discourse analysis

Studies indicate that in the process of the Islamic revolution, activists, thinkers and the target society used the book as an effective tool in stimulating feelings and emotions. The main objective of this article is a comparative analysis of the content of the works of religious and Leftist discourses, using the theory of discourse analysis by James Paul Gee. The Religious and discourses, inspired by effective works and books, tried to attract people in the course of the Islamic Revolution. In this regard, the following books written by the religious and leftist authors have been studied and analyzed: Velayat Faqih (Islamic Government) by Imam Khomeini, The Islamic Movements of the Recent Centenary by Morteza Motahari, The Victorious Struggle; Analytical History of the Ashura Uprising by Mohammad Hossein Beheshti, From Freedom to Martyrdom by Seyyed Mahmoud Talegani, A Thesis for Mobility by Mustafa Shu’aiyan, Analysis of the Position of Revolutionary Forces in Iran by Bijan Jazani and Little Black Fish by Samad Behrangi. The main question of this paper is as follows: What is the outcome of the analysis of the content of the works of religious and Leftist discourses in the process of the Islamic Revolution based on James Paul Gee's theory? The method used in this article is discourse analysis with the help of James Paul Gee's theory of discourse analysis. The findings of the research show that according to the seven components of James' building tasks, the religious and leftist discourses in their works share issues such as dissatisfaction with the existing situation, drawing the desired situation, criticism and the development method of the Pahlavi regime, the instrumental use of tradition and religion, and the function of intellectuals. On the other hand, the analysis and examination of the works of two religious and leftist discourses shows that both discourses differ in components such as the ontology and approach to the nature, approach to modern concepts, development approaches, the principles of the discourse, the schools of thought, motivations, and emotions.

Novels, As cultural products, represent a society with various discourses. Each discourse, with its own configurations, is constantly trying to make its meanings hegemonic. The current research is an attempt to analyze the discourse semiotics of gender with an emphasis on the theory of Laclau and Mufehe in the two novels "This street has no speed bumps" and "Rahesh". The main issue in the current research is how "gender" is represented in these novels. Also, how gender thoughts are reflected through the author's mentality in writing the novel and what is the author's point of view towards them. In terms of methodology, it is a descriptive and qualitative research, which uses library method to collect data. According to this method, the analysis of the novel includes three levels: textual analysis, intertextual analysis, contextual analysis. Textual analysis is dedicated to the semiotics of the novel's characters and finding the discourse order of the novel; In intertextual analysis, each novel is compared with novels of the same period; in contextual analysis, the relationship between the novel and larger social space is examined. Finally, the analysis of the propositions revealed that the main concern and theme of the novels; The obvious conflict between tradition and modernity lies in the social construction of gender, which is implicitly included in the inner layers of the text and lexical reflection, and the main character of the novels at all stages are in the conflict between the biological construction of gender and its social construction.

The main goal of this research is to study the structures in which intellectuals engage in critical thinking and their impact on the economic, political, social, and cultural aspects of society. In this regard, this research focuses on analyzing the discourse of intellectualism in Iranian cinema by studying and examining the film "Banoo". The data for this study were collected qualitatively and analyzed using critical discourse analysis based on the theories of Laclau and Mouffe. The theoretical framework of the research is based on Karl Mannheim's sociological approach to knowledge. The results of the study indicate that the structures presented in the film "Banoo" revolve around two main axes: 1- De-sacralization, and 2- Existentialist realism. The most important de-sacralization seen in the film can be found in the framework of religious criticism, uncertainty, impossibility of worldly salvation, skepticism, devaluation of suffering, anti-romanticism, and anti-social criticism. The facts obtained under existentialist realism include class awareness, human freedom, personality crisis, and emphasis on the emergence of new elements.

Persian proverbs, as a form of folk literature, reflect the cultural and intellectual inclinations of the people towards peace and non-violence. Considering the importance of revisiting cultural heritage to understand the capacities for peace, coexistence and reducing social conflicts, this study extracts and categorizes examples of social tolerance in Persian proverbs, including religious tolerance, behavioral tolerance, passive tolerance, and general tolerance. Utilizing the concept of discourse as outlined by Laclau and Mouffe, this study reveals aspects of the dominant intellectual patterns reflected in these proverbs, identifying sources of power and factors influencing the representation of social tolerance. The research findings are categorized according to Peter King's components of social tolerance and by employing the discourse analysis method, the impact of religious, individualistic and peace discourse on social tolerance as an element of public morality is explored. The results indicate that the discourse of peace and its associated humanitarian tendencies are most frequently represented as markers of social tolerance in the Persian proverbs studied.

This article compares the media diplomacy of the Iranian and US foreign ministers during the Vienna Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty on Twitter. Among social media, Twitter has been able to attract and be used by politicians the most. In this article, we try to use the views of Jürgen Habermas and Manuel Castells in the field of political communication, the topic of diplomacy and the critical discourse analysis method based on Norman Fairclough, the method used by the Iranian and US foreign ministers during the Vienna nuclear deal. Twitter's social media, evaluate and finally compare.The results of this study show that Javad Zarif and John Kerry both produce content on Twitter, but Kerry uses the tools of this space more accurately and more, the literature of these two people on Twitter and their approach to content production are different. Zarif started his tweets with a retweet from the account of Ayatollah Khamenei and John Kerry with a tweet in which the first person pronoun was used.

The present article tries to examine the representation of disability in the movie “Chrysanthemums Flowers” with the discourse approach of Laclau and Mouffe. Due to the fact that identity is developed via social interactions of the individual with others in the process of socialization, and since people with disabilities often find a ruined identity within society, this research’s approach to disability is influenced by Goffman's theory of social stigma, which is defined a socially constructed phenomenon as disability. The post-structuralist discourse analysis approach of Lacla and Mouffe has been applied as the research method. According to the findings, the dominant discourse in the film "Chrysanthemum Flowers" is the lack of limitations of the disabled person, which is articulated around the signifiers of acceptance, education, fatalism, agency, independence, and a positive image of the body. Along with this dominant discourse, a sub-discourse of empowerment has also been shaped. The film, centered on the main hub of agency and support, has marginalized passivity and social exclusion and has led to the dominance of the social model of disability

The purpose of this paper is "Discourse Analysis of Cultural and Political Messages of Tehran Municipality" based on Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, published on the billboards of Tehran from 2006 to 2016, in order to answer these questions: How the Tehran municipality articulates discourse due to its nodal points and floating signifiers? Has it considered antagonizing and rejection of rival discourse components? The researcher achieved a theoretical saturation by the targeted selection of 25 graphic designs and exploring the semantic implications and discourse structure of each according to the concepts and components of discourse theory. The findings of the research show: The nodal point and the “guardianship-centeredness (velayatmadari) “is on the focus of the municipality, the “jihadi management”, “clericalism”, “cultural invasion” are articulated around this focal point which has conformity with the discourse of “principals”. The chain of equivalence with the critical political and social activists of the government was not formed.

The findings indicated that in the discourse of job creation governing the laws of development programs, the floating sign of "employment" in the form of central signs including "reducing the unemployment rate" in the form of the first development program, "spreading and promoting work culture" in the form of the second program, "Creation of employment in less developed areas" in the form of the third plan, "removal of barriers to employment creation" in the form of the fourth plan, "creating sustainable employment" in the form of the fifth plan and finally "macro and trans-sectoral approach to job creation" in the form of the sixth development plan have been blocked; But in the field of practice, the elaboration of the discourses governing each program in the field of employment, around the mentioned central signs, are different from each other, and different main signs have formed the semantic system governing the elaboration of the employment creation discourse in development programs; Because, although in the six development programs of the country, job creation is considered as a main and outstanding policy in the field of employment and, as a result, reducing unemployment. However, based on the theoretical platforms and identity bases of the two dominant factions (fundamentalists and reformists), on the one hand, in different periods of the parliament, which have been responsible for approving policies,

Because of their importance in the economic and social development of societies, science and technology policies have become one of the most important arenas of discourse conflict. Therefore, the present study was conducted with the aim of analyzing the discourse of the sixth program based on Laclau and Mouffe's approach. The studied society was all the legal articles and notes related to science and technology in the law of the sixth development plan, which were studied in full. The findings show that the central signifier of this document is "purposeful scientific innovation". It has built its symbols based on three signs: "Efficiency and modernity, privatization/popularization and knowledge-based economy". The floating sign has shown itself in the form of "collaboration and scientific participation" and "competitive performance". The null signs are "Employment", "Scientific modernization and improvement" and "Scientific productivity" which are associated with interruptions and moments of "People building", "Educational modernization and improvement" and "Islamic culture and values". The discourse area of this program is "state-centered, external dependence, reduction of deprivation and scientific neutrality" which "culture-centered/landscape-centered" discourse with its hegemonic position has marginalized conflicts and consolidated the space for its own discourse maneuver. The results of this study show that this program is moving towards quantitative goals with an emphasis on positivist and supply-oriented processes, which has made it possible to popularize science and use social capital with a serious vacuum.

In recent years, the large-scale Arbaeen Walking Ceremony with the presence of tens of millions of people from different countries and nationalities has attracted the attention of analysts and researchers, and researchers have studied it from the perspective of religious, sociological, anthropological, political and strategic studies. In this research, the discourse model of "Ernest Laclau " and "Chantal Mouffe" has been used to study Arbaeen Walking. The main question of the article is, what are the discourse markers of the Arbaeen walk in individual and collective dimensions? According to the results of this research, in the Arbaeen Walk, keeping alive the memory of Imam Hussain (a.s.) and the martyrs of Karbala is a central sign that can lead to the articulation of other signs by attracting floating signs and in individual and collective dimensions. Also, the Arbaeen Walk has the capacity to marginalize other discourses such as Secularism and Takfirism based on hegemony and discourse competition. The current research was conducted with a qualitative approach and discourse analysis method.

The current research was conducted with the aim of analyzing the indicators of the smart city governance model based on urban justice with the approach of electronic participation. The participants of this research were municipal managers and urban planners with a teaching experience of at least 15 years and a master's degree or higher. The selection of people was done by purposive sampling with the criterion of teaching experience in the elementary education period. Sampling was done with the participation of 18 experts. The data collection tool consisted of two parts, 1- examination and exploration of upstream documents, urban planning documents in the library section, 2- semi-structured interview in the field section, where the semi-structured interview with the participants continued until the theoretical saturation stage. To analyze the qualitative data, the theme analysis method based on the Atreide-Sterling model was used. In order to ensure validity, the interview questions were approved by 3 experienced urban planning and management experts, 1 of whom had a master's degree and 2 had a doctorate. And in order to measure reliability, Krippendorf's alpha coefficient was used, which was confirmed. ATLASTI software is used in the theme analysis. The results of the factor analysis show that among the 176 indicators (items) available, 33 basic themes can be identified and 9 categories of constructive themes have been obtained. The 9 first-level themes identified are: smart governance, smart interaction, smart sustainability, public and private sector cooperation, knowledge integration, smart innovation support, smart infrastructure, smart

The hymn "Salam Farmandeh" was a phenomenon that was reproduced in at least 35 copies in different languages and dialects less than a year after its first launch in Iran. From the perspective of an intercultural communication that can be seen as a cultural phenomenon, this anthem was also reproduced in the language of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The aim of this research is to investigate the comparative discourse analysis of Persian and Turkish versions with an intercultural communication approach. The data analysis is based on two methods of semiotics and discourse. The theoretical framework of the research is based on the theories of diffusion and, identity negotiation.  The findings show that this hymn, in general, is understood and reproduced outside the borders of Iran, especially for Shia minorities in the Caucasus, as a manifestation of a cultural resistance against the globalized western culture. The discourse governing the Turkish version is formed around three basic aspects: "Introducing Imam Zaman (AS) to the youth", "Actively waiting for his reappearance “and "Building the future of Azerbaijan, according to its religious identity". In comparing the Turkish version with the Persian one, the two basic meanings of "introducing Imam Zaman to teenagers" and "actively waiting for the appearance of Imam Zaman" were repeated, around which the discourse of the Persian version was also formed.

Over the past three decades, the positions of the student justice movement have become challenging on many issues. The purpose of this article is to examine the place of development in the discourse of this student movement. Considering the impact of student movements' discourse on the effective discourse of society and its impact on political and social structures, it seems necessary to examine it. In this regard, it should be clarified that the discourse of this organization preserves and rejects what meaning of development.The integrated discourse analysis model of Fairclough, Lacla and Mouffe is efficient to achieve this goal. Based on this model, firstly, the formal features of the statements and speeches of prominent people from the point of view of vocabulary, phonetic system, and grammar in the three levels of content and relationships in the text, as well as the identities that are depicted at the level of the text; Checked out. Next, at the level of interpretation, using the combination of Fairclough, Lacla and Mouffe, the discourses in the texts of the statements and interviews were identified. At the explanation level, the position of the studied discourse in power relations was determined. The findings show that although this discourse introduces "Islamic civilization" as an alternative to development, it still has a fundamental relationship with the dependency approach.In the discourse of the movement, categories such as seeking justice, resistance economy, anti-arrogance, anti-colonialism, and fighting corruption have been highlighted. On the other hand, western development, aristocracy and political factions have been strongly marginalized. The absent discourses of this movement include pacifism, the category of women, democracy, freedom, human rights and everyday affairs.

This article aims to investigate Iranian female celebrities and their discourse in cyberspace. The attempt of the present research is to analyze the Instagram page of Mahnaz Afshar, as an Iranian female celebrity, and in this way to achieve the cultural discourse of the Iranian female celebrity in the virtual space. By using the method of discourse analysis, the mentioned Padam Page has been investigated and the central signifiers and the hegemonic space governing it have been obtained. The results indicate that Paige's basic signifiers refer to being a people person, being emotional, loving people, nature and animals, being famous, being a feminist, a kind mother, and an overseas artist. After the analysis, the basic signs finally lead to the discourse that celebrities want to be a role model for the people and that their culture is superior and dominant over the people's culture. Meanwhile, there are obvious contradictions between the discourses obtained from Page and the existing facts.

The problematic of this article is to describe the mechanisms and consequences of the process of psycholgization. The article argues that this process is the result of macroeconomic political relations, but its mechanisms and consequences are hiding by psychological mechanisms. In order to show the characteristics of this phenomenon, the TV talk show "KetabBaaz"(bookaholic) has been subjected to discourse analysis.The central propositions of the six final programs of the introduction of the book in this program are accepting the status quo and tolerating it, encouraging individuals to get rid of alienation that is structural product, mental flexibility to accompany the changes in the world, reducing greed to curb capitalism, disobedience to expand the market and remove mental barriers to stalishing status que. Adapting to the status quo is all in line with psychologization and individual change to adapt to the fluid flows of the market.This article concludes that by depoliticizing and de-economizing the existing situation, the reduction of macro problems to the individual reduces the phenomena to the individual and justifies and legitimizes macro relations, which serves neoliberalism as the dominant order of the world. In this way, the process of domination is taken for granted and deepened, and the only way to face it is to equip a person with survival skills in this exhausting competition and as a result, acquit the system

Social documentary photography of Iran has a small contribution in representing the problem of subalternity and contrary to the claim of pure depiction, the photographic representation of subalternity relies on social, cultural and political discourses. The aim of this article is to analyze the discourse of subalternity in its photographic representation. For achieving this, the social documentary photos of Iran between the 1970s and 2010s, have been studied by purposive sampling in the qualitative method of discourse analysis. According to Foucault's interpretation it is shown how photography as an institutional apparatus has represented the discourse of Iran’s subalternity which have been formulated by foregrounding some statement in each decade. The results of this article showed that the photographic representation of the discourse of subaleternity can be divided into three distinct periods; First, the representation of the subaltern with the main statement of "proletarit" and "mustazaf" in the social discourse of the 1970s were often called to the scene of the revolution by representing ideal bodies as a symbol of resistance. Second, the representation of the subaltern with the main proposition of "vulnerable class" in the cultural discourse of the 1990s, which often becoming visible in a metamorphosed form in the gallery by the representation of passive and idle bodies with the lost innocence. Third, the representation of the subaltern with the main statement of "abnormal", "less privileged" or "unproductive groups" in the neoliberalism discourse of the 2010s, often became subjugated and invisible as potential criminals by the representation of Grotesque and exotic bodies, then being exiled to places far away from the consumer society.

This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.

Analyzing the content of the news and the way it is presented is very important since media can affect public opinion in so many ways. This study is aimed at analyzing the news coverage of the Covid 19 in Iranian written Press to find out about the differences between the ways different news media in Iran cover and report the news about Covid crisis during three time periods, from March to November 2020; and the lexical items that emerged or become frequent in the media after the crisis. The corpus has been built by crawling the websites of 6 main Iranian news media that are believed to be close to the three main political factions of Iran, namely Fundamentalists, Reformists, and Moderates from March to November 2020. The results show that “war” and to be specific, “Imposed War” or “holy defense” act as the nodal point in the discourse of “Corona War” in Iran. Words like sepah (corps), Basij, Jihad, fore front, health defenders, health martyrs, enemy, defeat, etc. are prominent in this discourse. Corona virus is represented as an inauspicious virus that can be used by the enemy against Iran, and Iran must defeat the enemy conspiracy. In this discourse, the words “America” and “Trump” are always very frequent. This representation of “Corona War” in Iran is more emphasized in Fundamentalists newspapers during the first time period in this research. Pre Corona, Post Corona, Corona phobia, are some of the neologisms in Persian after this pandemic.

The current research was carried out with the aim of sociologically explaining the grounds of dissatisfaction and protest behaviors in the last two decades (summer 1400-1380) in Iran, with an emphasis on protests in Khuzestan province. The research has used the discourse analysis method to achieve the above goal. The research participants are 34 knowledgeable people, local trustees and people with the ability to analyze social, cultural and political issues, managers and experts of various organizations in the field of cultural, social, political and security environment, university professors and expert experts familiar with the subject and texts. It is related to the state of dissatisfaction and protests in the last two decades. These participants were selected using theoretical sampling in the process of data collection and analysis. The data were collected using the in-depth interview method and analyzed with the help of Laclou and Mouffe's discourse analysis method through three steps (drawing the discourse space, alienating and articulating). The discourse analysis of the texts revealed that the floating sign of protests and unrest in Khuzestan by highlighting the "accumulation of people's demands" as the main sign, reveals the approach of the discourse of protests and unrest in Khuzestan in the last two decades. Such highlighting is indicative of its own specific times or meanings; So that "regional inequality", "water crisis and drought", "environmental problems", "lack of good urban governance", "feeling of failure and hopelessness", "tribalism", "activism of different actors", "economy-centered", "feeling of relative deprivation" as the main moments and signifiers. They organize the articulation of the dissatisfaction discourse in the last two decades in Khuzestan. Discourse analysis according to Laclau and Mouffe regarding dissatisfactions in the last two decades in Khuzestan shows that the problems left over from the multitude of unresolved issues in Khuzestan province have brought the work to a boiling point, and in the meantime, a combination of people's feelings and perceptions. Khuzestan has also influenced their behavior and political action and finally, it has formed the emergence of protest behavior and the phenomenon of unrest. Based on the findings, the articulation of the ruling discourse on protest behaviors and social dissatisfactions in the last two decades has been drawn.

This research tries to analyze the news policies and streamlining of the Iran International media, which is a Persian-language media with tendencies against the interests of the Islamic Republic, in the form of news content analysis and by referring to critical theories of the news field, including frameworks and discourse theory.

In this way, the qualitative method is the statistical population of the published news (20 texts and headlines from the website and media of Iran International related to the death of Mahsa Amini and the events after that) in the research period. By examining the discourse of news mining, the results showed: Iran International media has tried to weaken freedom in Iran with headlines such as lack of freedom, pressure, harassment and forced hijab in the death of Mehsa Amini.

Also, in this incident, the Persian-language media of Iran International, by attacking the legal and religious standards of women's covering, depicted it as an imposed and non-optional thing for all women, and the disturbances after the Mehsa Amini incident induced and represented the voice of people's protest against the mandatory hijab. Therefore, the discourse of the media of Iran International, which is the same in all its media, is the central sign of the suspiciousness of Mahsa Amini's death and with other discourse elements such as compulsory hijab, lack of freedom, arrest and torture, violation of human rights, lack of justice, dissatisfaction of the public, articulation and Highlighted.