منافع متعارض

In the last two decades, the South Caucasus has been the focus of the surrounding powers, including Iran and Türkiye, each of which follows and follows itself. The purpose of this article is to explain the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus from a critical geopolitical point of view. The main question is, how is the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus explained from a critical geopolitical point of view? The main hypothesis is that Iran and Türkiye are trying to realize themselves in power-oriented, spatial and identity structures, away from traditional geopolitics. The competing hypothesis is that the conflicts between the two countries in the South Caucasus are power-oriented in nature and are not influenced by geographical space and identity contexts. The findings show that there are two countries in the South Caucasus in the minds of the officials of the two countries in a cultural, civilizational, historical, geopolitical, communicative and balancing role. On the one hand, this is a conflict in the competition for regional supremacy. Iran considers Azeris living in Iran and the Caucasus to have the ideological potential and time to expand Ankara's influence in the region. Türkiye also expands the space of Shia in the Caucasus, especially Azerbaijan, to expand the space of Iran. Türkiye also considers Islamic-Shiite religious teachings to be an inseparable part of Iran's politics. While Iran perceives the expansionist role of the former Ottoman Empire, which Turkey considers to be its representative,

The roots of Islamic fundamentalism in the Islamic beliefs and ideas of the Central Asian region date back to the nineteenth century and have grown over the years during various crises. After the events of September 11, 2001 and the change in the US strategy against terrorism and the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the sphere of activity and influence of Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East has increased and its emergence in the Syrian crisis presents as an ethnic-religious crisis. It was fully manifested. Considering the developments in the region in 1400 (2021), the current study seeks to answer the main question that the how is the security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asia and the South Caucasus at the present time (1401-1400)? The hypothesis that arises in response to aforementioned question is that the fear of spreading this domino of tension and inflammation to Central Asia and the South Caucasus is due to the recent developments in Afghanistan and the Taliban regime, as well as the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and the presence of Takfiri forces backed by Turkey and Azerbaijan. In particular, the Zionist regime (due to the deployment of military equipment on the territory of Azerbaijan) has forced the governments of this geographical territory, as well as the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia, to pursue their foreign policy and security view towards regional convergence, despite conflicting interests and differences. Approach and think of creating a new model based on common threats leads to the idea of forming regional security complexes in order to confront Islamic extremism in the form of Takfiri groups.

Nearly two decades have passed since the fall of the Taliban regime and the presence of US-led coalition forces in Afghanistan. Since 2001, the international coalition forces have embraced Afghanistan's political, economic, social and security developments. The Taliban's defeat, the first project, and then the formation of a new government and the reconstruction and structural reforms in the political, security, economic and social fields were the main pillars of the policy of the international coalition led by the United States and some international forums in this country.Most of these axes have been implemented since the fall of the Taliban in Afghanistan. However, Afghanistan is still in a volatile situation in 2019 and after about 18 years since the fall of the Taliban and spending a lot by governments and international as well as international coalition forces. So the question of the article is that what has happened since the fall of the Taliban by the international coalition and other international fora in Afghanistan, and with what opportunities and challenges are faced?The paper, in a descriptive analytical manner, believes that the measures taken to rebuild Afghanistan are inadequate and that, due to the conflicting interests of domestic, regional, and transnational actors, there are numerous barriers to resolving various crises in Afghanistan, whose ambiguities are ambiguous.