خانوار

The complex and multidimensional nature of the concept of vulnerability has received attention in the last two decades, however, definitions and standard methods for measuring it are still not used in domestic and foreign studies.  

Using a scoping review and the five-step methodological feamework of Arksey and O’Malley (2005), this study examines and criticizes the conceptual, theoretical and methodological field of “household vulnerability” in domestic and foreign studies during the 2010 to 2022.

Among the 105 reviewed studies (28 domestic studies and 77 foreign studies), four main areas of environmental, economic, health and social vulnerability of household can be classified respectively, in which the most important weakness identified in these studies was the lack of an interactive and intersectional approach to different dimensions of household vulnerability. Additionally, the comparative review showed that most domestic studies have weaknesses in covering diverse topics, identifying target households, choosing a broad theoretical framework, and using multi-dimensional measures, which has caused the mentioned studies to fail when explaining the way of vulnerability at the household level, lean towards individualistic explanations.

The findings emphasize the necessity of moving from a superficial view to the concept of the household and designing longitudinal surveys that can help increase the resilience of vulnerable households and the success of related welfare policies across the country.

Although the consequences of divorce for family members have always been noted, the diversity of residence patterns after separation is still not well comprehended. This is while divorce is one of the main factors in living arrangements with diversity in contemporary societies. The increase in the share of single-parent households, step-families, and one-person and composite households is one of the signs of this variety (Fallesen and Gähler, 2020). Increasing divorce rate is a global trend (Gonzalez et al., 2009) and Iran has followed this trend (Sadeghi Fasaei and Ithari, 2013). Despite all the social policies and cultural planning during recent decades, the number of divorces is increasing in Iran (Statistical Centre of Iran, 2021). The studies have also indicated that the share of single-person and solo households due to divorce has increased in the last decade (Bagi and Abbasi-Shavazi, 2019); however, the effects of divorce on the living arrangements of couples and their children is neglected. This research gap is rooted in the fact that the relevant literature has not yet fully recognized this heterogeneity despite the emergence of new family types and thus, less effort has been made to observe and investigate this issue. Another reason for this negligence is the lack of reliable data. Since there were no longitudinal surveys about living arrangements in Iran, we sought to determine the residence patterns of divorced people after separation by using cross-sectional survey data to fill part of this research gap. Therefore, the present study examined the effects of divorce on the residence pattern of divorced men and women. It was endeavoured to answer the following questions: How will the living arrangements be after divorce? What percentage of the divorced people plan to live alone? What are the main determinants of the decision to live alone? Are there any differences in the living arrangements of divorced males and females? And what are the characteristics of the parents, who have custody of the step-children?

We analyzed the data of National Divorce Survey by using the secondary analysis technique. The statistical population included the people, who had applied for registering their divorce in the provincial divorce offices. The sample size was made of 4054 people. The data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire. The data were collected by the questioner directly referring to the respondents.Two questions were used to specify the living arrangements of the divorced people after divorce: Will you live with someone after the divorce? And who will you live with? The answer to the first question had two options: yes and no. The second question was asked from those who chose yes, while those who chose the latter had planned to live alone.

Most of the divorced males preferred to live alone. The findings showed that 40% of the men and 18% of the women lived alone after divorce. It could be due to the cultural context of the Iranian society as living alone for women, especially the young divorced ones, was not acceptable.The older divorced males also had a more tendency to live alone compared to the older females. None of the older women wished to live alone, which could be due to the fact that older women need more economic support from family. Female economic participation and employment rates are low in Iran (Qavidel, 2018 and Keshavarz Haddad & Alaviyan, 2019) so that they do not have any salaries or pensions in their old ages. Therefore, economic dependence is one of the most important reasons that older women decide to live with their relatives instead of living alone.Living with relatives after divorce is common in countries that have high familism and appreciate strong family values like Iran. The results revealed that most of the divorced women had chosen to live with their paternal families (54.3%). Returning to father’s home is the second option for males. As Sweet (1972) points out, having relatives and availability of parents are a key variable. People whose parents are still alive are more likely to return to their homes after separation. We observed that more than 75% of the people, who decided to return to their fathers’ houses were less than 30 years old.One of the most important factors, which affect coresidence with relatives, is having a child. Custody of children has led parents towards living with their children and form single-parent families. Nevertheless, they usually have a poor economic situation. In particular, most mothers are unemployed and more than half of them do not have a fixed income and a personal house.Considering the upward trend in divorce rates and the increase in solo and single-parent households, supportive policies and programs are necessary, especially for female-headed households. Empirical studies conducted via longitudinal and qualitative methods are also essential for better understanding the consequences of divorce on living arrangements.

Elderly living arrangements in developing countries are important because governments cannot support them due to the lack of advanced health care systems. This study aimed to investigate the changes in living arrangements of people 60 years old and over during the last four decades (1984-2019) in Iran. The Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) data conducted by the Statistics Center of Iran were analyzed. Findings indicated that elderly headship rate has increased over time. Although this growth observed for both sexes, it was double as high for women as for men. Most households headed by old men are nuclear households while women often take care of solo and single-parent households. More elderly people live alone nowadays and their household size has decreased during the time. Howbeit the number of households with an elderly head with an adult child has increased, but this co-residence does not have benefits for elderly parents. Indeed, changes in elderly living arrangements in Iran over the past three decades have led to more increasing pressure on the old ages and they have to accept more responsibilities such as household head and managing its needs.

The problem of poverty is very widespread and it is affected by different factors in each society, based on its specific characteristics. In this study, the effect of 12 demographic, economic and social factors on the probability of household impoverishment were examined using a probit regression model, which was predicted by the minimum likelihood method. The sample includes 66038 people and a total of 18809 urban households in Iran. The present study examines the possibility of getting out of poverty by considering two levels of welfare, high and low. Accordingly, the income level for households to get out of poverty is 115 million Rials at the low welfare level and 265 million Rials at the high welfare level. According to the  results of the model, the most important factor in getting out of poverty at the lower welfare level is the income status of the head of household and at the higher welfare level, the proportion of the number of people with income in the household as well as the absolute number of people with income in the household. An increase in the level of education of the head of the household was another factor in getting out of poverty. In addition, increasing the number of educated people in the household has had a considerable effect on escaping poverty, and the probability of becoming poor decreases with an increase in the household size,.

The household structure in contemporary societies is different from decades ago, and in many countries new forms of household have emerged. This study aimed to investigate changes in household structure over the past 35 years (1984-2018) in Iran. For this purpose, Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) data were analyzed. The findings revealed that the percentage of various types of households (i.e one-person, single-parent and married couples without children) have increased. On the other hand, the share of extended and composite households has declined during the time. Although nuclear households have always been the overwhelming majority of households, their number has decreased in the last decade. The main reasons for this pattern are cultural and religious context and the long-term staying of children at parent’s home. It can be concluded that although the family and household structure have been relatively stable for decades, the process of change has started. However, instead of moving towards becoming an independence Western family model, it has taken on the characteristics of family model of emotional interdependence.

The leading article aims to examine the demographic, social, and economic situation of female-headed households in Iran with a descriptive-analytical approach and using raw data of two percent of the 2016 census. The results showed that the proportion of these women in the country has increased by 4.3 percent in the last two decades. Sistan and Baluchestan and Kurdistan provinces have the highest and lowest percentages of female-headed households, respectively. This increase has also been for single-parent households. The highest percentage of this household was in South Khorasan province and the lowest in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad provinces. More than 27 percent of female-headed households have no literate family members. 86% of women were unemployed and 14% were employed, which is a large gap between the two families. Analyzes showed that the gender of the head of the household was significantly related to age, marital status, literacy status, level of education, and activity status of the head of the household. In terms of age structure, female-headed households are older than their male counterparts, and in terms of marital status, most men have a spouse and most female-headed households are unmarried. Also, illiteracy, education, and employment rates are higher among female-headed households than their male counterparts. The implicit concept is that female-headed households are not in a better position than male-headed households in terms of the indicators examined.

Changes in different aspects of family and its correspondence with widespread structural and ideational changes in Iran has been documented in previous research but no study to date has examined gender differences in family roles at the national level. This paper uses data from the 2014-2015 Time Use Survey, representing urban areas of Iran, and applies the relative resources and time availability approaches to describe the differences between wives and husbands in participation in the total unpaid household related activities across their family life course and explain such differences. The results suggest a clear male-bread winning and female home-making pattern, although wives and husbands allocated similar amount of time to either the community or individual activities. These gender differences include not only the time allocated to the family and household activities, but also their pattern and life course variations. In addition, the wives’ experience is more consistent with the predictions of the time availability and relative resources approaches than that of husbands. Adjusting for other factors does not remove the association between gender and participation in the family- and household-related activities, suggesting the predominance of gender values and norms over socio-economic and demographic factors examined in this paper.

Despite a significant rise in demographic knowledge and related studies in Iran over the recent decades, lower attention has been paid to household demography, particularly, changes in the average household size in Iran. Most conducted studies are mainly cross-sectional, small-scale and/or descriptive. The present study investigated the changes in the average household size, and its determinants in Iran over the period 1984-2018 using a longitudinal approach (quasi-panel) and based on the Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) data. The results revealed that the average household size has decreased about an average of 2 people (from 5.4 persons per household in 1980s to 3.4 in 2010s). Moreover, the results of space-state time-series models showed that the effect of variables of fertility, marriage and urbanization on household size has been reduced, while the negative effects of divorce, life expectancy, inflation rate and housing costs have been risen over this period. Based on hierarchical age-period-cohort models, the presence of people in different cohorts has also affected their household size. This result shows that in addition to period analysis, cohort approach should be taken into account for a better understanding of changes in the demographic phenomena across time because people in various cohorts usually have distinctive experiences which may lead to different behaviors.

In this article, the changes of the fertility of women in the family from 1981 to 2011 have been analyzed by using demographic documents or the secondary analysis of statistics. According to available statistics, the annual growth rate of Iran's population in 1986 was reported at 3.9%, which fell to 1.3% in 2011. In such a situation, the number of households expected to grow in line with the decline in population growth, while statistical evidence suggests that the annual growth rate of households in the 1996-86 period was only 2.51% that is up by 3.89 percent compared to 2011. During these three decades, household households also respectively dropped from 5.11 to 4.05 and 3.54. The theoretical analysis of such a situation, based on the theory of the transition of the second population, indicates the introduction of the values of modernism and its manifestations (individualism, industrialization and urbanization), such as the single parent, single child, biological couple, and the same as the growth of the divorce phenomenon. According to this theory, the findings of the present study indicate that households with a population of 7 people are now fading with a 2% share of the total population, the growth rate of 3 to 4-person households, accounting for half of Iran's population, is also decreasing and rising to 7% in single-person households. According to these findings, it can be concluded that during the last three decades, the reduction of fertility preference, the desire for single life and the formation of independent pre-marital households, along with a further factor called divorce, has reduced household size and increased the number of households. It shows the arrival of the values of modernism in the realm of Iranian homeland.

Among the economical sectors of the country, residential sector is the largest final consumer of energy and unlike the other sectors, its energy intensity is upward. In this regard, targeted subsidies law is a basic measure by the ninth government which began by the president’s command since 2010 despite the opposition of a number of economists and MPs with the way of its implementation that was a price reform (rising) plan to energy carriers with a focus to reduce energy consumption in all consumer sectors, especially residential sector. The residential sector consists of different groups regarding economic, social and cultural features and it seems that identical changes of prices of gas and electricity for all these groups as result of targeted subsidies law implementation have different effects on the level of energy consumption in these groups. Therefore, after nearly three years of implementation of the law and on the verge of implementation of the second phase, the study is to investigate the effects of social (Social-Economical Status) and cultural (environmental culture) features on the level of change in gas and electricity consumption of households in Esfahan city after the implementation of targeted subsidies law.
Regarding the purpose, the study is practical and regarding the nature and methods, it is descriptive-analysis and casual-comparative (post-event). The data for investigating the research hypotheses are collected by field method. The study population of the research is all the households living in all fourteen districts of Esfahan municipality and 145 households were selected from the 492767 households living in Esfahan city in 2011 by the use of Cochran formula (confidence level of 90 percent) and the data were collected by referring to them using simple random sampling. In order to analyze the effects of the variables, namely Social-Economical Status and environmental culture of the households, on the level of change in gas and electricity consumption after the implementation of targeted subsidies law, we used multivariate regression model of binomial logistics. SPSS software was also used to do the calculation and achieving the results.
Discussion of Results & The results of the research showed that: 1- Social-Economical Status of Esfahan households did not have a significant effect on reducing the consumption of gas and electricity after the implementation of targeted subsidies law. 2- The effects of environmental culture of Esfahan households on the possibility of gas and electricity energy saving on both levels (low and average) have been negative.
In order to justify the lack of any significant relationship between Social-Economical Status Esfahan households and reducing gas and electricity consumption, the reasons are presented as follows in two divisions of sociological and economic fields:A) Sociological analysis: For many years, Social-Economical Status has been a powerful and significant variable in the area of social sciences which is used to explain a host of social attitudes and behaviors. But the lack of relationship between this variable and dependent variables of the research, despite the research hypothesis on the relationship between these two variables, is theoretically very important for the society that is studied; Therefore, it is likely that the views of some sociologists such as Veblen, Weber and Bourdieu who believe in social class life and also believe that socio-economic class factor affects the formation of lifestyle, have been fading away and lack explanatory ability. On the other hand, the approach of intellectuals such as Anthony Giddens, Mike Featherstone and Ulrich Beck is able to analyze the case in a better way. According to the views of these sociologists, social classes do not determine the selective consumption patterns of people so that it is not possible to separate the lifestyles according to the social classes and the lifestyles break boundaries of social class differentiations. In fact, lifestyle is neither a social class concept nor a tool for distinction, but it is offered as a new concept against the social class. From such a viewpoint, in modern societies similar consumption behaviors are observed among people from different social classes which show the class integration of lifestyles. In other words, we deal with a lifestyle which does not particularly belong to a group or a class, but it is only significant in the cultural changes of modernity and the growth of consumerism culture.
B) Economic Analysis: According to economic studies on this subject, justifications for the lack of relationship can be outlined as follows: 1- Inelasticity of energy demand (consumption) for residential sector against the price changes - even in long term - and the necessity of energy commodity in the households carts. 2- Limitations to find alternatives for energy consumption such as gas and electricity for the households: the reason is the different technologies for using gas, electricity and other types of energy in household appliances. Even if the alternatives are technically possible, it is not economical for the consumers to change their consumption patterns and their energy appliances for slight fluctuations in energy prices (especially knowing that the fluctuations are very slight on the basis of real prices). 3- Since gas and electricity are necessary commodities for residential sector, this sector at least has to use them for heat, light, cooking, etc. In most cases, reducing the consumption of these two energy carriers leads to nothing but lowering the level of well-being and as a result causing numerous social, cultural and sanitary abnormalities and increasing discontent in the society. Therefore, it is natural that energy consumption in household sector is not a function of its price. 4- Energy consumption in residential sector is a function of its previous patterns which means that the consumers of this sector act according to their consumption habits. 5- Regarding the electricity, it can be said that refrigerators, freezers, coolers and TV sets share the greater part of electricity consumption in households which includes 60% of the total energy consumption by the households. It seems that despite rising electricity price after implementation of the law, the household consumer still uses the same electrical appliances; because most families - especially in inflation condition after implementation of the law - can not afford to buy energy-saving modern appliances. 6- For wealthy households who can afford to buy energy-saving appliances it is not economical to change their consumption patterns and appliances for the slight fluctuations in the price of gas and electricity (especially in inflation condition after implementation of the law). 7- Although at the beginning of targeted subsidies law implementation, the government attempted to increase the nominal prices of gas and electricity of the residential sector, only after two months the real price of electricity and after four months the real price of gas have been declining due to fixing the nominal prices of these two energy carriers after the beginning of the plan and ignoring the consumer price index while pricing these two energy carriers.
In order to explain the negative effect of households environmental culture on energy consumption reduction it can be argued that households with higher cultures before the implementation of targeted subsidies law had more thrifty behaviors comparing to households from lower cultures; therefore, there is less possibility for them to save energy under the law implementation.
It seems that price changing of gas and electricity is not an appropriate leverage to reform energy consumption pattern (gas and electricity) of residential sector; but energy saving in this sector by logical use of energy through creating the consumption culture alongside price changing of energy carriers can have a significant effect on consumption control in this section.

This study assesses the effects of population age structure on economic and social anomalies was conducted. The importance of this study it can be concluded that such surveys can be used in crowd control and abnormal control as well as social and economic benefit. The research method is descriptive - survey and statistical society where people are Rodhen of which 360 were chosen.
The data collected in theoretical books and has been previous research in the field of self-administered questionnaire was used to the reliability of the amount of (83%) was confirmed.
The data were analyzed in two parts: descriptive and inferential statistics and the results showed:Changes had the effect of age on education. Age changes on income, employment and housing affected. As well as changes in population age with parenting, religious, educational environment and the prevalence of crime is involved.

Poverty is one of the major factors that may contribute to inability of the household or certain members within the households, for obtaining adequate food to fulfill their basic nutritional requirement. This phenomenon known as food insecurity has quantitative, qualitative, psychological, and social dimensions. Food insecurity is affected by factors that influence economic resources of the household. Trying to understand food insecurity among vulnerable in urban society of Iran, this study investigates the relation of demographic and social factors with severity of food insecurity among a sample of 300 households, under coverage of Relief Committee of Emam Khomeini in district 20 in the city of Tehran. According to findings, 98.6 percent of the samples had experienced different levels of food insecurity. While 37.3 percent experienced severe food insecurity, the insecurity at household and adult levels was more prevalent in comparison with child level. Therefore based on Radimer et.al, food insecurity is a managed process. When a household faces food insecurity, mother (and other adults) reduce their quality and quantity of food to prevent children's food insecurity. Deteriorating quality and quantity of children's intakes doesnt occur until more sever stages. In this research, gender of household head, sickness of one of the household members, family size, education level and occupation of household head were identified as the most important contributors to severity of food insecurity among urban households.

Population censuses, as rich resources to find knowledge of demographic characteristics, are used to survey main characteristics of households in Iran that have wide application in planning, socio-economic and cultural policymaking. One of the most difficulties in demographical studies is the composition of households and analyzing the trend of changes during time. In this paper, the trend analyses of household composition during 1996-2006 are studied. Since knowing about what reasons made these changes can lead to make a correct planning, by using some characteristics of the head of households, these changes are discussed. It’s a descriptive study based on censuses information of two years in 1996 and 2006. This study is about household composition regarding the relationship between the members of the household and the head of household in 2006 and comparison of household composition changes in 1996-2006 periods in Iran. Investigation of the portion of the different kinds of household change and investigation of the head of household characteristics such as age, economic activity status, marital status and literacy status in different household types are the other objectives that are discussed. The structural manner of household composition in different provinces in 2006 and the situation of welfare facilities in different households are also studied. By a statistical log linear model, the association between types of household and some household welfare facilities are discussed. The most important finding is the change of household composition between years 1996 and 2006, difference between some characteristics of the head of the household in different types of household and also the difference between the structures of household composition in provinces in 2006. Also some association between types of household and some household welfare facilities such as car, computer and housing are found, by using a statistical log linear model. Although the greatest part of household composition in our country is married couple family with child(ren), the external circumstances show that the proportion of these households who have the traditional pattern of household composition, is decreasing from two aspects. On one part, the proportion of single parent households has an increasing trend and from the other part, the proportion of one-person household, individuals who live alone, is increasing. The mentioned changes that reflect increasing rate of divorce and life expectancies follow several bad results and it is necessary that authorities consider a cure (such as demonstrating special facilities, building psychosomatics consulting centers etc.) for the social, cultural and economic requirement of this growing population that live in one-person households or single parent households.

Population growth and the level of fertility and the relationship between them and socio-economic development in different countries, especially in developing countries, are the major interests of today's sociologists and demographists, in particular the case of Iran. In this article, the combination of two methods, Literature Review and Further Analysis, were applied, and population data and statistics were gathered from UNPF, UNICEF, World Bank,. ..and, the relationship between the variables were analyzed by using SPSS. Research findings show that the higher the level of development, the lower the level of fertility, and population growth. The best pill for contraception is economic development. The relationship between the development and fertility rate is reversal, it means that, in world's deprived regions, with the same level as Iran, and in country's provinces, this relationship is so obvious.

The main object of any rational human being is a better standard of living, peace and welfare. Looking at the past, the history of nations around the world shows that most of them have been successful in achieving this goal and the standard of living and welfare of people in most countries has considerably raised. This article seeks to survey the poverty of Iranian households during the last two decades (1983-2003). For this purpose, the authors have gathered and calculated the deflated states of household's expenditure and income published by Iran Statistical Center Yearbooks. The results show that the real consumption of households has decreased during some twenty past years and both rural and urban families have become poorer. Although the Engel's theory indicates that the share of consumed amount of food stuff in the household's budget decreases when the income is increasing, the paper proves that the declining share of expenditure for food of Iranian households is not the evidence of better economic situation.