جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "مشروطه" در نشریات گروه "علوم اجتماعی"

Historians, politicians and journalists of contemporary Iran tie their writings, speeches and articles to the nation and their words and wishes and claim Spokesman They are the will and demand of the nation! But they never provide a precise definition of the nation! Either they don't want to or they are not able to prove their claim about the sameness of their desire and the nation's by determining the exact boundaries of the nation! People gather by using one or more of the elements and by putting it together and form the nation. While: the failure to provide a definition of the nation causes that no claim about the nation can be confirmed or rejected, and it also makes it impossible to distinguish the correctness and incorrectness of the definition of the nation. At different times, the nation has appeared in the form of numerous and diverse concepts, which has added to the ambiguity and uncertainty of the historical meaning of the nation, therefore, the present article tries to define it by using a descriptive-analytical method. To present the nation in different periods of Iran's contemporary history.

ollowing the Constitutional Revolution and the enactment of the Press Law in 1907, oversight of the press regained attention similar to that of the Nasirid era. On March 10, 1922, the authority to issue licenses and oversee printing, publishing, and press activities was entrusted to the Supreme Council of Education (Shurā-yi ʿĀlī-yi Maʿāref). This study aims to examine the evolution of the Press Law and the establishment of the Supreme Council of Education to oversee press activities from 1921 to 1956. Using a historical research methodology based on archival documents and library sources, the research seeks to answer how the Supreme Council of Education performed its regulatory role over the press and what impact it had on the institutionalization of press oversight during the specified years. The use of terms such as "free press" and "freedom of expression" in the Press Law of 1907 did not prevent the institutionalization of press oversight. The Supreme Council of Education endeavored to impose requirements on individuals and press owners to prevent any unlawful actions, aligning the press with the political and cultural directives of the government, thereby guiding society towards a regulated and government-trusted system. The Council mandated that all newspapers and magazines obtain a license prior to publication, recording their names, places of publication, frequency (daily or weekly), and ideological orientation. It prohibited government officials, professors, and employees from owning newspapers or magazines and writing for them. Violators of the Press Law and its regulations were pursued, penalized, and held accountable under the law.

After the closure of the Central National Library of Iran and with the rising importance of the Constitutional Revolution, a group of intellectuals decided to establish a new library. This library, named the Tehran National Library, was inaugurated in 1324 AH and ceased operations after two years and five months, coinciding with the cannon fire on the Majlis (parliament). The author of this article discusses the establishment process, founding members, donors and benefactors, the catalog of donated books, and the reasons behind the library's closure.

The Bakhtiari tribe is one of the original Iranian tribes with a deep-rooted and ancient culture. The majority of their cultural heritage is oral, reflecting the history, emotions, and feelings of this tribe. Since access to Bakhtiari vernacular literature has been limited in written form, the tribe's connection with urban society and the emergence of modern poetry schools in written form have played a significant role. Therefore, in order to understand the impact of this poetry on the general culture and society's interest in it, first, the lives and times of the poets must be examined. This research, using a descriptive-analytical method, explores the life of Darab Reisi and his inclination towards poetry. The findings of this research indicate that the connection with urban society and the establishment of modern schools in the Bakhtiari tribe, as well as connections with other cultures and societies, have been effective in shaping the perspective and written form of poetry.Bakhtiari vernacular literature has been limited in written form, the tribe's connection with urban society and the emergence of modern poetry schools in written form have played a significant role. Therefore, in order to

Mirza Na'ini, one of the foremost scholars of Iran, played a prominent and influential role in establishing a democratic and religious government. His theory entered the history of Shi'a political thought in a modern manner. Based on this theory, the role of the people evolved from being under domination to being central in the foundation of governance. In this context, the aim of the present study is to examine the relations and ideas of Mirza Na'ini regarding religious democracy and constitutionalism. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results showed that Mirza Na'ini, considering the circumstances of his society, sought to adapt Western democracy to Islam and Islamic laws. He emphasized freedom, justice, and consultation as the foundational principles of democracy and chose a method that allowed him to actively engage with emerging Western concepts.

This article aims at a different analysis of the tobacco movement. Assuming that this initial encounter between the Iranian people and the government, which was precipitated by the territorial expansion of global capitalism via concessions in a peripheral country, comprises characteristics that are unique to a subordinate experience. The theoretical perspectives of "Martin Breaugh" served as the inspiration for this article.It has been enhanced by a system perspective that emphasizes the linguistic-historical critique of the object and operates under the assumption that it lacks identity. Utilized methods consist of secondary and document analysis. An endeavor has been undertaken to measure the presence and absence of components of the plebian principle in the actions and moments of the aforementioned movement through linguistic criticism, reexamining historical documents, and even analyzing analyses.The main results of this research are: 1) Initiated by Shiite scholars and instigated by the discontent of merchants and businessmen, this movement rapidly evolved into a social movement that encompassed the urban impoverished, dashmashti, women, children, courtiers, and even the royal harem. 2) It should be noted that although street demonstrations and protests emerged as a result of the plebeian people's affection for squares (agoraphilia), the boycott proved to be the most effective and crucial method of challenging the king and foreigners. This article argues that the boycott represents the epitome of consumerism or the C-M moment. 3) The authors demonstrated that totalitarian regimes abstain from employing force not due to a lack of legitimacy, but rather when they lack the authority to "command"; 4) An unintended democratic desire emerged, which ultimately resulted in a yearning for recognition by "the people"; this desire ceased to progress until it reached its logical juncture, but served as the foundation for subsequent developments. This remains a present-day concern and has been the primary social demand of all contemporary social movements in Iran; 5) In contrast to an ahistorical and orientalist perspective, the tobacco movement serves as an expression of democratic opposition.

This article shows why and how the Velayat al-Faqih theory, despite the Iranian and Islamic theoretical challenges, was able to become a stable and efficient theory for the formation of the Islamic Republic, by integrating two theological and philosophical approaches in the two directions of “elitism” and “contractualism”. Based on Skinner’s methodology, the current research, shows that the formation of the Islamic Republic and its survival is not accidental, but based on a series of theoretical discussions and wide-ranging practical and revolutionary efforts. Iranian idealism based on Farabi's thought and civil idealism, and contemporary political movements, as well as the theory of Sheikh al-Islam Naini, and finally the theory of religious authority in Imam Khomeini's thought, are some of document and proofs presented here, in this realm. Finally the research shows that in Islamic Republic of Iran, the negotiation among the two sides of theories, and policy making, is inevitably determined in the shadow of shia's 12th Imam. However the civil society has the prominent role in the political.

The constitutional movement was one of the most decisive events in the history of Iran. One of the consequences of constitutionalism was the formation of associations that worked in various ways to support or criticize the constitution. "Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh" of Tabriz was one of these organizations, which in 1326 A.H., with the efforts of a group of Tabriz clerics, including Mir Hashem-e Davachi, was established in the vicinity of the gate of Sorkhab and the alley of Davachi/Shotorban. After the parliament was bombed by the king (Muhammad Ali Shah) the association became a supporter of the government. Despite the importance of the subject, so far no independent article has been written about the Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, and the present article seeks to fill a part of the existing scientific gap. In addition, by criticizing the dominant view of Iran's constitutional history, the article has tried to adopt a new approach to constitutional critic associations, especially Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, which is based on the review of sources.The establishment, continuity and fall of Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh raises the question of how and with what motivation the association was formed and what role did it play in the developments of Tabriz in the midst of the transition period? in this article, an attempt has been made to answer the above question with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the qualitative research method. The hypothesis of the current research is that Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, which was formed from the religious, political, social and economic motives of the "Founders of Eslamiyeh", at the beginning of the so called "Estebdad-e Saghir" period, became a center of support for the government of MuhammadAli shah in Tabriz, but the conflict of opinions of the founders of Eslamiyeh along with the resistance of the people of Tabriz and their suspicion of the government forces, paved its way to collapse.AbstractThe constitutional movement was one of the most decisive events in the history of Iran. One of the consequences of constitutionalism was the formation of associations that worked in various ways to support or criticize the constitution. "Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh" of Tabriz was one of these organizations, which in 1326 A.H., with the efforts of a group of Tabriz clerics, including Mir Hashem-e Davachi, was established in the vicinity of the gate of Sorkhab and the alley of Davachi/Shotorban. After the parliament was bombed by the king (Muhammad Ali Shah) the association became a supporter of the government. Despite the importance of the subject, so far no independent article has been written about the Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, and the present article seeks to fill a part of the existing scientific gap. In addition, by criticizing the dominant view of Iran's constitutional history, the article has tried to adopt a new approach to constitutional critic associations, especially Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, which is based on the review of sources.The establishment, continuity and fall of Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh raises the question of how and with what motivation the association was formed and what role did it play in the developments of Tabriz in the midst of the transition period? in this article, an attempt has been made to answer the above question with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the qualitative research method. The hypothesis of the current research is that Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, which was formed from the religious, political, social and economic motives of the "Founders of Eslamiyeh", at the beginning of the so called "Estebdad-e Saghir" period, became a center of support for the government of MuhammadAli shah in Tabriz, but the conflict of opinions of the founders of Eslamiyeh along with the resistance of the people of Tabriz and their suspicion of the government forces, paved its way to collapse.KeywordsConstitutionalism, Tabriz, Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, Mir Hashem-e Davachi, Estebdad-e Saghir.

Feminist criticism is concerned with women's issues and the ideas regarding women in a text. As an approach to the differences between speech and texts of men and women, female writing is a valuable theory in feminist literary criticism. By drawing on a descriptive and analytical methodology, the present study analyzes the language and content of two women's journals in the Constitutional era, i.e., Danesh (“knowledge”) and Shokoufeh (“bloom”), using a "feminine writing" feminist approach and based on the perspectives of linguists such as Mills and Lakoff. Linguistic and content analysis of these magazines suggest that although the prose of female journalists in the earliest women's journals is void of heavy feminist connotations, the syntax contains many components of feminine writing style, such as high frequency of vague words, swearing on divine authority, use of intensifiers and adverbs expressing doubts, feminine emotional phrases in vocabulary, utilizing short sentences, relative and independent clauses, use of unfinished sentences, and questions. Thematically, too, female journalists discussed subjects different from those reflected in men's journals, like the imperative of female literacy, female health care, and hygiene, respecting their choice of spouse, revising men's conduct in interacting with them in the household and community, and comparing the conditions of Iranian women with women in advanced countries, to advance their social and individual demands.

This article examines the women’s campaign in this mobilization, concentrating on the popular fundraising campaign to establish the Meli Bank following the Constitutional Revolution. Regarding the historical sociology approach, the research is founded on the resource mobilization theory of Charles Tilly.Therefore, in the first stage, the concepts and variables of Tilly’s theory are introduced, and then they are defined with reference to historical texts, such as books, the press, and women’s texts and writings. Methodologically, the study employs document analysis to provide concrete examples of the women’s fundraising campaign for the establishment of Bank Meli.The interest of women’sorganizations in the form of national independence motivations that confronts the politics of foreign colonial states is explained. Women’s associations, meetings, and the mobilization of utilitarian ornormative resources are discussed. The research concludes with an explanation of the opportunities and threats, as well as the form of mobilization.The collection of reliable and unprecedented data on women’s agency is one of the research’s innovations. The women’s campaign to establish Bank Meli demonstrates their acute awareness of thecontemporarysociopolitical climate, their capacity to mobilize, and their agency in collective actions, which is a recurring theme in modern Iranian history.

Vanessa Martin is an English-speaking scholar of contemporary Iranian history who attempts to examine the Constitutional Revolution from an external perspective and its socio-political developments in her book . Therefore, the purpose of this article is to study the book analytically-critically in terms of form, method, theory and content. Vanessa Martin's focus in this book is to identify political currents and socio-economic and local developments outside of Tehran that have had a direct impact on the Constitutional Revolution and its aftermath. A review of the book shows that the author has tried to define local constitutionalism in relation to national identity. The findings show that from the author's point of view, in terms of the traditional context of Iranian society and the clergy, the constitutional revolution is considered a historical and religious issue, but intellectuals consider it a mythical and modern issue. Vanessa Martin's innovation in this book is to identify the role of local forces, especially in the regions of Azerbaijan, Bushehr, Fars and Isfahan in the Constitutional Revolution, but in the type of classification of political currents and their definition of the constitutional revolution, there are problems that need to be corrected in later versions.

The late Dr. Davood Farihi and Dr. Seyed Javad Tabatabai, two former professors at the Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, each claimed to have an idea about Iran that had taken the form of a kind of intellectual controversy in recent years. After years of theoretical discussion about the decline of Iran, Tabatabai finally looks at the issue of Iran's decline from the position of Iranshahri political thought. Dr. Davood Farihi reads the problem of Iran under the neglect of a change in political thought during the constitutional period that occurred in the Shia world, and that is constitutionalism with the narration of Mirza Naini. The seeds of disagreement between Farihi and Tabatabai on the issue of the method were sown. Farihi's reading of political jurisprudence was influenced by his discourse understanding of the relationship between knowledge and power, which contrasted him with Tabatabai's linear and evolutionary view. Farihi sought to show how the political logic and knowledge relations that govern a particular region of the world, the Islamic world of Iran, differ from its Western counterpart, and it was evident that such a view, by Tabatabai's analysis of degeneration as a kind of backwardness Remaining in linear history was inconsistent with modernity. In this regard, Farihi was strongly influenced by the tyranny and division of knowledge in Islamic civilization. Jaberi, following the discussion on the intellectual and cultural heritage of the Islamic world, divided knowledge in Islamic civilization into at least two eastern and western regions and tried to show that the logic governing knowledge in the East of Islamic civilization is different from the logic governing The West is the world of Islam. Since each of these two respected professors looked at the Iranian problem from a different angle, in recent years, their intellectual tolerance has turned into an intellectual conflict, and each of them has directly criticized the other in his recent works. While examining this intellectual conflict, this article claims a kind of oneness between the critique of both masters; In fact, both professors accuse each other of single theoretical negligence. This article will examine the different aspects of this similar logic.

During different centuries, Islam has always been the main inspiration source for identity which along with other identity principles created a civilization that gained global authority in different cases. This civilization, however, during recent centuries has faced deterioration. The question about degeneration has been proposed following military defeats and caused different reactions. This descriptive-analytical research is going to answer this question that how Iranian community reacted toward the issue of degeneration. The research findings reveal that three different answers have been given considering degeneration issue. With the presumption of capturing modernism, the first answer (constitutional movement) tried to create a local modernism. This answer did not gain any victory since it did not care about epistemological foundations as well as the huge gap between Islamic values and western ones. The second answer (Pahlavism), also, encountered a bigger problem as metamorphosis of identity since it tried to follow western civilization unconditionally. That is why the third answer (Islamic revolution), focusing on Islamic political discourse has flourished. Islamic republic tried to revive Islamic-Iranian identity by reviving Islamic values and ignoring western civilization.

Concurrent with the Consitutional Revolution, in the liberal atmosphere of Iranian publications, an unprecedented concept called "woman as citizen" was formed. It contradicted the characteristics of a traditional definition of woman as being a shadow of a man (patriarchal system). This study, being in the field of women's studies, focuses critically on Michel Foucault's genealogical ideas and deals with how in the fault of tradition-modernity the term "weak-woman", a patriarchal concept, coincided with "woman-citizen", which implies equality of men and women. In this context, supported by archival research and an emphasis on archival documents, the effect of Iran's accession to the Brussels Prohibition of Slavery in 1890 on the formation of the subject of the woman-liberty is considered. On this basis, the archival documents "Abolghasem Nilforosh" has been studied. Afterwards, using Foucault's genealogy, metamorphosis of this subject has been considered in ten steps. The result of the search is that the acceptance of the ban on slavery in Iran has been the first stronghold of tradition, conquered by modernity and, difficult as it was, it managed to pave the way for the formation of women's freedom along with the subject of woman-citizen. From this perspective, the Constitution era becomes the era of establishment and universal acceptance of the prohibition of slavery as well as the victory of modern morality over traditional rules.

Research projects into Akhbārīsm seem to be taking for granted that Akhbārī doctrines imply any refutation of socio-political role for the religious scholars. Not only studies concerned with the establishing period of the school but also those devoted to the decline period of the school treat Akhbārīsm as an apolitical fraction in Shi’ite scholarship. This is what might be called secularist notion of the Akhbārī theory. However, the main Akhbārī texts do not leave a room for such an interpretation and moreover the social roles and state functions performed by Akhbārī ulama are strong negations to this understanding. 

In order to evaluate the secularist notion of the Akhbārī Theory and thus to criticise it, this article makes use of a textual analysis method to examine the ideas and the discussions generated by the most prominent scholars in the field and then focuses on two particular academic researches whose theoretical framework takes root in the existing Akhbārī literature.  

The contesters who evaluate the role and the function of the Akhbārīsm negatively, believe that Akhbārī ulama failed to play a socio-political role in decisive episodes of the history because Akhbārīsm lacked a political theory while on the other hand their Uṣūlī counterpart were capable, in theory and practice, to lead the society in fatal events. During the second phase of Perso-Russian war, for instance, Uṣūlī mujtahids issued fatwas urging Muslims to defend their homeland. Tobacco fatwa by which Shi’ite Muslims were prohibited from smoking tobacco is another occasion declaring the role and importance of Uṣūlī doctrines. Additionally, Iranian Constitutionalism is a significant event for the glorification of the Uṣūlī School. During victorious Constitutional Revolution the importance of theory of ijtihad and the role of Uṣūlī agenda is far beyond denial. Reportedly, Akhbārī ulama did play no role. Supposedly, they are all scenes wherein Akhbārī ulama were absent.Similarly, the appreciators depict an apolitical portrait of the Akhbārī ulama who, historically, did their best to preserve the social integrity and to oppose the unlimited power of the mujtahids. They suggest that Akhbārī ulama believed in no political role for the religious scholars. Therefore, central to their attention was how to maintain integrity of the society by guaranteeing a life safety for Sufis as well as Sunni minorities. Akhbārī refutation of emulation theory by which they meant an opposition against mujtahids was positive in function because it was capable to accredit laypeople understanding of the sacred texts. This linear epistemology was an absolute threat to social position of mujtahids who defended some hierarchical epistemology based on which the society was divided into two groups: a majority of laypeople who ought to emulate a minority of knowledgeable ulama.     

These apparently adversaries seem to share the same idea based on which Akhbārī ulama were propagating a notion of secularism. Reviewing well-known researchers in this field, this article focuses on two academic theses authored in a ten-year-period. Relying on different methodological and theoretical bases, Mohsen Al-e-Ghafour (2000) and Rouhollah Eslami (2010) share the same idea and conclusion that according to Akhbārī doctrines religious scholars are not allowed -and must not be- to play any political role. However, referring to Amin Astarābādī himself, this article reaches this conclusion that their argumentations are not documentarily satisfied and fail to confirm their interpretation. Besides, the so-called Akhbārī ulama were in close contacts with the state and people as well which makes us regard this interpretation historically indefensible.

This article tries to explain the position of urban social policy in Iran based on upstream legal documents and approvals related to city associations and municipalities. Simultaneously with the Constitutional Revolution and the establishment of the National Assembly in 1286 AH, which paved the way for the emergence of a modern government in Iran, ruling actors in the city also took on a new role. Municipalities have become a major player in helping the government to ensure the welfare of vulnerable social groups and provide various welfare services to these groups, and a kind of restorative municipality is born. In this article, relying on the qualitative method with the technique of document content analysis, we have tried to review all the laws related to municipalities during the 70-year period until the Islamic Revolution and discover and extract themes related to ensuring the welfare of citizens and social groups. The findings indicate that municipalities initially played a minimal restorative role in ensuring the welfare of citizens, but with the establishment of the modern developmental government, various social groups became the target of municipal policy and more welfare services were provided by this institution. The intensification of development and widespread migration to cities and the formation of the urban lower class, made social policy “reducing urban poverty” more complex and highlighted the role of municipalities. Thus, the municipality became one of the most important institutional barriers to reducing urban poverty, and excluded some of the social groups involved in the city's informal economy, such as peddlers and vagrants, from the urban life cycle.

Different social classes, each with their own motives, participated in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution.  Workers were one of the emergent classes in Iranian society.  They differed from the old tradesmen and guilds in terms of their participation in production processes and their ownership of the means of production; moreover, they did not resemble their European counterpart because they lived in a tribal context and in a society based on agricultural and livestock economy. Due to the pressure of the ruling class and poverty, many of these workers were forced to leave their home and migrate to more prosperous areas or neighboring countries. They were impressed by the political, social, and economic situation in these areas. Since most of them were seasonal workers, after returning to Iran, they shared what they had observed with their compatriots. The purpose of this article is to explore the contribution of workers in shaping the Iranian constitutional movement. Using a historical methodology, the author tries to address how the working class was formed in Iranian society and what role workers played in the emergence of social modernization. It is proposed that the working class was formed in Iran much later than in European societies, and it constituted only a small section of the productive forces. The awareness of Iranian workers of their political and social rights was influenced more by leftist ideas in the Caucasus than by endogenous causes and industrial development. Therefore, despite its involvement in modernization and the constitutional movement, this spectrum of society could not play its historical role as it did in the great European revolutions in Britain, France, and Russia.    This study shows that before the development of the constitutional movement, some workers participated in the revolutions in the Caucasus and became acquainted with its revolutionary ideas. These workers, in union with other compatriots, joined the Iranian liberation movement and fought against tyranny by distributing leaflets, participating in rallies, and appearing on the battlefields, and thus paved the way for future revolutionary movements.

the coffee painting is a style of painting that began by the painters of the school . one of the characteristics of the coffee painting arts is the presence of women in these pictures . women have less position in this painting and have not been studied so far . the purpose of this study is to study the characteristics of women and their presence in the coffee plantations of house in hossein and agassi . in this regard , the present study seeks to answer these questions : how is the visual characteristics of women in these pictures ? the method of this research is analytical and data collection method is library type . the results indicate that women as a dynamic element in agassi 's paintings are present and have a high place with islamic - iranian coverage in the composition of works . in his works , women are more considered in epic forms , women in his works are depicted as heroic and masculine , while preserving women 's identity . in shahnameh , women play the main roles and play the most important role of men , but this does not mean that they have never had a significant impact on the process of playing the role of men . these women are wisdom , wisdom , wisdom . in this paper , it is concluded that using visual cues to influence the audience in the works the main character of women have formed . to use these symbols to visualize a different discourse in the meaning of their works on the role of these women .