regime in completing the state-nation-building process that survives and His survival is in question, we will pay.

This paper argues that the idea of land for peace and establishment of two Jewish and Palestinian state, is obsoleted. Therefore, the author believes that right-wing extremist parties trying to annex the 1967 occupied lands (except Gaza) to the 1948 lands. But according to the existed facts, Palestinian resistance against these Zionists plans by focusing on their Islamic and national identity is continued. So, Israel is facing different challenges as result of the mentioned policies.

Although the Zionist regime has sought to use its influence in political organizations and proprietary media to proclaim itself a victim of racism, injustice, and oppression, but very soon by demonstrating discriminatory policies, Racism, occupation and expansionism revealed its real nature. In the early decades of the occupation of Palestine, most of the anti-Israeli anti-Zionist groups were of Arab origin and were summarized in Islamic armed resistance movements. But with the rise of the Zionist regime's militant policies after the 1980s, along with the ICT revolution and the formation of the virtual world, the formation of anti-Israel groups was not limited to the Islamic and Arab world. There are now numerous anti-Zionist-Israeli groups in Europe that support Palestine and oppose the policies of the Zionist regime, trying to inform the politicians of their countries and the people of Europe about the Palestinian issue. The present study is one of the few studies that studies the anthropology, evaluation and comprehensive categorization of anti-Zionist groups in Europe and attempts to study the pro-Palestinian and anti-Israel groups in Europe by using a library method and a comparative approach.

Israeli Lobby is one of the most powerful and affective political groups in the US political structures which has a significant influence on the political structures of the United States.  AIPAC (The American- Israeli Public Affairs Committee) is one of the largest and most powerful lobbying groups in the US. Since Georg W. Bush presidency, the above-mentioned group with Israel support has tried to put pressure on the US to confront Iran. In this regard, the group together with the Israeli government has begun propagation against Iran and magnification of its danger to Israel, the region and the world in order to build an atmosphere of Iran- phobia for future actions. This lobby of the Israeli government's policy of magnifying Iran's threat and limiting Iran's power has also strongly pursued a policy of boycotting the Islamic Republic inside the United States which ultimately resulted in "comprehensive US sanctions" against Iran. In this article we seek to answer this question of what is the difference between the Israeli lobby in the two administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump over Iran's nuclear deal. The research hypothesis is that the Israeli lobby had had less power in Obama administration than Trump in order to affect the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Nuclear Deal. Therefore, in this article we will compare the Israeli lobbies efforts in Barack Obama and Donald Trump administrations (with an emphasis on the nuclear agreement with Iran) by using a descriptive-analytical approach and a library method.

The concept of globalization is a new concept that has entered in recent decade into the latest political literature, social, cultural and economic development of the world and there are many definitions that sometimes pertains on the specific area of globalization and sometimes take a look at the genral as it is accepted. Globalization with standardization of people of the world are at issues such as the economy, culture and politics to gain their special interests through which advocated forTayyip Tizini whom he believes in the systematic globalization of economic, political, social and cultural wants to devour the human beings and nature and become a consumer commodity in the international market, the role of the military in line with the goals of Zionism in our time is too deep and based on Marxism thought and Islamic course of actions itself as the necessity of facing critically with this phenomena, reviving the identity of Arabic culture in the light of the openness movement, Arabic thoughts and having backup for the movement by the intellectual elites. The advanced written mythology of descriptive-analysis in which focus and study the view of Tizini, criticisms such an incompetent Marxist idea in the Islamic society, the idealist of the intellectual movement of Arabic enlightenment in intellectual incompatibility and his emphasis on the Arabic world instead of Islamic World and according to his advocacy of the multiplicity of different interpretations on his point of views.

It is near seventy years that the question of Palestine and its occupation by the Zionists has drawn attentions in Iran. Since the establishment of the Zionist regime in Palestine, many Iranian politicians, intellectuals and even common people with various political backgrounds have paid attention to this question and have shaped several discourses in this regard. Supporting the Palestinian cause and rejection of Israel has hold an important place in the Islamic revolutionary discourses in Iran during 1960s and 1970s, and in the post-revolution era has emerged as one of the identity pillars for the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy. Using “Discourse Analysis” as a method and theory, this research intends to study the Palestine-concerned elements in the Islamic Revolutionary discourse and examine their continuation and evolution under the current Islamic Republic’s discourse. To this end, the discursive elements related to Palestine in the broader discourses of three important political activists and intellectuals of pre-revolution era (Ayatollah Morteza Motahhari, Dr. Ali Shariati, and Jalal Al-e Ahmad) will be exploited and categorized. Each of these figures highlighted one aspect of supporting Palestine and rejection of Israel on the basis of Islamism, justice-seeking, and anti-colonialism. Then the continuation and articulation of these elements under the Islamic Republic will be examined by reading through Ayatollah Khamenei’s discourse. The study comes to the conclusion that not only the discussed elements have been reproduced and reinforced throughout four past decades, but some new elements have also been added to them and together, they have shaped a comprehensive “anti-Israeli” discourse under the Islamic Republic. These new elements include rejection of the so-called “Peace Process” between Israel and Palestinian Authority, supporting the “resistance axis” in the region, and proposing a referendum for creation of a unified Palestine as the sole political solution to the ongoing crisis. Ayatollah Khamenei’s “anti-Israeli” discourse is also based on two nodal points: Israel as the first and foremost adversary of the Islamic Republic, and annihilation of Zionism and liberation of the whole land of Palestine as desirable destination.