جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « بازنمایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

This research examines the representation of women's faces and clothing components in the wall paintings of Tehran, considering the importance of women's social status and their roles in different fields of society.

The method of this research is included in the category of studies with qualitative approach and semiotic method. The data of this research includes 80 murals in the city of Tehran, which were selected with a purposeful method from among the custom murals in the main squares of the city of Tehran and to represent the face and clothing components of women. The period of choosing wall paintings is June and July of 1402. The number of data selections was determined by reaching the saturation stage.

Findings of the research: 

In the images used in the wall paintings of Tehran, the clothing components represented in these images were fully veiled and fully covered, which did not match the variety of women's clothing in the society. The faces represented in these pictures are devoid of any cheerfulness and beauty and are mostly represented as sullen and sad faces.

The representation of women's faces and clothing in wall paintings is an inconsistent representation and does not match the realities of women in society. This mismatch in the field of clothing and makeup, appearance, is clearly comparable. The images represented in the wall paintings are women without any vitality.

This study aims to investigate women in Kiarostami cinema in different historical and social periods to discover and represent the cultural patterns that have dominated women's society.On this basis, three sweet movies, Report and Ten, have been selected as the field and sample of the study based on the purposeful sampling method. The theoretical framework of this study is based on the theory of representation, and Barth's semiotic analysis method was used to analyze and interpret the data. According to the results of the research, since the power is historically, socially and symbolically in the hands of men, therefore, cultural concepts and categories are defined based on the male system and are inherently dominant concepts.These concepts and categories in (the film report) are made in passive and violent subjects, in (the film Shirin) they are incapable and of course can be used in some cases for the benefit of men's conditions and in (the film Ten), they are dependent on the decisions and preferences of men's society. , have been represented which, in fact, introduces women as having a subordinate and non-independent identity.In this way, women face not only structural and social obstacles for progress and change in their lives, but the structure of the patriarchal system, like conscience, is deeply rooted in their minds and thoughts, and even in their absence, it sends a powerful message to women and to them. He reminds them to follow the instructions.

As a representation, landscape is a particular way of seeing. landscape is not only an ideology, but a visual ideology and a power relation. The purpose of this article is to investigate how to use billboards and visual memorials to present the desired discourses and imagery of local governance in the urban landscape of Dezful. To achieve this goal, all the billboards and visual memorials of the city are studied  in a semiotic and representational way. Then the studied cases in terms of imagery patterns were studied and the characteristics of each of them were examined to get a clear picture of the semiotic landscape and representative designs of the city of Dezful. The results of this research show that with the start of the war and considering the damage done to the city, the local government felt the need for a new image related to the role of Dezful in the war. After the war, imagery related to the clergy enters the urban landscape in a new and completely contextual way. After several decades of dominance of these two discourses, with the emergence of new necessities, emerging discourses such as cross-border resistance and historical also entered the urban landscape of Dezful. In this context, cities like Dezful engage in a kind of political-ideological marketing to show their role in the ruling discourse and its key events in a more important and key way.

This article deals with the topic of Representation of the social movements of women since (1920-2016) in movies (Suffragette, The northern land , Iron javelin angels, The Rosa Parks Story ) . The women's movement is an organized movement to achieve women's rights and an ideology for the transformation of society, whose goal is the dream of eliminating all types of racial discrimination and oppression .In this article, the author examines four movies by qualitative and Charles Sanders Peirce's semiotic method and the theory of Charles Tilly’s collective action and fundamental theories of feminism wants to show that how effective movies are in representing social movements of women. Movies seem to play a significant role in representing the social movements of women in society. Research findings indicated that the meanings represented in the films have been: Negotiating the existing situation and oriented identity, having a plan and organized collective behavior, determine the goals, having ideology, obligation and commitment, opposition to violent acts, radical movement, worthiness , commitment and unity.

One of the ways to know and understand the norms of any society is to refer to their reflection in the media. Of course, stereotypes presented by the media about individuals, groups, social roles, communities and cultures, also affect the way the audience treats these individuals and groups in real and face-to-face situations. In this research, based on the Selby & Cowdery model and using the semiotic method to represent one of the mother roles, namely "Mother-in-Law" in two popular family series broadcast in the first two decades of the revolution, namely "Paeiz-e Sahra" and "Pedar Salar", Which were purposefully selected. In the first series, despite of the mother-in-law is a civilized and urban person with a high social status, but completely stereotypical and with negative traits such as authoritarian, selfish, seditionist, violent, nervous, grumpy and gloomy, slanderous and abusive, theologian, divisive, excuses, full Expectations, oppressors, domineering, annoying and hated are represented. While in the second series, by adopting an anti-stereotype approach, a different image was presented from what is in the minds. In this series, the mother-in-law is portrayed as a humble person, optimistic, calm and kind, smiling and open-minded, satisfied and low-expectation, Godly, polite and eloquent, with emotion and with compassion, realism and love.

On October 7, 2023, the Hamas group launched a multi-pronged attack from the Gaza Strip to the south of Israel. This action, which was the beginning of armed conflicts between Israel and Palestinian militant groups led by Hamas, has been named the “Al-Aqsa storm operation” by Hamas and other armed Palestinian groups and “Black Saturday” or “Simchat Torah Massacre” by Israel.In today's world, the media, an integral part of human life, are the main tools people use to make sense of the world. The media's importance in war conditions and crises has doubled, and they have become the most essential sources of reliable information and awareness of the world and its changes.The start of the Hamas attacks on Israel quickly made headlines around the world, and based on their news policies, the media took specific approaches to reflecting this event. The present study investigates the media representation of the Israel-Gaza war in the IRNA news agency, BBC Persian website, Al-Arabiya Persian website, and Deutsche Welle Persian website.For this purpose, Theon Van Dijk's critical discourse analysis method was used in this article to investigate the media representation of the Israel-Gaza war in the IRNA news agency, BBC Persian website, Al-Arabiya Persian website, and Deutsche Welle Persian website and to answer the research questions including "1. How is the media representation of the Israel-Gaza war in different media outlets including IRNA news agency, BBC Persian website, Al-Arabiya Persian website, and Deutsche Welle Persian website?” and “2. What are the differences and similarities between the discourses of these media outlets in the construction of the Israel-Gaza war?” Based on the presented definitions, discourse can be considered an intellectual system consisting of expressions and cognitive and epistemological attitudes that creates a specific way of thinking that serves the interests of a specific group. Some sociologists also consider discourse to be synonymous with ideology.Theon Van Dijk believes that ideology is the basis of common social representations of a group and influences attitudes, judgments, and what members of the group consider to be right or wrong. Van Dijk considers ideologies as cognitive symmetries of power and states that they should work best to serve the interests of a particular group.Critical discourse analysis seeks to answer the question of how discourses reproduce the involved macrostructures. The results of this research showed that the mentioned media have presented different discourses on the Israel-Gaza war, each expressing the ideological position from which they operate. Therefore, the media seek to construct reality rather than act as a mirror that reflects the developing events. IRNA news agency’s discourse emphasized that the return of the issue of Palestine to its rightful place in the world’s public opinion was the primary goal of carrying out the Al-Aqsa storm operation. At the same time, this issue is the consequence of the actions of the international community, especially some countries in the Islamic world that sought to normalize relations with the Zionist regime.IRNA news agency sees breaking the silence of the international community in response to the Palestinian issue and Israel's actions, disrupting the process of normalizing relations between the Arab governments and the Zionist regime, returning the Palestinian issue to its rightful place, and dealing a solid blow to the information and propaganda power of the Zionist regime among the achievements of this operation.In BBC Persian’s discourse, the actions of Hamas were considered to be the leading cause of the war, and the subsequent decision of Israel to start the war was seen as a retaliatory action. BBC Persian describes Hamas fighters as violent and merciless people who have attacked Israeli settlements without any warning and have committed terrible crimes in these areas; therefore, the international community should support the Israeli people and soldiers who are united to fight Hamas.The result of this discourse-making method that was presented in the early days of the war was that when Israel attacked Gaza in the following months, BBC Persian was biased in reporting the fate of the people of Gaza and representing the crimes committed by Israel.In the review of Deutsche Welle Persian news website, a point of view similar to that of BBC Persian was observed; however, Deutsche Welle tried to show Islam as the main cause of these actions, placing Islam in opposition to the West. In this medium's discourse, Hamas is introduced as an ideology and political idea formed on the axis of religion. This issue has caused Hamas to emerge as a social movement that has many followers in Palestine, and the Palestinian people participate in what this group does by supporting Hamas's ideology. In this regard, Deutsche Welle refers to the battles and struggles of the Western allies of Israel with other Islamic extremist groups, such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS, to show Hamas as a part of the Islamic world, which past experiences have shown to be the birthplace of the most extremist ideas.Al-Arabiya Persian's discourse emphasized Iran's role as a negotiator in preventing Hezbollah's involvement in this war. In addition, in the early days of this operation, Al-Arabiya Persian reduced it to the level of an individual reaction, seeking to minimize the disruption of Israel’s relations with Arab countries. What is important to Al-Arabiya Persian is not to create tension in Arab-Israeli relations.

Deception is one of the important moral and social themes that has become a problem in our society. Because media is effective in social construction of meaning, this article attempts to examine what the media has to say about deception in society by examining the works of an Iranian cinema elite who has focused on the deception issue. From Barth's perspective, the media is mythical and imposes ideological issues on society as natural matters. The rigid approach to Stuart Hall's theory of representation also holds that the media is not a reflection of reality and that the social is based on personal ideology. Using qualitative and quantitative content analysis, this article seeks to see what myths and deceptions Farhadi is creating in Iranian society. Quantitative content analysis revealed that Farhadi, of the six components of deception, focuses mostly on "lying" and "secrecy" in his films. Qualitative content analysis showed that "socio-cultural conditions in Iran", "religion and law", and "type of governance" were among the components that were repeated in his works and represented as deceitful factors.

The aim of this paper is to explain how subalterns are represented in Tangsir and Sang-e Sabur, two novels by Sadeq Chubak, a renowned Iranian novelist. By critically reviewing some famous subaltern studies approaches, we have developed a new concept of subalternity: marginalized-enclosed subalterns. Subalternity, based on the themes of the mentioned novels, is depicted in the following ways: amoral life in a filthy and dirty situation; severe social deviances consisting of murder, depravity and child abuse; superstitious and religious beliefs that relieve pain. Subalterns are also represented in the novels as victims of individual non-subalterns, with women appearing as double victims. Therefore, this representation produces passive subalterns. Moreover, without considering diversity, subalterns have been represented as a homogenous group with more or less similar characteristics. Subalternity has not been represented as an outcome of macro social structures, but rather as an outcome of their behaviour and beliefs. Due to the said context, subaltern resistance has become rare, and inevitably, heroes have emerged. The subaltern has been introduced with certain inherent characteristics by emphasizing behaviour, characteristics, and environmental stereotypes, in addition to the absence of structural factors. As a result of subalternity culture, subalternity has been reproduced. Subalternity culture has also produced passive, guilty and ignorant subalterns.

Generational relation has been always a theme to narrate different stories; Some war films in the seventies, eighties and nineties have symbolically addressed the relationship between the protagonist of war generation and the next generation and the challenges arising from changing circumstances. cinema choosing and representing social realities and constructing the realities in its own ways, on the other – one may ask why war filmmakers pay attention to generational relation? How is this phenomenon represented and what are its characteristics? War genre inevitably requires a protagonist to address its audiences’ needs. Many war films are based on a protagonist and his adventures and are in fact protagonist-centered stories. Thus, to review the evolution of generational relation representation in Iranian war cinema it is necessary to study the objectification of the protagonist, which reflects the characteristics of the war generation. To discuss about the subject a combined semiotics was used. In conclusion, we first present the differences within generational objects as well as different objects in each films and then, propose interpretative models based on the gathered data and applying Weber’s ideal type. Thus, the evolution of generational relation representation in Iranian war cinema proceeds from “cultural productivity; generational crisis and identity crisis” and “ambiguity in collective interpretation; Transcultural symbolism” in seventies and eighties to “generational dialectic; creation of an inter-

This research is conducted by leveraging Fairclough’s framework for Critical Discourse Analysis (which is famous for its three stages, Description, Interpretation and Explanation) to analyze the representation of the political context in the movie, The Glass Agency (Hatamikia, 1998) and after introducing the present wings and political groups at the time of production of the text, it will attempt to determine the movie’s position towards their rival discourses. After extracting discourse types (and their interpretation of situational and intertextual contexts) and explanations of them, It has been claimed that the movie the Glass Agency by reminding the role of “the Traditional Left Wing” in the first decade of post-revolution Iran (especially in defending the country against the foreign enemy after Iraq’s invasion), deals with the representation of oppression and exclusion of its members since the year 1989 in which “the Traditional Right Wing” has predominated and this movie desires the ruling class to facilitate the return of the traditional left to power.

This research was conducted in order to investigate cyber feminism in Iran and with the objectives of identifying the demands represented in feminist social networks. In the qualitative phase of this study, library sources were used to identify the demands represented, as well as to check the content of feminist social networks, therefore, a total of 44 pages were identified with the following related indicators: "1- Semiotic signs of feminist approaches in text editing and the content used, 2_ the presence of feminist keywords and related ideas in the text and content used, 3_ active feminist pages expressing demands. 4- The posts are related to the demands of women. 5- Focusing on Iranian women, 6- Introducing yourself as a feminist in the profile (bio) section of these networks", 16 popular pages with more than K50 followers were selected and subjected to data analysis. The findings of the qualitative phase were conducted using thematic analysis method, It is worth mentioning that in the current research, the classification has been done up to the level of main themes, And finally, the main themes have been obtained from the classification of minor themes, And we have reached 5 main themes. Classification at all levels has been done by manual coding, which finally resulted in a main core under the title of "removing restrictions imposed against women" and five main themes including: "1. Resolving gender injustice and inequality, 2. Resolving relative deprivation from relationships and lived experience, 3. Resolving the crisis of female agency, 4. Resolving stereotypes built around the discourse of discrimination, 5. According to these data, we can conclude: Cyber feminists take actions in the field of cyberspace, taking into account the premise of "applying restrictions against women", which results in the representation of demands in cyberspace.

This study seeks to understand the ways of constructing and representing the divorced female subject in Iranian cinema of the last decade. The research has been done by using the method of semiotics and combining the approaches of Barthes, Fisk, Selby & Cowdory and the theoretical framework based on Subjectivity from Althusser's point of view and Hall's representation. Using Purposeful sampling, three films (nahid, rage khab and inja bedoone man) were selected for analysis. The results indicate that the lower social class, being exposed to be judged, people's biased view of divorced single women, society's indifference and society's suspicion of independent and divorced women, the reproduction of a cycle of violence by them and society, Behavioral, living, economic, and unhealthy behaviors and showing the recovery of femininity in environments such as the kitchen are among the most important ideological codes that have found meaning in these films. Adherence to ideology (patriarchy) is also so blind that women, as subordinates, internalize and reproduce it themselves, like the landlady in rage khab. Also, the patriarchal ideology is so ingrained in the people of society and in the daily relations of people, tradition and family that the divorced woman becomes the obedient subject of ideology and acting against it leads to questioning by individuals that becomes fascinated by ideology.

The discourse of the clergy along with the discourse of holy defense have shaped the symbolic and semantic structure of the city of Dezful. Based on this, in this research, we are looking for the interpretation of various representative approaches of the discourse of the clergy in the urban landscape of Dezful, with a socio- semiotic analysis of the representation of the clergy in the urban landscape of Dezful. For this purpose, we examine all the squares, streets, billboards, monuments and other works related to the clergy as well as the image-making approaches roling them. In general, the entry of the discourse of the clergy into the urban landscape of Dezful can be divided into two periods. The first period, which takes place in the early years of the revolution, commemorates important revolutionary leaders and personalities. But the whole urban landscape in the second period is heavily influenced by the native clergy. Based on this and in order to represent the city of Dezful as a religious city that was the origin of prominent clerics, urban imagery has generally changed its direction towards local clerics. It seems that in this context, the local government in Dezful is trying to reconcile local identity and values with national and sovereign values and concepts. In fact, the entire urban landscape of Dezful tries to represent local and indigenous culture, values and personalities in the framework of general governance discourses and values.

In this article, an attempt was made to discuss the representation of gender identity in the textbooks of the second secondary school. The main idea of this article was that the gender patterns in the society are reproduced by means of dominant discourse and it is tried to naturalize some existing gender roles or their continuation in the society. One of the most important of these tools is textbooks, which try to internalize the dominant gender patterns in the sensitive period of socialization in order to shape the gender identity in teenagers and to do this, they highlight the desirable and reference roles in textbooks.

To answer the research question, the qualitative content analysis method was used to analyze the textbooks of the second secondary school. The unit of analysis in this research was male and female characters in the majority of images and writing. The sample population of the research included the second secondary school textbooks (in the first, second and third grades). In this research, purposeful sampling was used, and all the contents that somehow dealt with issues related to gender were analyzed.

The research results supported the main hypothesis of this research and showed that traditional identity patterns existed in different dimensions of female identity representations in textbooks and that traditional female identities were indicated as exemplary and successful women. Also, our data showed that these texts aimed at naturalizing these identity patterns and tried to show women's social roles and activities as having secondary importance through displaying some of the traditional roles of women in the family as desirable. In this regard, it seems that the textbooks largely ignore the social changes in the society or introduce them as a social harm. On this basis, according to the main discourse in these textbooks, the ideal female identity is composed of housewives who try to fulfill their roles as housewives in a desirable way. Therefore, a successful woman will be the one who can move in the best way towards the satisfaction of her husband and children. Therefore, things such as the motherhood feelings, possessing emotions and feelings, being the center of affection and love, and the like are mainly among the components of gender identity interpretation for female students and playing this role is emphasized as a strength for women. Moreover, when women play a role in housework and raising children and play the role of mother and housewife, it is associated with a kind of sensory and emotional favorability. Also, the obtained data showed that compared to men, women are represented to a much lesser extent in outside jobs and social roles, and it seems that the current educational system tries to increase the emphasis on women's role in the home by hiding or underrepresentation of women's jobs.

The main issue of the present study is how the power domain is represented in the TV series Aghazadeh. In order to answer the problem, Pierre Bourdieu's theory was used as an approach. Methodologically too, Bourdieu's Genetic Structuralism was used and this text was analyzed at three levels of habitus, structure and relationship between power and other fields using document analysis research method and thematic analysis technique. The results indicate that the power domain is structurally heterogeneous and hierarchical as well as a place of competition and conflict between l agents with religious-traditional habits and agents with economic and worldly habits. In terms of intra-field relationship, the power field is directly and indirectly related to all social domains, and it has affected other structured such as justice, economy, law and politics. The influence of utilitarian agents of the power field on these has reduced the relative independence of these fields on the one hand, and has led to the spread of corruption on the other. Of course, the greater relative independence of the justice field has made it possible for justice-oriented social agents to monitor and investigate the activities in other fields, control illegal activities of other social agents carefully, and eradicate the corrupt power network in the society. This means that one must hope for the future.

Social documentary photography of Iran has a small contribution in representing the problem of subalternity and contrary to the claim of pure depiction, the photographic representation of subalternity relies on social, cultural and political discourses. The aim of this article is to analyze the discourse of subalternity in its photographic representation. For achieving this, the social documentary photos of Iran between the 1970s and 2010s, have been studied by purposive sampling in the qualitative method of discourse analysis. According to Foucault's interpretation it is shown how photography as an institutional apparatus has represented the discourse of Iran’s subalternity which have been formulated by foregrounding some statement in each decade. The results of this article showed that the photographic representation of the discourse of subaleternity can be divided into three distinct periods; First, the representation of the subaltern with the main statement of "proletarit" and "mustazaf" in the social discourse of the 1970s were often called to the scene of the revolution by representing ideal bodies as a symbol of resistance. Second, the representation of the subaltern with the main proposition of "vulnerable class" in the cultural discourse of the 1990s, which often becoming visible in a metamorphosed form in the gallery by the representation of passive and idle bodies with the lost innocence. Third, the representation of the subaltern with the main statement of "abnormal", "less privileged" or "unproductive groups" in the neoliberalism discourse of the 2010s, often became subjugated and invisible as potential criminals by the representation of grotesque and exotic bodies, then being exiled to places far away from the consumer society.

One of the most important works in which the image of another, both "intra-cultural other" and "extra-cultural other" is reflected, is the travelogue. In this type of writing, images of women, men, cities, special places of pilgrimage, tourism, etc. can be the subject of imagery. This article is written in a descriptive-analytical way by combining the three approaches of critical discourse analysis,  representation and imagery. The purpose of this research is to analyze the representation of various types of images of women and the assumptions that the author made in the framework of this type of representation. The results of the research show that in the travelogue "From Pariz to Paris" women with eastern and western nationalities are divided into two categories: historical women and contemporary women. The author represents the images of historical women indirectly and through the study of texts (intertextual) and the representation of images of contemporary women - who is either directly connected with them through personal experience or indirectly or directly , through communication with others (impersonal),has heard about them - with a combined experience (combination of face-to-face and impersonal experience).In this travelogue, the various titles of the author are placed in the shadow of the identity of "master intellectual of history" and with this identity, the image of contemporary women and historical court women and public women in the East and West is represented.

The purpose of writing this article is to represent gender in the sports news of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics and 2016 Rio and to analyze it from a sociological perspective. In this article, the method of content analysis has been used. The statistical population is all the contents of Shargh newspaper in 2016 and 1400. The statistical sampling of the present study was purposefully selected, which included 418 textual data (news, reports, interviews and articles) published in Shargh newspaper during the 2020 Tokyo Olympics and 2016 Rio Olympics. In the present study, based on a specific process in content analysis, Shargh newspaper textual data in the coding process were classified into three levels: basic themes, organizing themes and comprehensive themes. These three levels were shown along with the relationships between them. A comparison of the results obtained from the content analysis of Shargh newspaper in the two periods of the two Olympics shows that while in the Rio 2016 Olympics, the newspaper's approach was based on the concepts of "hegemony", "sports metaphors" and "surrealism", but in In addition to the similarity of the results with the approach and news policy in the concepts of "sports metaphors" and "surrealism" with the news approach of the Rio 2016 Olympics, it was observed that there is a slight point in the concept of "hegemony" Gender and hegemony have occurred in the coverage of sports news at the 2020 Tokyo Olympics.

Introduction The media does not act as a mirror to reflect reality, but rather affects the social construction of reality. Media representations are important in the sense that they shape public knowledge and belief, so media representation is not a neutral and neutral meaning-making, because any representation is rooted in discourse and ideology from which the representation takes place. What is meant in this research is the role of "Manoto" Tv in representing the discourse of Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic of Iran, because the researcher believes that after the Islamic Revolution in 1357, Iranian society is facing various threats and sanctions from the West, and now this situation is due to various reasons. including economic pressures, recent social events, sanctions, embezzlements and social inequalities and factors such as the events of 1996, the events of November 1998, the crash of the Ukrainian plane, the summer and autumn protests of 1400 in Isfahan and Khuzestan, the dissatisfaction of businesses and unions such as workers, environmental activists, teachers And... it has continued until it has put the Iranian government and society in a fragile and critical historical situation. In the meantime, the Farsi-language "Manoto" Tv  in addition to directing public opinion, has simultaneously focused on the negative representation of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the positive representation and introduction of the Pahlavi government as the savior of Iran and Iranians from the current situation.  Purpose  and research questionsthe main topic of this research revolves around how Pahlavism and the Islamic Republic are represented from the discourse positions of Menuto TV, and the purpose of this research is to identify the discourse positions of  Manoto TV to identify the methods of marginalizing the discourse of the Islamic Republic and to identify the methods of highlighting the Pahlavi discourse. It's on Manoto TV. Also, the central questions of this article are:How does Manoto TV represent the discourses of the Islamic Republic and Pahlaviism? Who are "self" and "other" in "Manoto" TV and how are they represented? And how do the discourse conflict mechanisms of the Islamic Republic and Pahlavi take place on "Manoto" TV?  MethodologyThis research uses "Manoto" TV documentaries and qualitative analysis method and Fairclough's critical discourse analysis methodology. After identifying the desired signifiers, they are placed in the three levels of description, interpretation and explanation in the critical discourse analysis of Fairclough, and then a summary is made. Considering that the documentaries of this TV are in the categories of science, culture and art, wildlife, political/social, historical, comedy, series and entertainment, we select the sample with the method of deliberate, targeted or judgmental sampling; But the question is, how have we identified the documents that directly or implicitly represent the discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the discourse of Pahlaviism? The answer is that by clicking on any document, a summary of the topic of that document will be displayed. In this way, four documentaries that had the desired characteristics were selected as samples.FindingsEmphasizing the destruction of the country's financial and human resources by the government of the Islamic Republic, Manoto TV has negatively represented the Revolutionary “seppah Pasdaran” and its commanders, statesmen, the presidential institution, the leader of the revolution, and the revolutionaries as elements and pillars of the government of the Islamic Republic. According to the issues raised and the issues mentioned below, "Manoto" tv has been trying to represent the discourse of the Islamic Republic in a negative way. also  By emphasizing the positive actions of the first and second Pahlavi kings, the wife of the second king and its statesmen, and emphasizing the influential and powerful political position of Iran in international communities during the Pahlavi rule, this television has represented this government in a positive way. ConclusionIn the last decade, Manoto TV has become a sub-discussion against the discourse of the Islamic Republic and its actions, which, according to the research conducted, by making attractive and entertaining production programs, in addition to the audience's media consumption, due to the production of political, discursive, cultural, scientific, and historical content. and... has been able to attract the audience and influence them; This influence not only changes the discourse environment of the society but also leads to instability, crisis and gap between the government and the nation, which results in the reduction of the social capital of real and legal persons, including statesmen, and the loss of credibility or even the discrediting of the domestic media; Therefore, it is suggested that the national media, having sufficient knowledge of the economic, social, political and cultural conditions of the society, should make a fundamental revision in the policies related to the production of its programs so that its influence becomes deeper compared to similar media. Also, by adopting a suitable approach and away from the political point of view and specific ideology, it will attract different sections of the society to the national media. What is of fundamental importance is reducing the gap between the state and the nation to reduce the effect of negative representations.Novelty According to the conducted research, although the general and explicit result of the present research is similar to other researches in the positive representation of the Pahlavi regime and the negative representation of the Islamic Republic, but what distinguishes this research from other researches is dealing with two new documentaries centered on two recent controversial events. which occurs after the assassination of General Soleimani and the crash of the Ukrainian 752 plane, which have not been addressed in any research so far. Also, in previous researches, the focus is on the production programs of "Manoto" TV and emphasis on the representation of Iran and Iranian identity, politics and entertainment, news, press and media; However, in the current research, the way of representing the two discourses of Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic has been studied and investigated with the method of Norman Fairclough.