National Security

The Abraham Accord, as a historic treaty in the Middle East, primarily focuses on normalizing relations between the Zionist regime and Arab states such as the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco, thereby having far-reaching implications for Iran’s national security. This study seeks to answer the question: What consequences will the Abraham Accord have for Iran’s national security? Utilizing Stephen Walt’s defensive realism framework, this research analyzes various dimensions of the accord. The hypothesis suggests that the Abraham Accord poses new threats to Iran’s national security through Israel’s increasing proximity to Iran’s borders, the militarization of Arab states, and the disruption of the regional balance of power. The study employs an analytical-descriptive approach to assess the economic, military, and political consequences of this accord for Iran. The findings indicate that the Abraham Accord has directly contributed to weakening sustainable security arrangements in the Middle East, pressuring Iran’s nuclear program, and introducing new economic and military threats. Simultaneously, the agreement provides opportunities for Iran to enhance diplomacy and forge regional alliances. Overall, the Abraham Accord presents both serious challenges and opportunities for Iran’s regional strategic positioning.

After the events of September 11, the fight against terrorism was pursued with particular seriousness by the US government, which was manifested in a military form, specifically by the invasion of Afghanistan and then by the invasion of Iraq. As time passed and the imposition of extensive military costs on the US, the country, by aligning its interests with regional allies, identified a range of militant groups in the Middle East and West Asia that were aligned with the Islamic Republic of Iran as terrorists and adopted mechanisms to counter their influence. The groups that were mostly gathered around the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran outside the borders and included the Syrian government, Hamas militias and the political-military group Hezbollah, and then resistance groups in Iraq and then Yemen were added to them. With the coming to power of Obama, the United States of America has adopted a new strategy to repel threats against itself in various regions, which, although not accompanied by direct participation, military presence and open intervention, has a significant impact on the course of affairs. Using the capacity of regional actors aligned with its interests and its allies in West Asia, including Israel, Turkey, and some members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the form of coalitions, having military bases, and involving them in the counterterrorism program and remote management, has created a new approach to maintaining its influence in West Asia. This approach has created confrontations, given the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an effective actor in the region and having multiple interests and state and non-state actors fighting for their independence and popular and ideological power. Some of these confrontations are threats to Iran's national security, which is defined beyond borders and has placed the fight against tyranny and support for oppressed and Muslim nations in its foreign policy agenda. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the US counterterrorism policy in West Asia and discuss its relationship with the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The necessity for conducting such research is to identify the hidden threats of America by involving its allies in the region and confronting them, which is pursued in the form of coalitions and alliances or military and civilian agreements between America and its allies. If this procedure is not managed wisely, it will put the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region at risk, which requires identification and confrontation. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and library tools have been used.

According to the history of European diplomacy, Russia's security hinges on its strategic influence in Central and Eastern Europe. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia's strategy to regain its position and security in Central and Eastern Europe raised concerns among countries in the region. In this regard, the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and the annexation of Crimea by Russia posed serious challenges to the security of the region and Europe as a whole. Consequently, countries in the region turned to forming regionalism patterns characterized by an anti-Russian stance to balance against Russia's power and influence. The Russia-Ukraine war in 2022 further aligned and synchronized anti-Russian behaviors in multilateral regional frameworks. Considering these factors, the question arises: How has anti-Russian regionalism in Central and Eastern Europe threatened Russia's national interests? The research hypothesis posits that anti-Russian regionalism in Central and Eastern Europe has threatened Russia's national interests and security through the political, military, and economic convergence of the regional countries. The research findings indicate that developing strategic relations among Central and Eastern European countries through tripartite cooperation triangles, regional organizations, and multilateral initiatives aimed at balancing against Russia has created military-security, political, and economic threats to Moscow's national interests in the region. The research method is qualitative with an analytical-explanatory approach, using the realist theory of balance of power to explain the subject.

In the third millennium, security crises have changed, as security conflicts between neighboring countries, especially ethnic, linguistic, racial and identity crises, have greatly increased. The central question and purpose of this research is Azerbaijan's 2023 security strategy on Iran's national security in particular. What effects has it had in the years 2018 to 2023. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. Considering the factors affecting the foreign policy of Azerbaijan, such as special relations with America, Israel and Turkey, as well as Russia's tea estate in the South Caucasus region, identity and language differences with some neighboring countries and energy economy, it can be said that the security policies of the Republic of Azerbaijan at the levels Various micro and macro influences on Iran's national security. In this regard, we can mention issues such as the escalation of border disputes, linguistic and ethnic tensions, economic tensions, increasing influence of the opponents of the Islamic.. Republic in the region, the formation of security alliances against Iran and the security of the region and the reduction of investment.

This article attempts to analyze the discourse of resistance in Iran's foreign policy as a model for protecting the Islamic Revolution from internal and external threats. The main goal of the research is to explain the functions of the discourse of resistance in creating strategic deterrence. The main question of the research is how the discourse of resistance as a model in foreign policy can help protect the Islamic Revolution? The research hypothesis states that the discourse of resistance, by strengthening revolutionary identity, creating deterrence, and expanding regional coalitions, has been able to help form a defensive structure to preserve the achievements of the Islamic Revolution. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical and uses qualitative tools to examine the theoretical and practical dimensions of the discourse of resistance in Iran's foreign policy. The research data were collected from library sources and analysis of Iranian policies. The research findings show that the resistance discourse has helped to hedging the Islamic Revolution by supporting regional resistance groups, preserving the ideological identity of the revolution, and confronting the aggressive policies of the great powers. In addition, this discourse has played an effective role in strengthening the geopolitical power position. The research conclusion indicates that the resistance discourse is not only a defensive strategy, but also an offensive tool in Iran's foreign policy to strengthen the regional position and prevent the vulnerability of the Islamic Revolution.

With the fall off the Taliban government after the US military attack on Afghanistan following the events of September 11, concerns about the threats of the Taliban against the Islamic Republic of Iran subsided to some extent and gave way to the security threats of the NATO presence along the eastern borders. But, following the withdrawal of NATO and the fall of Ashraf Ghani's government on August 15, 2021, and the return to power of the Taliban in Afghanistan, concerns about the threats that may be posed by the Taliban regime to the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran have again become the main concern of researchers in this field. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to answer the question that what threats can Taliban’s sovereignty have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? To answer the research question, the qualitative method of multiple case studies has been used. The data has also been collected in the library method and analyzed with a descriptive-analytical approach in the conceptual context of the national security theory. The findings of the article shows that Taliban’s sovereignty in Afghanistan can create threats against the security of the Islamic Republic in different dimensions.

Financial policy is the main tool in public and economic policymaking and has been effective in strengthening the national mechanism and addressing problems and challenges. Here, the role of relevant legal and executive institutions in the field of financial policy and human rights is very important. Iraq, like other countries, developed its own legal rules and options in managing the country's financial policy by option creating financial bodies. In this regard, it faced many problems and obstacles, the most obvious of which were poverty and unemployment. In this article, the authors are trying to answer the question of how effective the financial policies have been in guaranteeing citizenship rights in Iraq after 2003. The findings of the article indicate that human complex imbalance in the structure of production and resources.rights have been fluctuating based on time and place requirements within the limits of national security and public interests of the nation after 2003, and Iraq's rent-seeking economy, Iraq's weakness in its inability to depend on the national budget Oil revenues prove it. The non-compliance of public financial policies with international organization policies caused his failure in Iraq's economic reform programs. The significant increase in the rate of poverty.

In today's era, the influence of the media on the national security of countries seems obvious due to the direction of public opinion and information on a large scale. In Iran, the national media (IRIB) plays the most important role in producing, promoting and maintaining the official national and religious discourse. However, in recent years, foreign Persian language media have influenced domestic audiences in various ways and as a result, created threats to national security in the competitive environment. The current article raises this main question: In the media dimension, what are the threats from foreign Persian language media to Iran's national security? The hypothesis that is presented following this question: The threats of foreign Persian language media are primarily aimed at the IRIB and they especially affect media management and news management. According to the findings of the research, the delegitimization of the IRIB at different levels is considered one of the most important consequences of foreign Persian-language media on the country's national security. The present article is written with a descriptive-analytical method and the data was collected by scanning library resources.

              
Since the late 1970s, China has steadily expanded its power and influence, now reaching beyond East Asia and even the broader Asian continent. As a country’s power increases, its role and position in global and regional relations inevitably follow. In this context, the People’s Republic of China is widely regarded as an emerging power striving to solidify its regional position while also enhancing its influence in Southwest Asia. China’s engagement in Southwest Asia has transcended economic and trade activities, evolving into a more multifaceted and complex presence. This region holds strategic importance for China due to its geostrategic position, serving as a critical bridge connecting Central Asia, Europe, and Africa. Leveraging a variety of tools and strategies, China is working to integrate and strengthen its strategic presence in Southwest Asia in line with its national interests. In light of China’s rivalry with the U.S. and the implications of its regional presence for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it becomes essential to analyze the dimensions, mechanisms, and effects of China’s activities in Southwest Asia. Such an examination can provide policymakers with valuable insights to better anticipate future developments and identify both opportunities and threats arising from China’s regional presence. In this respect, the present study aimed to explore the impact of China’s strategic presence in Southwest Asia on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Literature Review:

Many studies address China’s presence and strategy, with some specifically focusing on the Southwest Asia region. These studies explore various aspects of China’s policies, strategies, goals, and requirements for establishing its presence in the region. A review of the existing literature reveals a wealth of related research, much of which examines diverse aspects of China’s activities in Southwest Asia. However, some of these studies are historically outdated and fail to account for the evolution of China’s strategy since 2013, particularly following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). These developments mark a significant shift in China’s regional approach, necessitating the revision and adjustment of certain variables in previous studies. Despite their limitations, these earlier studies are still valuable for shedding light on specific aspects of China’s strategic presence. More recent studies in the field overlap with the current research to varying degrees. Nevertheless, the key innovation and distinguishing feature of the present research lies in its effort to develop and outline possible scenarios of China’s strategic presence in the region. Furthermore, it aimed to assess the impact of these scenarios on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The research onion model, developed by Saunders et al. (2019), is a prominent model for selecting research methodologies in the social sciences and humanities. Melnikovas (2018) adapted the research onion model to align with the field of future studies. The current study relied on Melnikovas’ adaptation of the research onion model. As an exploratory research, the present study used a mixed methods research design with a medium-term time horizon of 10 years. The data was collected through a combination of documentary and field research.

This research aimed to examine the impact of China’s strategic presence in Southwest Asia on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Relying on the interviews and documentary research, the analysis identified 67 driving forces influencing China’s future presence in the region, along with 7 major global-regional trends. Based on these driving forces and trends, a questionnaire was developed and then evaluated by 35 experts. Their validity was confirmed using the Lawshe coefficient for 55 driving forces and trends, while Cronbach’s alpha was used to confirm their reliability. By calculating the geometric mean of 55 driving forces and trends, the significance threshold was determined to be 3.57, while the uncertainty threshold was set at 2.69. Based on the importance–uncertainty method proposed by Martilla and James, 22 driving forces and trends surpassed these thresholds. In the next phase, the Friedman test was used to rank and refine the driving forces, resulting in the selection of 7 key driving forces. The qualitative aspects of these forces were then analyzed, and a cross-impact analysis matrix questionnaire was designed and distributed to 10 experts. The responses were processed using ScenarioWizard software, generating a balanced cross-impact matrix with 4 scenarios, all of which exhibited zero inconsistency. Finally, each scenario was delineated, detailed, and evaluated.Among the four scenarios, the first is the most desirable, the second is moderate and possible, the third is possible, and the fourth represents the worst scenario for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Each scenario carries distinct implications for Iran’s national security. The first scenario, called the Rise of the Dragon, suggests that China’s transit role, investments, and military–security cooperation with Iran will significantly enhance Iran’s national security. The second scenario, namely the Dragon’s Dream, portrays China’s balanced policy to expand interactions with all countries, which could adequately provide Iran’s national security. The most likely scenario, however, indicates limited Chinese investments in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this scenario, Iran’s role as a corridor will be minimal, functioning primarily as a complement to other countries. Finally, the fourth scenario (i.e., the Dragon in the Cage) would have the most detrimental impact on Iran’s national security. Under this scenario, regional countries would dominate in areas such as investment, energy imports, and military–security cooperation with China. Iran–China relations would be restricted to energy exports and minimal goods imports.

In the 10-year horizon, China’s priorities are expected to focus on several key areas. In the economic and technological infrastructure domain, China will work to enhance its influence and investments. In the military–security sphere, China will be prioritize increasing its influence and protecting its assets and national interests. In the social realm, China aims to maintain a positive image and the Chinese discourse, while in the political sphere, it will seek stability and neutrality. These priorities are supposed to have impact on China’s relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran and with the broader region.

The Zange Zor Corridor is a strategic, political and economic corridor that the Republic of Azerbaijan proposed after the Second Karabakh War in 2020.Analyzing the impact of creating this corridor on the political and economic security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the main goal of this research. The main question of the research is what effect the creation of Zange Zor Corridor has on the political and economic security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. To answer the research question, the hypothesis can be explained in this way that the creation of Zange Zor Corridor, followed by geopolitical and geo-economics changes that can be accompanied by challenges and opportunities for the Islamic Republic of Iran; But it seems that its security challenges are far more than its opportunities,. To better explain this article and equip it with a coherent framework among theories, the theory of the Copenhagen school was used and it was tried to analyze and evaluate the impact of Zange Zor Corridor on the security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran by using different aspects of this theory, especially in two political and economic dimensions. This research is of a descriptive-analytical type and library sources and internet scanning have been used to collect data.

Ethnic diversity and the way the government institution interacts with cultural pluralism have long been considered as one of the main issues of Islamic Republic of Iranian society. This research is trying to identify the obstacles to the political development of multi-ethnic regions and discuss their impact on Islamic Republic of Iran's national security. Publish or Perish software was used to collect secondary data. A search in the semantic scholar database with the keywords "political development", "ethnic development", "security" and "ethnicity" showed that there are 356 valid studies published in scientific journals of the country. Based on the Prisma protocol, 66 scientific documents were included in the analysis basket for metasynthesis using maxqda2020 software. The meta-composite findings indicated those obstacles and their impact on Islamic Republic of Irans national security which are originating from two main categories, political development and ethnic development, each of which include cultural, social, economic, political, historical, geographical and security dimensions which are composed of 42 components and 91 indicators calculated from the base studies. In this article, "tension-causing and de-security identity seekin " was recognized as a combination of obstacles to political development in the multi-ethnic areas of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and at the end, " comply ethnic justice and tolerance by strengthening the party mechanism in the direction of sustainable national security" was also presented as a Restorative model of obstacles to Political development in multi-ethnic areas in order to consolidation of Islamic Republic of Iran's national security.

With the formation of newly independent states and countries, the Caucasus region has provided new opportunities and threats in economic, political and cultural fields for other countries - especially neighboring countries. As a result, regional powers such as Turkey and Iran are trying to increase their influence in this region. Therefore, the present research is descriptive-analytical and by referring to the available library documents and resources, seeking to answer these questions, what are the goals and interests of Turkey in the South Caucasus region, and based on these goals and interests of expanding Turkey's territory in this region. What effect will it have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of his research showed that the expansion of the territory of Turkey, as analyzed separately in the findings of his research, could affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and be costly. The existence of conflicting and competitive interests between Iran and Turkey in the Caucasus region and Turkey's focus on this region as its private life has caused competition with the Islamic Republic of Iran and this has made Iran's regional success a challenge and it seems that the republic In order to achieve its national security goals in the South Caucasus region, Islamic Iran must prevent the geopolitical conquest of Turkey by using appropriate strategies.

In the second phase of the Islamic Revolution, the nature, diversity, complexity, sources, and drivers of threats have undergone significant changes. Israeli lobbies in the United States, particularly AIPAC, have prioritized targeting various economic, security, political, social, cultural, and technological domains, aiming to alter behavioral patterns and transform the nature of the Islamic Republic of Iran through techniques of hybrid operations, narrative warfare, and cognitive warfare. Hybrid threats fall under the umbrella of national security threats, aiming to challenge the survival and stability of the system. Hybrid warfare resembles a multi-variable equation that must be addressed at various governance levels. This study explores the influential elements of hybrid warfare, as well as AIPAC's narrative and hybrid methods against the Islamic Republic of Iran, aiming to persuade and manipulate U.S. Congress members and White House officials to impose multi-layered threats against Iran. Using a descriptive-explanatory research method, the findings reveal that AIPAC utilizes fabricated news and narratives to obstruct Iran’s rapprochement with neighboring countries, its reconciliation with the European Union, and its membership in international forums. Additionally, through establishing think tanks, employing senior managers of prominent American research institutions, and supporting aligned researchers as witnesses in Congressional hearings, the lobby leverages expert networks to maximize pressure on Iran. Consequently, systematic and preemptive management of hybrid aggression by lobbies opposing the Islamic Republic of Iran, particularly Israeli lobbies such as AIPAC, requires the development of indigenous models and transformations in tools and methods of threat management.

Artificial intelligence is one of the technologies that has the ability to influence the political and military aspects of the national security of governments. According to a practical definition, artificial intelligence is the science of making machines that do things that would require intelligence if done by humans. This research, in the form of descriptive-analytical method and security levels, seeks to answer the question, what threats and opportunities does artificial intelligence have in the military and political aspects of Iran's national security? the results show that artificial intelligence has brought political and military threats and opportunities to Iran's national security. The most important military threats include increasing cyber attacks on nuclear facilities, cyber attacks on domestic institutions, espionage and assassination of people with self-propelled weapons. AI opportunities in the military include equipping missile and drone weapons, acquiring robotic weapons, and cyber deterrence. The most important threats of artificial intelligence in the political field include cyber attacks on radio and television and designing fake news to deceive public opinion. The most important opportunities to use artificial intelligence in this field include trying to influence elections and strategic confrontations in foreign policy.

Security in national and international dimensions can be discussed and investigated as a very important phenomenon; One of these areas is anti-green (environmental) crimes, which has caused the formation of new discussions under the title of green security (with two national and international dimensions). The numerous characteristics of environmental damage with irreparable effects have made this category have a significant impact on jeopardizing national and international security and putting sustainable development at serious risk. Iran's legal system has also recognized one of the anti-green crimes under the title of crimes against security in terms of corruption in the land and modernizing the attitude towards anti-green crimes in the latest draft of the Penalty Bill 1401, paying attention to the fact that environmental crimes can in some cases endanger national security. However, in other aspects of anti-green crime, such as anti-climatic behavior and state-corporate crimes and differential (specialization), there has been no coherent and technical criminal policy in this area. This research, using a descriptive-analytical method, first describes the anti-green crime and green security, and then, from a legal and criminological point of view, investigates the impact of the green crime on national and international security (with the internationalized criminal policy model of the United Nations) and differential criminal policy. It will be green and will discuss the challenges and solutions of this field.

Russia-Ukraine interaction in the last decade has been effective in Iran-EU relations. After America's withdrawal from the JCPOA, Russia was Iran's partner in reducing pressure on the international scene. The lack of support from Moscow leaves Tehran without an effective supporter against the West. Revival of the JCPOA is the cornerstone of Iran's relations with the European Union so that the US can be forced to return to the JCPOA. However, Iran's support for Russia has increased the tension in Iran's relations with this union. The article's main question is why Iran's military interactions with Russia in the Ukraine war have removed geo-economics from the EU's relations with Iran. The research hypothesizes that from the point of view of the European Union, Iran seeks to strengthen Russia's hegemonic position in Europe with its support of Russia. This article, using the documentary method and the use of library and internet resources, and using the theoretical model of decentralized globalism, concludes that between the possible economic gains resulting from this war (geoeconomics) and the long-term benefits of convergence with Russia (geopolitics), Iran inevitably chooses the second option. This choice makes the future of Tehran's relations with the European Union challenging.

This issue became doubly important when the Zionist regime and the Arab countries realized a common threat, especially from the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to examine the consequences of the process of normalizing the relations of the Zionist regime with the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf region and its impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the article, which were compiled using Stephen Walt's defensive realism theoretical framework (balance of threat) and using the analytical-descriptive method, show that issues such as: Iranophobia, the expansion of the Shiite crescent, the formation of the Islamic Awakening in 2011, the 2015 nuclear agreement known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the missile power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the gradual withdrawal of American forces from the region, the thoughts of the rulers of Arab countries with regard to their political systems, who see themselves in need of foreign support to strengthen their domestic position; the increasing depth of the Zionist regime's influence in the region in order to retaliate for the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in its peripheral regions, have all led the rapprochement and establishment of relations between the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf region and the Zionist regime, which will undoubtedly change the equations of the Southwest Asia region in various dimensions. These strategic changes will also pose threats to the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran

The present article aims to define and determine various dimensions of strategic information review and analyze its role and function in the field of national security, in order to achieve and introduce an appropriate model in this regard. The method used in this research is "grounded theory". The mechanism of this method is designed in such a way that primarily the statistical population of the study, which includes the elites of the security and strategic fields and managers of political and strategic fields, are determined, then their related views on strategic information are collected according to theoretical saturation method. Subsequently the collected information will be extracted and categorized and then analytical propositions and basic concepts on strategic information and its processes will be extracted and analyzed based on the analysis of the results. Non-probable and purposeful sampling method was used in this research. The results of research based on grounded theory indicate that strategic information, in different perceptual processes, analysis, detection of security phenomena and strategic policy making, and specifically confronting with threats and achieving an appropriate model for achieving sustainable security, play a key role and performs different functions. In other words, the results of this study indicate the fact that the consolidation of national security is depended to the collection, accumulation of analysis and processing and intelligent use of strategic information in various fields. This process is possible by completion of the information cycle, rethinking renovation and continuous completion and accurate analysis of information.

One of the historical experiences of mankind that has led to a common understanding of foreign policy is that military authority is necessary for an effective and efficient foreign policy.In fact, a country with weak military and defense foundations and unable to secure its national interests cannot be expected to have an influential foreign policy and play an effective role in the international arena.
Considering the mutual relationship between foreign policy and the security and defense strategies of countries and the importance of Iran and Saudi Arabia as the top powers of the crisis-causing and challenging region of the Middle East, this article is about the drivers, principles and foundations of foreign policy and defense strategies of Iran and Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia and the imagination of each of them speaks of the threat. 
The main conclusion of this article is that Iran has a coherent strategy towards the Middle East region with its cross-border strategy of deterrence against threats such as America, Israel and Arabia and ISIS terrorism in order to maintain and strengthen its strategic depth and maintain its internal security, but Saudi Arabia has no coherent strategy. It has no interest in the region and has used the strategy of buying loyalty to increase the loyalty of Arab and Sunni countries in the region.

National security and related crimes are an important part of the concern of any political system, which has gained new dimensions due to the expansion of cyber space. Security is the bedrock of any society's growth, and people have always used all their material and spiritual tools and resources to achieve it, and with this motive, they have formed a government. The need for security is the most basic human need after physical needs, and it is only by having security that individual and collective growth and advancement can be realized. For this reason, important concepts such as national security, citizens' security, and security in political, social, cultural and economic dimensions, etc., have cast a shadow on the literature of international relations. National security is a multi-dimensional concept, complex and has different elements and signs that every political system from the point of view of ideology, constitution and attitude of political leaders towards the people, the political systems in the world and the international system, has a special perception of it has Several definitions of national security have been presented, most of which classical definitions refer to the absence of war and military threats against a country or the protection of borders from physical threats. This means that national security is achieved when a country can maintain its basic values while avoiding war. But over time and with the change in the ways of realizing security and the expansion and multiplication of threats, new definitions of national security have been presented, which have paid more attention to the civilian aspects and include environmental security, collective security, cyber security, technological security, etc. have presented as new dimensions of national security. This means that if a political system cannot establish cyber security in a good way, it will raise many threats against that country. In this case, defining national security in today's world is a difficult task and requires consideration of time and place and effective tools in providing security on the one hand and ways to provide it in the current situation on the other hand. In any case, every political system to ensure its national security is faced with tools that can be both threatening and considered an opportunity to promote and strengthen national security. One of these important tools is virtual space. A tool that, with the help of the Internet and communication media, has made cyber and virtual security one of the basic concerns of political systems in the contemporary era. This means that an important part of the threats and opportunities related to national security comes out of cyber space. A simple event in a country, which few people knew about before, quickly spreads in different parts of the world and starts a wave of threats against that country. Specifically, this procedure is also applicable to the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Due to the ethnic, religious, linguistic and social diversity of the Iranian society, as well as the specific political procedure that governs the society, there are many threats in cyberspace. Therefore, an important part of these threats seek to create a crisis and threaten national security. This means that by highlighting the existing problems and their permanent plan in the virtual space, they double the social costs of a problem. Considering the above, dealing with crimes against national security becomes doubly important. However, according to the current research, dealing with threats to national security does not always require a criminal and judicial mechanism, but there are also social, deterrent and citizen role-playing methods that can be used to reduce crimes against national security. Or prevented them from happening. One of these tools is capacity building of citizenship rights. Also, citizenship rights, as one of the influential components in the society, also affects the process of crimes against national security in cyberspace, which is the focus of the present research. The question is, what capacities do citizens' rights have to deal with crimes against national security in cyberspace? In this article, the descriptive and analytical method is chosen as the research method and the data collection tool is library. Considering these cases and the importance of citizen's rights in dealing with crimes against national security in cyber space, it should be said that the findings of the research have shown that based on the rights of citizens in the constitution and taking into account rights such as freedom, security and the rule of law It is necessary to consider special rights for ethnic and religious groups, to consider legal and legal considerations such as smart filtering to prevent the formation of a second (lawless) government in cyberspace, and also to use the capacity of celebrities to deal with threats and crises. Internal and external. In addition, the results of the research show that based on the use of the capacities of citizens' rights to deal with crimes against national security, we need to consider the three aspects of governance, public and people, and pay attention to the role of specific groups (political and socio-cultural). This means that it is possible to use the capabilities of citizen rights such as security to justify the effective role of the government in smart filtering, dealing with crimes against national security and criminal content as a form of governance. In the next stage, the role of citizens and their participation can be used as a public resource. This means that if cyber citizenship can be considered as an effort for the presence of citizens in a new context, the responsibility of citizens in this field will also undergo changes. Considering the legal participation of citizens in dealing with cyber threats and crimes against national security, "internet patrolling" is necessary to monitor anti-national security activities that even violate principles 24 to 26 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The design of this solution is due to the compatibility of the solution (cyber citizen internet browsing) with the risks that occur in cyber and virtual space. In other words, threats also require countermeasures of their own kind so that, in addition to the participation of citizens, the dangers caused by crimes against national security can be brought to the attention of legal and judicial authorities as soon as possible. But the other side of dealing with crimes against national security from the perspective of citizen rights is to ward off potential threats in areas that need more attention due to social and political consequences, which have turned into concrete dangers today thanks to the expansion of cyber space. Therefore, identifying ethnic groups, making their demands and demands in the virtual space and using media capacities is an important measure to create a kind of national cohesion and deal with threats against national interests and security. It means that by linking national and ethnic identity through granting special rights and respecting ethnic plurality and diversity through the right to use the mother tongue for teaching or having a national media to ward off threats against national security. Another measure is to use the capacity and position of reference groups such as celebrities or other reference groups so that they can connect the general public to support the national identity in critical situations. In this way, it should be said that all three aspects of governance measures, public and considering the role of special groups in dealing with crimes against national security are important and vital from the point of view of citizen's rights.The composition.