جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « تحلیل گفتمان » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

In the Safavid focal point, we saw the birth of a new discourse in which happiness was linked with the subject of salvation in the afterlife. The primary propositions of this discourse appeared in various speeches and numerous acceptance and refutation Jurisprudence treatise and were visible in various forms. In the present study, we intend to answer the question by showing the levels of emergence and genesis of the subject, through places which happiness have become problematic and turned from a marginal matter into a focus of attention in the Safavid focal point? The research method is based on Foucault's discourse analysis approach, which has archaeological and genealogical dimensions. Therefore, in the Foucaultian way, by digging the history of Safavid era, we started to "accumulate propositions" about happiness in decrees, laws, royal rules, letters of repentance, acceptance and refutation Jurisprudence treatise, dedication letters,  deeds of endowment and travelogues, in which matters are related to the place of discussion. , the law, jurisprudence or government decrees, or it was manifested in the methods of judicial settlement or the structure of administration of affairs. In this way, by showing the changes of existing rationality at the three levels of concepts, attitudes, and knowledge, we explained the problematization of happiness. These changes mainly in the three bases of Sufism, Tarab and jurisprudence and in connection with the subject of salvation led to the accumulation of propositions about happiness

 The aim of this research is to critically examine the statements made by the candidates in the thirteenth presidential election of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The method employed in this study is critical discourse analysis using Norman Fairclough's approach. Accordingly, at the descriptive level, discourse is examined at three micro-levels (discourse as text). At this level, discourse elements such as vocabulary, polarity, metaphors or implications, and overall coherence are investigated. At the interpretive level, discourse is analyzed at the meso-level (discourse as process).

Based on the findings, the discourse of the candidates has been examined in economic, socio-cultural, and political dimensions, as well as their ideological orientation and executive backgrounds. The candidates' discourses in these debates have been categorized into two ideological streams: "revolutionary" and "reformist."

The results indicate that the focal points of the revolutionary discourse revolve around criticism of the Rouhani administration and reformists, belief in internal power and reliance on domestic capabilities, a jihad-oriented approach to solving people's issues, social justice, and more. Reformist candidates, on the other hand, emphasize the necessity of engaging with the outside world, civil liberties, and other related topics.

The purpose of this paper is "Discourse Analysis of Cultural and Political Messages of Tehran Municipality" based on Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, published on the billboards of Tehran from 2006 to 2016, in order to answer these questions: How the Tehran municipality articulates discourse due to its nodal points and floating signifiers? Has it considered antagonizing and rejection of rival discourse components? The researcher achieved a theoretical saturation by the targeted selection of 25 graphic designs and exploring the semantic implications and discourse structure of each according to the concepts and components of discourse theory. The findings of the research show: The nodal point and the “guardianship-centeredness (velayatmadari) “is on the focus of the municipality, the “jihadi management”, “clericalism”, “cultural invasion” are articulated around this focal point which has conformity with the discourse of “principals”. The chain of equivalence with the critical political and social activists of the government was not formed.

Because of their importance in the economic and social development of societies, science and technology policies have become one of the most important arenas of discourse conflict. Therefore, the present study was conducted with the aim of analyzing the discourse of the sixth program based on Laclau and Mouffe's approach. The studied society was all the legal articles and notes related to science and technology in the law of the sixth development plan, which were studied in full. The findings show that the central signifier of this document is "purposeful scientific innovation". It has built its symbols based on three signs: "Efficiency and modernity, privatization/popularization and knowledge-based economy". The floating sign has shown itself in the form of "collaboration and scientific participation" and "competitive performance". The null signs are "Employment", "Scientific modernization and improvement" and "Scientific productivity" which are associated with interruptions and moments of "People building", "Educational modernization and improvement" and "Islamic culture and values". The discourse area of this program is "state-centered, external dependence, reduction of deprivation and scientific neutrality" which "culture-centered/landscape-centered" discourse with its hegemonic position has marginalized conflicts and consolidated the space for its own discourse maneuver. The results of this study show that this program is moving towards quantitative goals with an emphasis on positivist and supply-oriented processes, which has made it possible to popularize science and use social capital with a serious vacuum.

The purpose of this article was to analyze the discourse of social development during the periods of the Islamic parliament. For this purpose, the text of the negotiations related to social development in the first to ninth periods of the Islamic parliament with emphasis on the negotiations related to the first to fifth development programs and using the"theoretical" sampling method as the target community, has been the basis of analysis. The findings of the research indicate that in the first and second periods of the parliament, due to the war conditions in the country, the focus was on the distribution and meeting the essential needs of the members of the society, and everything that was connected with development in the sense of economic-social growth, they were considered abnormal and were removed from the verbal and practical literature of development. In the third parliament, due to the dominance of the "economic adjustment"discourse, we witnessed a"one-dimensional approach to development" with the priority of economic development and marginalization of other aspects of development, including social development. In the fourth parliament, the discourse of "sustainable growth and development" became the ruler in the 5th and 6th parliaments, the discourse of "sustainable development" and in the 6th and 7th parliaments, the discourse of "local social development" And finally, in the 8th and 9th parliaments, the discourse of "progress and justice" has dominated the discourse.This approach has indicated a kind of break and non-continuity of the comprehensive discourse of social development in different periods of the Islamic parliament.

In recent years, the large-scale Arbaeen Walking Ceremony with the presence of tens of millions of people from different countries and nationalities has attracted the attention of analysts and researchers, and researchers have studied it from the perspective of religious, sociological, anthropological, political and strategic studies. In this research, the discourse model of "Ernest Laclau " and "Chantal Mouffe" has been used to study Arbaeen Walking. The main question of the article is, what are the discourse markers of the Arbaeen walk in individual and collective dimensions? According to the results of this research, in the Arbaeen Walk, keeping alive the memory of Imam Hussain (a.s.) and the martyrs of Karbala is a central sign that can lead to the articulation of other signs by attracting floating signs and in individual and collective dimensions. Also, the Arbaeen Walk has the capacity to marginalize other discourses such as Secularism and Takfirism based on hegemony and discourse competition. The current research was conducted with a qualitative approach and discourse analysis method.

The hymn "Salam Farmandeh" was a phenomenon that was reproduced in at least 35 copies in different languages and dialects less than a year after its first launch in Iran. From the perspective of an intercultural communication that can be seen as a cultural phenomenon, this anthem was also reproduced in the language of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The aim of this research is to investigate the comparative discourse analysis of Persian and Turkish versions with an intercultural communication approach. The data analysis is based on two methods of semiotics and discourse. The theoretical framework of the research is based on the theories of diffusion and, identity negotiation.  The findings show that this hymn, in general, is understood and reproduced outside the borders of Iran, especially for Shia minorities in the Caucasus, as a manifestation of a cultural resistance against the globalized western culture. The discourse governing the Turkish version is formed around three basic aspects: "Introducing Imam Zaman (AS) to the youth", "Actively waiting for his reappearance “and "Building the future of Azerbaijan, according to its religious identity". In comparing the Turkish version with the Persian one, the two basic meanings of "introducing Imam Zaman to teenagers" and "actively waiting for the appearance of Imam Zaman" were repeated, around which the discourse of the Persian version was also formed.

This article aims to investigate Iranian female celebrities and their discourse in cyberspace. The attempt of the present research is to analyze the Instagram page of Mahnaz Afshar, as an Iranian female celebrity, and in this way to achieve the cultural discourse of the Iranian female celebrity in the virtual space. By using the method of discourse analysis, the mentioned Padam Page has been investigated and the central signifiers and the hegemonic space governing it have been obtained. The results indicate that Paige's basic signifiers refer to being a people person, being emotional, loving people, nature and animals, being famous, being a feminist, a kind mother, and an overseas artist. After the analysis, the basic signs finally lead to the discourse that celebrities want to be a role model for the people and that their culture is superior and dominant over the people's culture. Meanwhile, there are obvious contradictions between the discourses obtained from Page and the existing facts.

The problematic of this article is to describe the mechanisms and consequences of the process of psycholgization. The article argues that this process is the result of macroeconomic political relations, but its mechanisms and consequences are hiding by psychological mechanisms. In order to show the characteristics of this phenomenon, the TV talk show "KetabBaaz"(bookaholic) has been subjected to discourse analysis.The central propositions of the six final programs of the introduction of the book in this program are accepting the status quo and tolerating it, encouraging individuals to get rid of alienation that is structural product, mental flexibility to accompany the changes in the world, reducing greed to curb capitalism, disobedience to expand the market and remove mental barriers to stalishing status que. Adapting to the status quo is all in line with psychologization and individual change to adapt to the fluid flows of the market.This article concludes that by depoliticizing and de-economizing the existing situation, the reduction of macro problems to the individual reduces the phenomena to the individual and justifies and legitimizes macro relations, which serves neoliberalism as the dominant order of the world. In this way, the process of domination is taken for granted and deepened, and the only way to face it is to equip a person with survival skills in this exhausting competition and as a result, acquit the system

Social documentary photography of Iran has a small contribution in representing the problem of subalternity and contrary to the claim of pure depiction, the photographic representation of subalternity relies on social, cultural and political discourses. The aim of this article is to analyze the discourse of subalternity in its photographic representation. For achieving this, the social documentary photos of Iran between the 1970s and 2010s, have been studied by purposive sampling in the qualitative method of discourse analysis. According to Foucault's interpretation it is shown how photography as an institutional apparatus has represented the discourse of Iran’s subalternity which have been formulated by foregrounding some statement in each decade. The results of this article showed that the photographic representation of the discourse of subaleternity can be divided into three distinct periods; First, the representation of the subaltern with the main statement of "proletarit" and "mustazaf" in the social discourse of the 1970s were often called to the scene of the revolution by representing ideal bodies as a symbol of resistance. Second, the representation of the subaltern with the main proposition of "vulnerable class" in the cultural discourse of the 1990s, which often becoming visible in a metamorphosed form in the gallery by the representation of passive and idle bodies with the lost innocence. Third, the representation of the subaltern with the main statement of "abnormal", "less privileged" or "unproductive groups" in the neoliberalism discourse of the 2010s, often became subjugated and invisible as potential criminals by the representation of grotesque and exotic bodies, then being exiled to places far away from the consumer society.

This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.

The current research was carried out with the aim of sociologically explaining the grounds of dissatisfaction and protest behaviors in the last two decades (summer 1400-1380) in Iran, with an emphasis on protests in Khuzestan province. The research has used the discourse analysis method to achieve the above goal. The research participants are 34 knowledgeable people, local trustees and people with the ability to analyze social, cultural and political issues, managers and experts of various organizations in the field of cultural, social, political and security environment, university professors and expert experts familiar with the subject and texts. It is related to the state of dissatisfaction and protests in the last two decades. These participants were selected using theoretical sampling in the process of data collection and analysis. The data were collected using the in-depth interview method and analyzed with the help of Laclou and Mouffe's discourse analysis method through three steps (drawing the discourse space, alienating and articulating). The discourse analysis of the texts revealed that the floating sign of protests and unrest in Khuzestan by highlighting the "accumulation of people's demands" as the main sign, reveals the approach of the discourse of protests and unrest in Khuzestan in the last two decades. Such highlighting is indicative of its own specific times or meanings; So that "regional inequality", "water crisis and drought", "environmental problems", "lack of good urban governance", "feeling of failure and hopelessness", "tribalism", "activism of different actors", "economy-centered", "feeling of relative deprivation" as the main moments and signifiers. They organize the articulation of the dissatisfaction discourse in the last two decades in Khuzestan. Discourse analysis according to Laclau and Mouffe regarding dissatisfactions in the last two decades in Khuzestan shows that the problems left over from the multitude of unresolved issues in Khuzestan province have brought the work to a boiling point, and in the meantime, a combination of people's feelings and perceptions. Khuzestan has also influenced their behavior and political action and finally, it has formed the emergence of protest behavior and the phenomenon of unrest. Based on the findings, the articulation of the ruling discourse on protest behaviors and social dissatisfactions in the last two decades has been drawn.

This research tries to analyze the news policies and streamlining of the Iran International media, which is a Persian-language media with tendencies against the interests of the Islamic Republic, in the form of news content analysis and by referring to critical theories of the news field, including frameworks and discourse theory.

In this way, the qualitative method is the statistical population of the published news (20 texts and headlines from the website and media of Iran International related to the death of Mahsa Amini and the events after that) in the research period. By examining the discourse of news mining, the results showed: Iran International media has tried to weaken freedom in Iran with headlines such as lack of freedom, pressure, harassment and forced hijab in the death of Mehsa Amini.

Also, in this incident, the Persian-language media of Iran International, by attacking the legal and religious standards of women's covering, depicted it as an imposed and non-optional thing for all women, and the disturbances after the Mehsa Amini incident induced and represented the voice of people's protest against the mandatory hijab. Therefore, the discourse of the media of Iran International, which is the same in all its media, is the central sign of the suspiciousness of Mahsa Amini's death and with other discourse elements such as compulsory hijab, lack of freedom, arrest and torture, violation of human rights, lack of justice, dissatisfaction of the public, articulation and Highlighted.

Environment is one of the interdisciplinary topics that can be explained and investigated in different dimensions and from different angles. One of the most important aspects is the dominant discourse of every government, which leads to the formulation of plans and guidelines and determines the implementation process of policies. In fact, environmental policies have long been included in policies, programs proposed by governments, and the text of statesmen's speeches. The Islamic Republic of Iran is not an exception to this rule, and since the 1350s, it has always put instructions and laws in this regard on its agenda. However, these programs have not always improved and evolved over time, and over time, governments have taken different stances on environmental policy based on the discourses that dominate their policies. One of the methods of understanding the dominant environmental discourse of the governments is the analysis of the dominant programs and approaches in this regard. This research, using the discourse analysis approach, tries to explore the documents and development programs and dominant policies in each of the governments after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. (3rd to 12th government) to understand the importance of environment in different periods. The results showed that there has been a transition from the explanation of a single factor in the understanding of environmental issues, however, environmental policies and practices have been derived from the type of political discourse that governs the government.

Edward Said's analysis of "Orientalism" critically examines how the East is portrayed in Western art and how this portrayal reinforces the colonial mindset. It goes beyond just distorting the ideology to establish a new political order. Instead, it creates a separate reality of the Orient, distant from the West and objectifies it as a source of Western knowledge. The world exhibition serves as an arena to showcase various Western and Eastern cultures. It juxtaposes logical and imaginary, chronological order, and mythical disorder. The exhibition has been used to shape transcultural and advance Orientalist discourse strategies and expectations of imperialism. The representation and construction of “self” and “others” found an ontological and epistemological relationship with Orientalist alienation. Also, due to the newly acquired strategic position during the first Pahlavi era and the ancient history of the country's science and art, Iran's presence there earned special position in the eyes of Orientalists and the Western knowledge domain. Therefore, it was necessary to depict it by classifying the structure of knowledge and related historiography. In fact, the concepts and political rules of the historical interpretation of Orientalism were derived from Iran's participation in international exhibitions. The goal was to identify a connection between Orientalist ideas and the pavilions' physical, content, and functional aspects. The study found that Iran's pavilions, in particular, reflected Orientalist expectations. They were designed like museums showcasing Iranian art and arranged exotically to appeal to Western audience.

The findings of the discourse analysis indicated that the floating indicator of 'social justice in unemployment insurance laws' is based on the central slab of 'targeted welfare system', this slab, the following governing discourse Unemployment Insurance Act (Construction Discourse) in the form of models or core signs, such as 'job creation', 'dual structure of unemployment insurance', 'attitude toward unemployment as a social problem,' 'lack of supportive and comprehensive view' and 'observance of authority justice' Blocking and articulation of this discourse has been shaped around the main dodges. But the floating slab 'Social justice in unemployment insurance laws' in the unemployment insurance plan, based on the central slab of 'comprehensive support policy', is the following dialogue in the text, which has been the moderation of the spiritual government, in the form of major signs. Or models such as 'non-compliance of distributive justice', 'Improving the welfare of the unemployed', 'attitude towards unemployment as macro and ultrasonity', 'planning a framework for the permission of the unemployed', 'providing financial credits in the field of unemployment,' 'reform in the rules And the regulations of unemployment 'and' observance of authority justice ', blocked and around the main signs, formed the meaning of the discourse. Therefore, the results of the discourse analysis indicate that social justice in unemployment insurance laws were not the same in terms of discursive analysis (subjects,

The present study explores the narrative put forth by the Iranian cinema about social harms during the 70s in Iran through analyzing two films in particular "Two Women" and "Under the Skin of the City." The research method of this study is of descriptive-exploratory type, seeking to offer a thick description of the phenomenon under investigation. The study draws on discourse analysis method to analyze the data. To this aim, the films under discussion were categorized into genres or linguistic functions utilizing Ruth Wodak's discourse analysis method. Within each linguistic function, we addressed and answered seven key questions based on Paul Gee's discourse analysis method. The conclusion furnishes an account of social harms depicted in the movies "Two Women" and "Under the Skin of the City" based on the context and conditions of Iranian society throughout the 1990s.The findings of this research indicate that the films from the 70s address various social issues. These issues include the confrontation of two discourses of traditional and modern, resistance of the patriarchal discourse against the discourse of enlightened women advocating for social freedoms, the existence of a class divide between the affluent and the poor in society and more.

Honorable zeal is one of the social-cultural components of different societies, including Iranian society. In recent decades, with the expansion of feminist ideas, this issue has been critically analyzed, and its overflow can be seen in the art of cinema. The present research has been carried out with the aim of investigating the representation of honorable zeal in the Iranian cinema of the 1390s, using Fairclough's discourse analysis method. This method includes three stages of description, interpretation and explanation, during which the formal features of the text are examined in the description stage, the interdiscourses in the interpretation stage, and the influence of macro-social structures in the explanation stage. For this purpose, 3 films "Daughter's House", "Father's House" and "Parvaneh's Swimming" were selected and analyzed from the series of films released in the 1390s with a purposeful sampling method. The results indicate that in the light of the effects of the process of globalization on Iranian cinema, the development of feminist literature, the cultural policies of international film festivals, the development of the urban middle class in Iran and the cultural policies of the government of moderation, the issue of honor zeal in the cinema of Iran in the 1390s has been represented as an irrational phenomenon with absolutely harmful consequences and The creator of the authoritarian relationship between men and women.

"Mental disorders", as a multifaceted phenomenon and a socio-cultural issue, is one of the most challenging subjects in cinema and television. This study intends to extract from the existing discourses in this field, the cultural approach represented in the films of the Iranian director "Hooman Seyedy". In this study, discourse analysis with "Pedam" approach is the method used for cultural representation of mental disorders. The results of this analysis show that Hooman seyedy, has chosen common features such as unusual behavior, clothing style and appearance different from the norm of society, their distrust of others and inability to interact healthy and a kind of loneliness and isolation of these people from society " for characters with mental disorders in his films as cultural characteristics to represent. The subject of "mental disorder" is portrayed as the main discourse of the films to portray the confusion of human nature in today's society.