discourse

Criticism of subject education in educational systems is important from two aspects; Both from the genealogical aspect and the historical evolution of the subject, and from the perspective of the ruling concepts of anthropology and the understanding of internal and external contradictions and inconsistencies in presenting this desirable image, which can in practice carry a hidden subject or subjects that even Sometimes it takes a different path with a desirable and explicit subject.Regarding the ideal subject and human being and the style of Iran’s educational system, which is specified in the upper level documents, it should be said that these documents seek to educate a faithful human being who, while having a religious orientation throughout his life, considers his desired goal to be close to God, serving God and living a good life, but, many academic, moral issues, social damages and indifference to religious and national values ​​that have made the society’s mind pessimistic about the outputs and performance of the education system, show that this system has not been able to find students in To guide a clear and consistent image of how to live and relate to oneself, society, culture and history, religion, ethics, modernity, etc.In finding the root of the above problem and reviewing and criticizing the upper level documents of the educational system, it seems that these documents, which came out after solving the problem of “ being imported” of the educational system, have some ambiguities and internal contradictions in compiling and including the requirements related to human beings, which causes confusion And increases his indecision.The purpose of the current research is to review and criticize the upstream documents and find points in them that can generate ambiguities and contradictions that often cause the subject’s confusion and have angles and differences with the subject’s inherent capabilities, and therefore, will figure reactions contrary to the expectations of the educational system in the subject Therefore, we seek to answer this question: “What kind of subject is supported by the documents and discourse governing Iran’s education system and which criticism is there on this subject?”

The current research has been conducted with a qualitative design and its data collection is done by referring to educational documents such as the theoretical foundations of the fundamental transformation of education, the fundamental transformation of education, the national curriculum document as the main documents, as well as other contents and researches in Access to the state of the human education system or its desired subject and its criticism has been obtained.The main approach of the research is a critical approach and using the method of negative or internal criticism as well as external criticism, and in this regard, the inductive qualitative content analysis method has also been used.

The findings of the present research lead us to the issue that although the desirable person of the educational system and its explicit image in the documents is a “faithful subject” and transcendent, but due to the inadequacies, contradictions and inconsistencies in the text of the documents, the outcome and output It will not be a believing subject (with all its belongings), but a human being who has a kind of “suspension” or in other words a “suspended subject”.The suspension of a subject who is surrounded by ambiguities and the lack of clarity and explanation about himself, the current realities of life and the feeling of non-self in the school discourse, and a child who is not the target of documents and therefore becomes a means of realizing ideology and does not have a full existence.This suspense and ambiguity is the result of the attitude and performance of the educational system, and although a small group of people, due to the favorable environment of religious life and the internalization of teachings and the adaptation of religious and mystical experiences to what they have reached their rational understanding, can manifest the subject and Be religious, but a large number of people, as a result of the continuation of the suspension, engage in active and passive resistance, and both forms of resistance are forms of the forced reaction of the subject due to his inherent agency and his desire to act and rebel against limitations and excesses.

This article seeks to compare the discourse of the music of the Constitutional period to the revolution of 1979(Iranian revolution). Musical discourse developments in the two periods can show the discursive developments of two historical periods of Iran, especially in revolutionary conditions. In the constitutional period, the compositions of Aref Qazvini and then Muhammad Taqi Bahar (late Qajar and early Pahlavi I) have been selected as examples; Aref is the most famous composer of this period, whose works remain in the social and musical history of Iran. The "Chavush Music Center" has also been selected as an example for the compositions of the period of the revolution of 1979.The social differences between the two periods have been the production of different contents, the poems of the constitutional period are less epic, and they're more of a social narrator with grief. Poems during the revolution of 1979 especially compositions made by Chavosh Center, they're more epic, and they're also looking to stimulate the society. This is also obvious in the form, the music of the revolution of 1979 is march and exciting and generally "heroic verse" unlike constitutional music which is sad and querulous, and both show the social status and the social discourse of each period. This comparison shows that the society has suffered social despair in the constitutional period with the failures it has faced; this is while the discourse of the revolution of 1979 encourages the society to fight continuously and achieve victory.

Urbanization, a defining characteristic of the 20th century, has been linked to enhancements in citizens' welfare and well-being, as well as a reduction in societal problems. This evolution has been shaped by philosophical attitudes and various plans and projects over time. The city serves as a dynamic environment where individuals interact as influenced by their relationships and the city’s physical, historical, social, and cultural elements. Consequently, the city—both as context and space—plays a significant role in shaping citizens' lifestyles and quality of life impacted by urban policymaking, planning, and management discourse. Given the broad and diverse scope of urban management, establishment of a coordinated framework for urban activities is both essential and inevitable. Addressing urban issues in a coherent and integrated manner necessitates a coordinated effort akin to an orchestra performed collectively by city and urban management under a shared discursive framework. In this context, Isfahan's urban management has adopted the cultural slogan “My Isfahan, the City of Life”, aiming to positively shape this discourse. Achieving this vision, however, requires specific mechanisms and conditions at various levels. This study employed a mixed-methods approach and sought to address the following questions in its initial phase through qualitative research: (1) What is the current state of Isfahan and its municipality? (2) What meaning and conceptual framework can be defined for the “City of Life” in relation to the current situation? In the second phase, the study used quantitative research to evaluate the “City of Life” framework based on the qualitative findings and quantified the relationships among the concepts within the conceptual network of this discourse. Ultimately, by synthesizing results from both research phases through meta-inference, the study aimed to provide a comprehensive understanding of how to operationalize this discourse. 

This research was conducted within the pragmatism paradigm, employing a mixed-methods approach. A sequential design with an exploratory strategy was implemented. The first phase utilized qualitative content analysis, specifically employing causal layered analysis as the research strategy. The second phase adopted a survey methodology. In the qualitative phase, the population included documents, sources, and texts related to Isfahan, while the research participants consisted of urban experts and managers. For the quantitative phase, the population comprised citizens aged 25 years and younger. All relevant sources and texts concerning urban policymaking, planning, and management were reviewed in the qualitative phase with 12 urban experts and managers selected through purposive sampling. In the quantitative phase, a sample size of 600 individuals was estimated, utilizing multi-stage cluster sampling. Data collection in the qualitative phase involved note-taking and interviews, while a researcher-developed questionnaire was employed in the quantitative phase. Data analysis in the qualitative phase was conducted using a coding technique based on the four layers of causal layered analysis. Descriptive and inferential statistical methods were applied for data analysis in the quantitative phase. To validate the qualitative data and findings, member checks and external audits were performed. In the quantitative phase, assessments of internal and external validity were conducted. Additionally, convergent validity was evaluated using Average Variance Extracted (AVE) and discriminant validity was assessed through Cross Loadings, Fornell and Larcker criteria, and the Heterotrait-Monotrait Ratio. The reliability of the questionnaire was measured using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient.

The findings from the qualitative phase revealed that Isfahan faced significant challenges across 4 hierarchical and causal layers: the litany (low livability), social causes (systemic divergence and social discontinuity), discourse/worldview (discourse disorder), and myth/metaphor (untrustworthy municipality, a negligent city, and citizens viewed as broken tiles). These layers were interconnected; metaphors served as the foundational basis for the litany level of low livability, while the discourse and systemic causes mediated this relationship. Essentially, the influence of metaphorical and mythical structures on low livability was channeled through discursive frameworks and systemic factors. In the current context, the metaphor and myth layer had contributed to a disorderly discourse at the worldview and discourse levels. Urban negligence (from the metaphor and myth layer) had a direct positive impact on this discourse disorder.Consequently, urban negligence shaped and perpetuated discursive chaos. A disorganized metaphorical and mythical structure had often led to discursive instability. This disorder characterized by a lack of coherent frameworks had resulted in systemic divergence within urban institutions, social fragmentation among citizens, and a deficit in effective engagement between urban institutions and the community. The quantitative phase corroborated these qualitative findings. Citizens' assessments reflected low urban livability, moderate systemic divergence, social discontinuity, discourse disorder, low trust in the municipality, a relatively negligent city, and a somewhat positive sense of belonging to the city. Moreover, the quantitative results demonstrated that the variables of a negligent city, discourse disorder, and systemic divergence had significantly affected urban livability.

Art is a fundamental component of the culture of a society, and its motifs can serve as a reflection of the society’s cultural, social, political, and economic status. In this investigation, the text of Mohammad Yaghoubi’s drama “Drought and Lie” from the 2000s serves as the data for analysis. The purpose of this research is to study the concept of gender in the aforementioned text in order to identify the manner in which this concept is generated or perpetuated within the context of the social conditions of Iran in the 2000s. Ruth Wodak’s discourse-historical approach has been selected in the research methodology section. The research results indicate that the drama “Drought and Lie” presents the definition of gender and gender roles in a state that is between the traditional official dominant discourse and the modern discourse (as the rival discourse), which was established in the 2000s, by employing the historical-social horizons of the era and utilizing Wodak’s fivefold strategies to analyze the linguistic aspects of words, phrases, and key contents of the text. The final conclusion posits that the author of the drama “Drought and Lie” has effectively conveyed the position of Iran's transitional society toward modernity in the 2000s, as well as the repercussions of cultural changes in the private sphere of family and marital relations.

The choice of discourse strategy is one of the topics that can guarantee the effect of discourse in high degree by using that. Also reaching to the desired aim is not possible but by a planned strategy and just the amount of familiarity with audience and recognition of social, cultural, psychological textures and so on, help us in selecting a right and effective way. One of these ways is solidarity that spokesman use it to flatten the connection and preparing devotion bases and communicating between himself and others, till the aims come true. researches of this article wants to study the strategies of solidarity and vicinity and also recognizing tools and their mechanism by using pragmatics. This research indicates that Amir Al-Momenin (peace be upon him) is the master of discourse. Ali as a peerless eloquent in the social and political history of Islam that ceaselessly lightens the human history, tries to communicate with his friends in its best way by applying the solidarity strategy.The bright elements in his discourse are: the power of words, the glory of speeches and also using people names when addressing them, using pronouns in his basis and objective implies, various melodies and language organism such as self- declarative, self- denial and non-direct addressing which Imam Ali has used for his communicative and connective aims.

The topic of women has been one of the most debated in the discourses of contemporary Iranian history, acquiring a unique meaning in each era. These discourses and the conflicts that they contain have significantly influenced her identity. The visibility of these conflicts in social actions is a significant factor in the Pahlavi period.This paper employs critical discourse analysis to investigate the narratives associated with the quasi-modern Pahlavi discourse on women. Its objective is to analyze the socio-political context in which the modern woman is situated, to comprehend the concept of the modern woman and the semantic processes that shape it, and to comprehend the dominant ideology of this discourse.According to the research findings, the primary discursive statements are as follows: the necessity of Iran’s immediate modernization, past-oriented patriotism and a forward-looking authoritative state, women’s social rights, the necessity for women’s education, emphasis on women’s duties, reevaluation of women’s dress code, the imperative of lifting the veil, and altering marital relations. In contrast to the traditional woman, the modern woman is portrayed as the embodiment of Iranian modernity in the discourse. The ideology of ancient-oriented nationalism and the emphasis on the concept of a progressive dictator have influenced it to disregard previous identity-forming elements and highlight modern elements that are reminiscent of European women.At the discursive and social practice level, this approach contains contradictions that suggest that women’s liberation and progress were not the ultimate objective, but rather a means to diminish the influence of traditionalists and, alternatively, to present a staged image of modernization as the primary objective.

"Development" and terms such as unstable development, unbalanced development, underdeveloped, under development, etc. are widely used concepts in analyzing the conditions of non-western societies such as Iran and comparing them with developed societies. What is considered as certain and natural in these analyses is the necessity of the realization of "development", in such a way that it seems impossible to imagine another form of reality. The development and its indicators have become not only the point of support for many evaluations about policies and states but also a dominant criterion for judgment about non-Western people and society. Nevertheless, "development" is historical like any other social phenomenon, and its correct understanding requires adopting an approach that pays attention to this aspect. "Genealogy" as a theoretical-methodological approach studies social phenomena such as development in their historical process. This article is contemplation about the capabilities that this approach provides for "development studies".

To achieve this purpose, the participation of Foucaultian genealogy, post-development and post-colonial studies of development (which are influenced by Foucault), Foucault's analysis of the Iranian Islamic Revolution, and some considerations have been used to provide an optimized version of genealogy for use in "development studies".

According to this approach, the correct method in “social science” is genealogical historiography, because the existence of every social phenomenon is a historical construction. Rejecting the assumption of continuity does not mean denying the existence of any type of continuity in history, but rather it is a methodological tact. Genealogy implies a fundamental critique of modernity, because it does not consider it emancipatory. This analytical approach allows the researcher to criticize dominant narratives about “Development”. The formulation of the problem is one of the most important possibilities of genealogy for development studies. Genealogy begins its analysis with a question in the present. Therefore, the genealogical problem of development is a question of the “present”. Analyzing the descent of the idea and practice of development is not in search of a single origin. Success in this search, while paying attention to the special history of each land, requires tracing the reflection of the descent of the global development discourse, its elements, and social forces in the society that is being studied. Genealogical studies of development, while applying the concept of “Discourse”, sees a connection between representation procedures (discursive practices) and material procedures (non-discursive practices) of development, pay attention to individual and collective agency, and do not seek homogenization, theorizing and extreme generalization.Genealogy traces power relations involved in the construction of meanings, because power is one of the factors in the historical construction of identities. While criticizing the “juridico-discursive” model of power, Foucault forms a network for the analysis of power relations by proposing the concept of “governmentality” in which the state can be examined. In this analytical framework, attention is also paid to subjectivity and individual freedom. The emergence of this subjectivity in Foucault's analysis of the Iranian Islamic Revolution is resounding. Genealogy provides the possibility of understanding how the idea and practice of development are formed by analyzing power relations in different forms and levels; from examining development projects as a means of exercising power to power relations between developed societies and non-western societies. In the analytics of power, the resistance is also analyzed at the same time. In the version of genealogy presented in this article, attention is paid to the impact of contingency events on discursive and non-discursive practices; with the explanation that at any historical period, a specific event that cannot be predicted based on the existing discourse order may create different historical conditions.The relationship between power, knowledge, and discourse is the domain of Foucault's genealogy. Because of the relationship between power and knowledge, the analysis should include “institutions, regulatory decisions, laws, administrative measures” in addition to texts. This approach provides the possibility of analyzing the practical mechanisms of development discourse such as professionalization and institutionalization. By deconstructing planning, genealogy reveals the effects of power and knowledge in the spread of development. The genealogical analysis in terms of the relationship between knowledge, power, and discourse shows how the development discourse constructs the non-Western world as a subject of knowledge and what kind of interventions are organized based on this. Genealogy also pays attention to resistance or marginal discourses. In terms of methodology, “resistance analysis” is a necessity for “power analysis”. According to Foucault's analysis of the Islamic Revolution, the genealogy of development in contemporary Iran adopts a special theoretical approach regarding the relationship between this revolution and Western development. Finally, it is possible to present and think of alternatives.

The genealogical approach with its conceptual toolbox, can contribute to our knowledge of the topic by highlighting aspects of the idea and practice of development so far unnoticed. Genealogical research can show that if the idea and practice of development had other forms, what discursive and non-discursive practices were involved in these changes? The genealogist, by criticizing of present, questions the “natural” and “definite” form of the existing phenomenon and presents a new picture of it. Genealogy can defamiliarize the “development discourse” in the non-western world. Genealogical studies of development have the possibility of realizing a set of exploratory, descriptive, understanding, and evaluation objectives. The possibility of adopting a post-colonial approach is one of the critical capacities of this type of study. The application of genealogy in development studies can sometimes be implemented with all its components, sometimes parts of it can be considered as an independent study. Genealogy has significant capacities for “development studies”; but being satisfied with a single theoretical approach as a sufficient explanation of the complexity of the subject under study is reductionistic.

Cultural power is a combination of power as a transdiscursive and productive thing and culture as a discursive and dynamic thing. Instagram social network has created a powerful visual culture due to its visual-auditory appeals, which has become a platform for the formation of new discourses. In this research, the components of diversity, the extent of sharing, and the clarity of priorities have been investigated in order to analyze the place of cultural power in Instagram. This research has been done by relying on qualitative methodology and using the text analysis method, and the data are visual and text data. The field of study of pages of users with the top ten ranks on Instagram (in terms of the number of followers) whose content, posts, captions, and comments of their followers have been analyzed. The main question in this research is what is the position of cultural power in Instagram? The results of the research show that Instagram is useful for its low cost, ability to play images, availability, flexibility to people with different moods (introvert and extrovert), interactive and multipurpose, ability to share content, multi-person communication in the form of live broadcasting, having artificial intelligence and finally functioning in accordance with the interests of users and being up-to-date, by solving human needs, has caused the presence of different actors in the field of cultural power, and therefore has created a different type of cultural power.

As a representation, landscape is a particular way of seeing. landscape is not only an ideology, but a visual ideology and a power relation. The purpose of this article is to investigate how to use billboards and visual memorials to present the desired discourses and imagery of local governance in the urban landscape of Dezful. To achieve this goal, all the billboards and visual memorials of the city are studied  in a semiotic and representational way. Then the studied cases in terms of imagery patterns were studied and the characteristics of each of them were examined to get a clear picture of the semiotic landscape and representative designs of the city of Dezful. The results of this research show that with the start of the war and considering the damage done to the city, the local government felt the need for a new image related to the role of Dezful in the war. After the war, imagery related to the clergy enters the urban landscape in a new and completely contextual way. After several decades of dominance of these two discourses, with the emergence of new necessities, emerging discourses such as cross-border resistance and historical also entered the urban landscape of Dezful. In this context, cities like Dezful engage in a kind of political-ideological marketing to show their role in the ruling discourse and its key events in a more important and key way.

The purpose of this study is to examine the discourse styles in historical-religious TV series by Davoud Mirbagheri. Specifically, it investigates the characteristics, strengths, and weaknesses of dialogues and monologues in these works. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method, focusing on four prominent series: “Imam Ali,” “Masafir-e Rey,” “Lost Innocence,” and “Mokhtarnameh.” These series are analyzed in terms of historical illusion, adherence to accuracy, and audience adaptation. Additionally, the study draws upon library-based information gathering.

Regarding historical illusion, Mirbagheri’s selected works exhibit features such as the use of historical vocabulary, stylistic elements, and language conventions. Notably, they omit the accusative marker and employ eloquent sentences and verbal arrays. In terms of adherence to accuracy, the series demonstrate three characteristics: the use of fabricated terms and structures, occasional word misuse, and the incorporation of foreign words. Furthermore, the adaptation of discourse for television audiences is achieved through two approaches: employing Iranian proverbs and Persian poetry, as well as using colloquial expressions and vernacular literature.

The author strives to strike a balance between historical and colloquial language by simultaneously utilizing idiomatic expressions, vernacular terms, and archaic styles. This approach enriches the discourse in Mirbagheri’s TV series, catering to both historical authenticity and audience engagement.

Language is vital in exchanging information and representing individuals' facts, beliefs, and ideological systems. This study investigates the linguistic performance and decoding structural patterns in shaping Persian native speakers' interpersonal and intrapersonal relations of power and identity. The study subjects were 150 male and female Ahvaz Payame Noor University students who participated in cultural and political associations. Pearson Product Moment correlation coefficient and Multi-Variable Regression were employed to analyze data. In the present study, different authentic samples of conversations were gathered from the Persian native speakers to explore the effect of verbal communication and religious beliefs on social identity. Data analysis of the correlation between linguistic and ideological aspects and the structures of identity and thought revealed that language is an instrument for maintaining identity and beliefs and a symbol for gaining political and social powers within community groups. If a person has had decent and reliable parents and people in his childhood who have met his emotional needs well and has experienced a sense of security and self-confidence, and at the same time, religious and moral foundations have been correctly and with If practical patterns rely on individual, he/she can overcome identity challenges.

The political management of men and women is the result of the reproduction of inequalities in which the governments play an important role and has a determining feature for the ruling discourses, and women are always the other and the identity maker for men and the determining factor of power and authority. Now the main question of this research is the representation of the relationship between gender and Politics in the Pahlavi discourse and then the political management of women in the political governance structure of the country. This issue is investigated by examining the texts produced by the authors of the Pahlavi discourse, including Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, as the manifestos of this discourse and how the political roles of women are represented based on the analysis method. It is critical of the discourse. The purpose of this article is to identify the obstacles of women in political management in this era, a period in which, along with the granting of voting rights, the few and limited presence of women in political positions becomes significant .The results of the research show that in the modernism of the Pahlavi era, secularization of the society was carried out on several fronts, the judicial structure was modernized and the new educated lawyers replaced the traditional clerical judges. Iran became and with the development of basic education as well as higher education for women, the ground for their participation in political and social services was provided and women entered the field of political management in political roles such as representation in the National Assembly, the Senate, in the position of the ministry and also as a judge. Although this opportunity happened to a certain class of women, and despite the modernization of the society, a large part of the society had a traditional attitude and did not participate in these changes .On the other hand, the expected achievements of modernism in western societies and the success of women in achieving their goals in the form of feminism, these activities were opposed by the government and ideological definitions were presented for feminism.

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the alliance among the revolutionary discourses broke apart. The producers of the political-jurisprudential discourse within the state and the revolutionary Islam of the People’s Mojahedin Organization, each defined the basis and the goal of the revolution differently, and considered themselves the leader of the revolution and the other as an obstacle in the way of the achievement of its goals. These stances inevitably pitched them against each other. With the intensification of this confrontation, violence intensified as well. The antagonistic confrontation between the political forces and the government inflicted huge damages on the Iranian revolution that was in its early stages. The question of the present research is as follows: What were the reasons for the antagonistic confrontation between the government and People’s Mojahedin Organization? In order to answer this question, Laclau and Mouffe’s theory and method of discourse analysis have been employed. The findings of the research show that each of the discourses of jurisprudential-political Islam and the revolutionary Islam of the Mujahedin considered the "other" as an “alien” and "enemy" of the revolution and sought to reject and eliminate it. Thus, an armed conflict broke out between the two enemies.

The discourse of the Islamic revolution, whose central sign is based on monotheism, considers the approach of resistance as its main work. The Leader of the Islamic Revolution has also proposed and explained the dimensions and angles of the resistance in his statements and words on various occasions, but after investigating in this field, no research was found that, from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, is a model of the effectiveness of the resistance front in the discourse of the revolution. has checked Islamic. Based on this, "Knowing the efficiency model of resistance in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei" is the main issue of this article and "What is the efficiency model of the Islamic Resistance Front in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei?" It has been raised as the main question in this research. This research, using the method of thematic analysis, seeks to discover the efficiency model of the Islamic resistance front in the Islamic world from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, and the findings showed that the efficiency model of the resistance front is derived from a network of themes including five dimensions and twenty-seven components and is based on the overarching themes of spirituality. Orientation is task-oriented and...

Amidst Iran's confrontation with Western modernity and the subsequent discursive conflicts, women's lives, identities, and living conditions came to the forefront as prominent topics of discourse. This resulted in an extensive array of discussions concerning them, thereby transforming women into a subject of tension. This article analyzes the discourses that emerged concerning women in the writings of the Constitutional era. It employs critical discourse analysis to investigate how the modern woman subject was formulated in the most prominent discourses of this era. The objective of this study is to comprehend the ideologies that govern each discourse of the Constitutional era as they pertain to the modern woman subject. Additionally, the position and status of each discourse within the hegemonic discourse are examined.The results suggest that the progressive discourse presents the modern woman as a demanding and critical subject, having been formed in opposition to tradition. Conversely, the traditional discourse depicts her as a liberated and European-like figure. In the midst of these semantic disputes, the integrative discourse constructs the subject of a woman who is acknowledged as a conscientious, Sharia-compliant, and duty-oriented individual. The integrative discourse's construction of meaning, which avoided explicit conflict with religious traditions, attained a more advantageous position and has maintained its existence throughout subsequent eras.

In the fifth term of the presidential elections with the focus on economic development, Hashemi Rafsanjani was able to attract public opinion by presenting a reading of Islam and religious values ​​in order to improve the economic situation and construction, in his Friday prayer sermons in Tehran. After the war and the reconstructions caused by the damages caused to the country, Hashemi gave a recitation of Islam on the platform of Friday prayers, based on which prosperity was placed at the center of the discourse of Islamism. In his speech, he made the construction and reconstruction of the country a religious value. In this article, by analyzing the discourse of the Hashemite text in the sermons of Friday prayers, the change of focus of the discourse of political Islam has been investigated. Fairclough's theoretical framework is used in discourse analysis. The main question of the current research is how Hashemi Rafsanjani's economic development discourse turned the axis of the war discourse?

Although the components outside the control of the limited circle of the executive branch play a significant role in the foreign policy of governments, the discourses and in other words the sub-discourses governing the executive branch are also very important in the formation of decisions and especially the way of implementing foreign policy. The focus of this article is to study the foreign policy of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran during sixteen years under the influence of the sub-discourses governing the country's executive system during the presidency of Mr. Ahmadinejad and Mr. Rouhani and to identify and analyze the dimensions of the evolution of the foreign policy discourse. The question of the article is what was the reflection of the semantic system of the ninth and tenth, eleventh and twelfth cabinets on the components of Iran's foreign policy during the mentioned periods. According to the results, the discourse of justice-oriented fundamentalism in the Ahmadinejad cabinet led to the adoption of an approach of reconciliation with the international system in Iran's foreign policy by stimulating public opinion inside and promoting the belief that the international order is unfair. The support of the inferior masses, the central sign of the discourse, in contrast to the moderate discourse ruling the Rouhani cabinet, by generalizing the principle of balance and balance from the domestic environment to the international environment, led to the formulation of a pragmatism approach in Iran's foreign policy. Borrowing from the discourse analysis theory of Lacla and Moff, the present research examines the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In this article, an attempt has been made to study the sociological policies of the cultural-artistic reform discourse and its effect on film productions, and by using the method of critical discourse analysis, the works of film production have been investigated. The intellectual system of the article consists of three analysis components.The discourse of"Lakele and Mouffe",critical discourse analysis of "Fairclough"and discourse theory of "Michel Foucault" and the use of discourse analysis in the research method based on the combination of the two approaches of "Lakele and Mouffe","Fairclough and Van Dijk" and by studying film productions Reform discourse was used. In this regard, the film"Born in the month of Mehr"was chosen as an example of analysis due to the presentation of two different frames from the discourse period before and after. In the following, by summarizing the cultural-artistic policies of the dominant discourse, it can be concluded that with the change Gradually and not fundamentally in the meaning of the central signifier, a significant effect was created in the field of culture and art, this process was so positively evaluated by the audience of art that the cinematographic productions in the subsequent discourses were also greatly influenced by it

The purpose of the article is to bring Mead’s and post-structuralists’ views closer together. Here, Symbols and discourses play an important role.

A theoretical investigation has been conducted in Mead’s and post-structuralists’ ideas with emphasis on Michel Foucault. Moreover, various concepts such as discourse, self, subject and object may help us to reach a convergence between these two. Theoretically, the place of language and meaning as well as using various aspects of discourse and theories related to post-structuralists, in sum, will give some theoretical observations.

When an individual is placed in a dynamic and symbolic environment, it comes out of certainty and then accepts various and even rival meanings. The issues of ‘self’, ‘subject’ and ‘society’ are Mead’s points of departure to enter into the universe of discourse that begins with two origins of ‘I’ and ‘Me’. According to Mead, representation of the ‘self’ clarifies two concepts of ‘Mind’ and ‘Reality’. Placement of the individual in collectivity, leads the person to the situation where she may see herself as an object (external) and thus, here symbols play a basic role. Even mind is formed through symbols that have been replaced with different objects and construct it. In fact, symbols enter into the mechanism of human behavior and form his/her thought. G. H. Mead believes that significant symbols and gestures assume the social process of experience and behavior in which they develop. According to Mead, the “world of discourse” implies a context in which these significant symbols and gestures have meaning. Here, Mead talks of ‘generalized other’ in the sense that an individual accepts attitude of others towards her and finally all these specific attitudes are flourished in the form of single point of view. It is obvious that Mead links the world of discourse with the concept of ‘generalized other’. All this social process is a space where symbols have a common and the same meaning for all members of the group. At the same time, social participation is formed in these conditions. The formation of mind which is a matter related to the subject, actually has an external feature based on accepting attitude of others which in turn relies on symbols. All these happen through language that provides communication and social presence.In fact, significant symbols arouse mental streams and, in this way, an individual is able to think and also, she responds to herself. Therefore, it can be said that thinking is formed through the presence of symbols as well as the social process.

 On findings, it can be said that Mead’s concept of ‘social self’ has always been constructed in a social process as well as the universe of discourse and therefore, the concept of ‘self’ will accept various meanings. According to Foucault, individual or ‘subject’ has been involved in discursive sphere and eventually an integrated discursive whole is remained. Foucault has dealt with a displaced, limited and disintegrated subject and therefore, a ‘suspended’ subject as well as ‘discursive events’ may emerge.Emphasizing on discourse, Foucault considers improvisation of concepts to be formal, and then believes to the suspension of these discourses, in order to reach the ‘discursive events’ that constitutes his desired human sciences. In this way, making concepts and announcing them and finally, emergence of ‘discursive act’ becomes important. Therefore, discourses and their constituent concepts having functional features, each of which plays a role in the whole discursive feature. Because of the historical importance of functions in the making of concepts, Foucault is indifference about structures, that is to say, he studies the formation process of those concepts and also complexities hidden behind them.Mead believes that in the formation of self, the issues of experience and social behavior are of great importance. At the same time, social functions are essential features that play an important role in their creations. Mead says that an individual does not respond to every kind of stimulus, rather, she responds only to some of them and language shows the process of the motivation released by the individual.Symbols are used as mediators by language, and as a result of this use, the social self of the individual is shown. By emphasizing the formation of the discourse, Foucault emphasizes the phenomenon of language and highlights discourses. Language has become a complex phenomenon. Before Foucault, Mead discussed about the object and paid attention to the formation of the subject and the mind through objects (symbols). Here we see that G. H. Mead’s intended object, which creates the mind and thinking through symbols, coexist with Foucault’s multiple and unstable subject. Both find each other in the outside world through symbols.There is an important point that is emphasized throughout this article. In fact, we have two notions of symbol and discourse; understanding the former is simple and the latter is complex. The article tried to demonstrate that there is a relationship between these two concepts that may be established by theories and concepts discussed from both sides of social interactionists and post-sturctrulists. The kind of thought of Mead and Foucault are as such that they have referred to these concepts. Studying issues mentioned above may show that we have come from simplicity to complexity. This has happened through the use of language and also the quality of this usage. The complexities of establishing social relationship in the contemporary world are largely related to the issue of language. The importance of language dates back to making symbols which are apprehensible in the relationship between individuals. But, while observing the use of language today, in market place, in regulations and rules, in working conditions, etc. these complications may be visible. As G. H. Mead and Foucault emphasized, not only discourses but even symbols have become complicatedFoucault defines the ‘subject’ as a social construct and Mead, introduces the ‘mind’ as a social phenomenon. The Mead’s social self and Foucault’s discursive subject reach to each other. In the end, it can be stated that we have come from symbols to discourses but the symbols still stand.

The present article aims to trace the understanding of Iran's collective identity in historical reference to the rationality of schools. The theoretical guide of the research is derived from the conceptual apparatus of Michel Foucault, and the methodological logic of the research is through the genealogical approach and Foucauldian discourse analysis. The findings of the study indicate that "historical events" and "multiple developments" during the "confrontation" at the beginning of the confrontation with the civilization of the West made Iran susceptible to multiple situations. Modern education, on the one hand, arose such a desire from within the society that here education is mainly focused on progress in the socio-economic fields and does not have a relation with the collective identity. On the other hand, the structural encounter with the Western world, the mainly military necessity of the government, and the health crisis led to the understanding and "technical rationality" of knowledge. The rationality that later at the end of the century, with the rebellion of the "progressive discourse" from its initial principles and the problematization of collective identity, put modern education at the service of "the impossibility of open collective identity."