power

Foucault believes that power is a set of network of relationships through which it is implemented on people and the power relationship is necessary for life so that it does not fall apart. The power of the entire society has expanded due to the necessity of its presence in social relations. Power is not always negative, and has positive aspects for the growth and prosperity of society.
The novel "Shifa; "The Small Century Manuscript" is science fiction novel that presents the novel, media, modern inventions and power tools in distorting the truth to control humanity. This article, novel "Shifa; "The Manuscript of Little Century" with the analytical descriptive method and Foucault's theory, together with the fictional elements and linguistic styles according to the belief of postmodernists in the multiplicity of meanings, related to power, to point out that the politicians in this novel through technology And the media falsifies the truth to create a hyper-reality that is more real than the original reality to deceive the people by playing with their minds in order to create viruses, diseases and wars on people through it, after taking their critical thinking and all their assets as a means of generating people's power and positioning them as passive and pure consumers, to rule, and also sell their manufactured drugs and weapons to gain capital as a means of power. Knowledge, technology, language, discourse, medicine, prison, espionage, sex, capitalism, currency, government, religion and university are the tools of power in the hands of politicians.

The relationship between peace and power is intricate. This research has endeavored to offer a decentralized comprehension of power and governance, as well as their relationship with peace, in order to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the concept of power, which is both general and pervasive in various aspects of life. Therefore, he examined the concept of power and governance from a sociological perspective and through Foucault’s prism, demonstrating how power relations are interconnected with peace in various aspects of a person’s life. The data was collected using a purposive sampling method and a semi-structured interview technique with 43 graduate students of Tabriz University in 1402, and the qualitative method employed was grounded theory. The data was analyzed through coding. The results indicate that the interviewees regard peace as a hostage to power relations and governance that are evident in all aspects of their lives. They are held hostage by unfavorable forms and relations of power, such as the domination of powerful kings, disciplinary technology of power, and ruling regimes of truth. In order to reestablish this relationship and achieve peace, they emphasized the importance of overturning power relations, forming a narrative and demonstrating tolerance.In order to escape this situation, the necessity of soft governance in the social hive is perceived as the necessity of today and tomorrow.

Forensic linguistics, as an emerging and impactful discipline, plays a crucial role in analyzing written and spoken discourse in court cases and facilitating judicial processes, from investigation and case filing to sentencing. As a branch of applied linguistics, it assists researchers in analyzing the discourse of court actors and uncovering the structure and style of courtroom documentation. The present study examines the conversations between judges and defendants in Iran's criminal courts through the lens of the theory of power and powerlessness (Aghagolzadeh, 2012; Gibbons, 1994, 2003). The research employs a mixed-method approach, combining quantitative and qualitative techniques. The primary research question focuses on identifying the frequency of speech patterns of judges and defendants in 29 well-known and prominent cases. The analysis of these patterns in the conversations between judges and defendants, from the perspective of forensic linguistics, constitutes the core of this study. Data were collected from courtroom conversations available on the Aparat platform and transcribed. Qualitative analysis involved calculating the frequency and percentage of discourse components used by judges and defendants, while inferential analysis compared their discourse to detect significant differences using the chi-square statistical test, following the assessment of data reliability and validity. Regarding the variable "power," the findings revealed that among the indicators of power, judges demonstrated a statistically significant difference from defendants in the use of two markers: "use of suggestive sentences, leading and closed questions" and "use of imperative sentences." In the category of powerlessness, defendants showed a significant difference from judges in all indicators except "reference to a source of power." The results of this study can enhance judges' training, both pre-service and in-service, by improving their knowledge of linguistics and discourse analysis.

By its multidisciplinary nature, geopolitics deals with various areas of political and spatial phenomena; these phenomena have both external and objective reality as well as abstract and subjective reality. With the increase of literature related to critical geopolitics, the fields of geopolitical studies expanded its range of studies in new fields and environments such as environment, culture and art. Meanwhile, art as a popular science and category has special political and spatial effects. Given the common themes in the two fields of geopolitics and art, the present study aimed to investigate the examples and relations between geopolitics and art, and the geopolitics of art. To answer this question with a descriptive-analytical method, the geopolitical concepts and examples of art were studied. Findings showed that geopolitical concepts such as competition, cooperation, power, politics and space reflected and represented in art on different scales. Thus, art in its general and broad sense under the title of fine arts, and art as a space for the transmission of meaning (iconographic element) is a kind of objective and abstract space in which geopolitical concepts and foundations were represented.

Understanding social behaviors enables to understand and facilitates mutual interaction; yet sometimes deceptive tactics by the counterpart alter this understanding. Analyzing the phenomenon of deception from an interdisciplinary perspective provides better comprehension and the ability to scrutinize it. This study investigates the hidden layers of text in a social context at two girls' high schools in Tehran, examining the role of deceptive ideology in normalizing the discourse. The research is organized around two main objectives 1. Analyzing the discursive diversity formed in the deception discourse within Michel Foucault's critical discourse framework. 2. Examining the impact of ideological and power elements in shaping the deception discourse. Using an applied approach, comments from 233 high school students aged 15 to 17 about virtual cheating in exams, assignments, and educational activities in virtual education networks were collected and analyzed regarding the role and impact of ideological and power elements within Michel Foucault's theoretical framework. Findings indicate that deception discourse, supported by power in the virtual space, acts as an ideological institution, convincing students to collaborate in achieving false academic success. This process turns the discourse into a tool for deceivers, undermining academic integrity and promoting cheating. Interventions and educational efforts to increase ethical commitment among learners appear effective in reducing deceptive behaviors. These findings provide valuable insights for educational stakeholders aiming to reduce cheating in academic environments and have significant implications for ethical education.

Genealogy and research methods derived from it, such as discourse analysis, have become widely used today, and many social issues and phenomena are studied through this approach. On the other hand, this method is not compatible with the Islamic tradition and leads to methodological relativism. In this article, we intend to examine and criticize Foucault's genealogical method by using the comparative method, from the perspective of the Islamic tradition and relying on Hamid Parsania's fundamental methodology.

Genealogy of  Michel Foucault: 

After the archaeological method and influenced by Nietzsche, Foucault proposed genealogy. In this method, based on two components of "historicity" and "power," Foucault explains the formation of physical phenomena, social structures, andscientific systems throughout history. Historicity for Foucault means the absence of a final purpose or a universal and specific future for history; thus, his account of history focuses on the present moment. He refers to the past in light of the present moment, and since the present moment, in his view, is not bound to any eternal necessity, the past is also characterized by discontinuities and lacks inherent continuity. In this perspective, knowledge and the formation of history and scientific systems are products of chance and "difference," while in the Islamic tradition, the validity of scientific theories depends on the idea of "identity" and the overall unity of history.Furthermore, for Foucault, power is both a product and a producer of history and thus, objects fundamentally form within the texture of power relations. In this view, power is not an entity or truth that can be possessed, but rather a fluid and diffuse phenomenon, lacking essence or substance. Power is the factor that creates differences between objects, and the distinction and identity of any object or discourse emerge from power relations. History, in this sense, is the field where the rituals of power operate, and consequently, humanity moves from one form of domination to another. One of the key elements of power in the genealogical method is its close connection with knowledge and epistemic systems. Accordingly, knowledge is no longer an eternal and external truth free from historical contingencies. Instead, it is the result of being embedded within a network of power relations, shaped through discourses. We encounter regimes of truth, which are products of power relations in each era. According to the relationship between power and knowledge in Foucault's genealogy, power is not exercised without knowledge, and power is also the source of knowledge. The genealogical method, in the continuation of the sociology of knowledge perspectives, does not assign any role to traditional metaphysics in the formation of scientific theories and views knowledge and science as purely historical and social phenomena, products of power relations.

Parsania's fundamental methodology, which is derived from the principles of Islamic philosophy, seeks to explain the interaction between the fixed and eternal principles of a scientific theory on one hand and its variable and historical elements on the other. This methodology, while considering the changing historical conditions, also pays attention to the core and fixed essence of each theory and its connection to an objective, eternal and per se truth. The fundamental methodology, by relying on a set of philosophical premises upon which a scientific theory is based, provides a framework for the formation of knowledge. This methodology discusses three realms: the first realm is the per se truth of a theory, which is beyond history and metaphysical and does not change over time or with individuals or societies. The second realm examines the theory within the context of the knowledge and awareness of the scholar, which is the scholar's subjective world, receiving per se truths. Finally, the third realm is the realm where the scientific theory is validated in the social andhistorical world. In summary, the first realm is the logical and epistemic world, the second is the existential dimension of the scholar, and the third is the world of society, history, and culture.Comparative assessment of two methods In light of the concept of historicity, the third realm in fundamental methodology is the realm that connects with genealogy and addresses the process of epistemic change. However, the critical and fundamental distinction between it and Foucault's genealogical method is that while it acknowledges historical multiplicity, it remains bound to metaphysics. Parsania, by considering humans as an intermediate species, believes that under this intermediate species, numerous and diverse final species can shape different social worlds and histories. Therefore, the possibility of various forms of social and historical worlds is provided under the metaphysical necessity of humanity. Furthermore, by employing Allameh Muhammad Hossein Tabatabaei's theory of "Validities (E`etebariat)", Parsania considers the attributions of social knowledge to be bound to metaphysical principles. Hence, he explains the plurality of social worlds in light of the graded unity of existence. At the end of this article, with reference to the concept of power in Islamic philosophy, especially as defined by Mulla Sadra, and its distinction from the theologians' understanding of power, we demonstrate how the concept of power in transcendent wisdom can explain both divine metaphysical power and human power. According to the definition provided by Muslim philosophers, power is "the existence of the agent such that if he/she wills, he/she acts, and if he/she does not will, he/she does not act". In this definition, power, as a divine attribute, is defined with reference to the best possible system and, therefore, does not conflict with divine knowledge. On the other hand, since power in this definition is a conditional proposition, the non-fulfillment of an action due to human power does not negate the necessity of divine action and power. In conditional propositions, the truth of the proposition depends not on the truth of the premise or conclusion, but on their interconnection. Given the definition of humans as relational beings in transcendent wisdom, human power is always dependent on and based on knowledge. In this view, human power may not be realized, but the eternal necessity of divine power is not negated, and power may or may not correspond to divine power without detracting from it. In contrast, In Foucault's view of and his genealogical method, human power, being contingent solely on human conditions, cannot correspond to per se truths. Thus, with the denial of human power’s realization, history is subject to rupture. For this reason, Foucault necessarily believes in the rupture of historical discourses and cannot consider an eternal and fixed criterion for historical changes.

In Foucault's genealogy, due to the negation of the metaphysical realm and the historical fluidity of power, there is no longer any per se reference to define science based on the idea of ​​correspondence and identity, but the idea of ​​"difference" of discourses has determined the existence of things and consequently, from an epistemological point of view, the most important feature will be the identification and distinction of one scientific theory from another. On the other hand, Parsania's fundamental methodology tries to pay attention to the constitutive role of the metaphysics (and not its regulative) in the formation of a scientific theory, and also pay attention to the role and influence of social and historical contexts (second and third world) in the process of genesis of science. According to the definition of these two components (history and power) in the fundamental methodology, it is possible to redefine a kind of genealogy according to Islamic wisdom and use it in social research.

Saei claims in his book that empirical evidence indicates the concentration of power sources in Iran; therefore, he tries to explain the distribution of power concentration in post-revolution governments. He claims that the concentration of power as a disability is the combination of the social class conditions of the political elites and the experience of powerful positions in the government bureaucracy by consciously refraining from research records and using the combinational approach of variable-oriented and case-oriented analysis. He conducts his research in a comparative manner and observes the relationship of a set. There are many mistakes in the theoretical and methodological parts of the book. The most important drawbacks of the book is the lack of attention to the unique history and trends of Iran. He does not pay attention to the fact that the circulation of elites is applicable in political systems that have not undergone radical, revolutionary, and war-imposed turmoil and transformation, and it is not appropriate in the case of Iran. Saei believes that the clerical stratum has a lot of power in the government. Contrary to his opinion, the fact is that clerics have a small presence in government cabinets. The thesis format of the book, spelling (typography), composition, writing, appearance and shape problems, and inappropriate name of the book are some of the book's disadvantages.

This research tries to answer the question "What is the difference between Islam's approach to social justice compared to the social contract aimed at universal consensus on the implementation of justice in the political thought of the West?" Human civilization, the correctness of the hypothesis "The divine origin of justice in Islam, while requiring government officials to establish justice in society by recognizing the people in charge of monitoring the good performance of the trustees, has a greater capability than the social contract of the West in establishing justice and its stability in the foundation of human civilization" to examine in a documentary way and through a library study using the descriptive-analytical method.The findings of the research show that contrary to the political thought of the West, which is expected from the government and those in power chosen based on the collective agreement and social contract, the establishment and implementation of justice in the society, in the Imamate system of Islamic justice, the realization of this is important to fulfill the duties of each of the government and People are conditioned based on a dialectical relationship.

"Development" and terms such as unstable development, unbalanced development, underdeveloped, under development, etc. are widely used concepts in analyzing the conditions of non-western societies such as Iran and comparing them with developed societies. What is considered as certain and natural in these analyses is the necessity of the realization of "development", in such a way that it seems impossible to imagine another form of reality. The development and its indicators have become not only the point of support for many evaluations about policies and states but also a dominant criterion for judgment about non-Western people and society. Nevertheless, "development" is historical like any other social phenomenon, and its correct understanding requires adopting an approach that pays attention to this aspect. "Genealogy" as a theoretical-methodological approach studies social phenomena such as development in their historical process. This article is contemplation about the capabilities that this approach provides for "development studies".

To achieve this purpose, the participation of Foucaultian genealogy, post-development and post-colonial studies of development (which are influenced by Foucault), Foucault's analysis of the Iranian Islamic Revolution, and some considerations have been used to provide an optimized version of genealogy for use in "development studies".

According to this approach, the correct method in “social science” is genealogical historiography, because the existence of every social phenomenon is a historical construction. Rejecting the assumption of continuity does not mean denying the existence of any type of continuity in history, but rather it is a methodological tact. Genealogy implies a fundamental critique of modernity, because it does not consider it emancipatory. This analytical approach allows the researcher to criticize dominant narratives about “Development”. The formulation of the problem is one of the most important possibilities of genealogy for development studies. Genealogy begins its analysis with a question in the present. Therefore, the genealogical problem of development is a question of the “present”. Analyzing the descent of the idea and practice of development is not in search of a single origin. Success in this search, while paying attention to the special history of each land, requires tracing the reflection of the descent of the global development discourse, its elements, and social forces in the society that is being studied. Genealogical studies of development, while applying the concept of “Discourse”, sees a connection between representation procedures (discursive practices) and material procedures (non-discursive practices) of development, pay attention to individual and collective agency, and do not seek homogenization, theorizing and extreme generalization.Genealogy traces power relations involved in the construction of meanings, because power is one of the factors in the historical construction of identities. While criticizing the “juridico-discursive” model of power, Foucault forms a network for the analysis of power relations by proposing the concept of “governmentality” in which the state can be examined. In this analytical framework, attention is also paid to subjectivity and individual freedom. The emergence of this subjectivity in Foucault's analysis of the Iranian Islamic Revolution is resounding. Genealogy provides the possibility of understanding how the idea and practice of development are formed by analyzing power relations in different forms and levels; from examining development projects as a means of exercising power to power relations between developed societies and non-western societies. In the analytics of power, the resistance is also analyzed at the same time. In the version of genealogy presented in this article, attention is paid to the impact of contingency events on discursive and non-discursive practices; with the explanation that at any historical period, a specific event that cannot be predicted based on the existing discourse order may create different historical conditions.The relationship between power, knowledge, and discourse is the domain of Foucault's genealogy. Because of the relationship between power and knowledge, the analysis should include “institutions, regulatory decisions, laws, administrative measures” in addition to texts. This approach provides the possibility of analyzing the practical mechanisms of development discourse such as professionalization and institutionalization. By deconstructing planning, genealogy reveals the effects of power and knowledge in the spread of development. The genealogical analysis in terms of the relationship between knowledge, power, and discourse shows how the development discourse constructs the non-Western world as a subject of knowledge and what kind of interventions are organized based on this. Genealogy also pays attention to resistance or marginal discourses. In terms of methodology, “resistance analysis” is a necessity for “power analysis”. According to Foucault's analysis of the Islamic Revolution, the genealogy of development in contemporary Iran adopts a special theoretical approach regarding the relationship between this revolution and Western development. Finally, it is possible to present and think of alternatives.

The genealogical approach with its conceptual toolbox, can contribute to our knowledge of the topic by highlighting aspects of the idea and practice of development so far unnoticed. Genealogical research can show that if the idea and practice of development had other forms, what discursive and non-discursive practices were involved in these changes? The genealogist, by criticizing of present, questions the “natural” and “definite” form of the existing phenomenon and presents a new picture of it. Genealogy can defamiliarize the “development discourse” in the non-western world. Genealogical studies of development have the possibility of realizing a set of exploratory, descriptive, understanding, and evaluation objectives. The possibility of adopting a post-colonial approach is one of the critical capacities of this type of study. The application of genealogy in development studies can sometimes be implemented with all its components, sometimes parts of it can be considered as an independent study. Genealogy has significant capacities for “development studies”; but being satisfied with a single theoretical approach as a sufficient explanation of the complexity of the subject under study is reductionistic.

The book "Power and Political Culture in International Relations" edited by "J. P. Singh" was published in 1396 by "Elami and Farhangi" publications in 1000 copies and 352 pages. The first part of this article with the title "Introduction and description of the work and formal evaluation of the book "Power and Political Culture in International Relations" describes the technical features of the book, examines the literary editing of the book, and then points about observing the scientific principles of referencing within the text and its bibliography. The second part titled "Analysis and evaluation of the content of the book" has examined the following: educational dimensions, problem-solving and responsiveness to the scientific and practical needs of the country, evaluation of the logical order and internal coherence of different sections, the degree of strength of the analyzes and explanations provided. Accuracy in the use of specialized terms and equivalence for specialized and foreign words and terms, the degree of observance of scientific principles and ethics (use of scientific language, mention of the utilized sources, non-scientific bias, harmony of the work with Islamic and Iranian values. At the end, a conclusion titled "Final evaluation of the work" is written and the final summary of the book is presented. The method of studying the article was documents using library resources, both physical and electronic.

  Due to the extensive social and demographic changes in Iran’s society in recent years, including the increase in the age of marriage and divorce, addiction, immigration, disability, retirement, and the feminization of old age, the number of female heads of households has increased. Therefore, how the legislator and organizations in charge of empowering women heads of the household deal with is one of the most important factors affecting the empowerment of these women.

This research, which was carried out qualitatively and by reviewing documents, tried to check what the concept of female head of household and empowerment is based on in the laws and regulations, what role is defined for each of the custodian organizations in this field? and which capabilities (welfare, access, awareness, participation, balance between men and women) and achievements (material, psychological and social) have been targeted.

The results showed that although the exact definition of empowerment is the empowerment of women in social relationships and structures, such a definition has not been placed on the agenda. The legislator’s attitude towards the role of trustee organizations is based on a supportive approach, not empowerment. From the legislator’s point of view, female guardianship is considered a harm, and while ignoring women’s right to choose, they tend to encourage women to leave this situation and remarry. The legislator’s emphasis is only on welfare capabilities and material achievements, and other capabilities and achievements are neglected.

Because of this, most of the empowerment programs have been defined on the axis of employment and entrepreneurship, and other aspects of empowerment have been considered only in a secondary way or have been completely forgotten or denied. In the empowerment programs of women heads of households, instead of comprehensive targeting and taking action to change the space and environment of these women and the stereotypes and social relations that cause their disability, each of these women has been targeted individually.

One of the topics that has occupied the minds of many thinkers for centuries is tyranny and the ways to fight it. Basically, tyranny is known as the absolute power of the king and sultan, a power that does not impose any limits and restrictions on itself, and stability and intimidation dominates the society. The changing field of power in Iran has always been determined by the outcome and intersection of conflicts and compromises of powerful social classes. However, the Qajar period had a self-sustaining order centered on socio-political forces and the government. In this article, the author intends to explain and analyze the grounds of tyranny in the construction of class-social power in Nasrid era Iranian society, in the form of collective movements and actions, with the explanatory and causal method and from the perspective of historical sociology. Anthony Giddens' integrated model of structuring traces the phenomenon of tyranny from the Nasrid period to before the tobacco movement in Iran. Therefore, by using the dialectic of action and structure and their relationship with the performance of influential social agents from their own social situations, we can find the fundamental cause of the authoritarian structure from the Nasser era to before the tobacco movement, in the structures formed in the heart of events and incidents. This is the time to follow, explain and analyze.

The present article aims to trace the understanding of Iran's collective identity in historical reference to the rationality of schools. The theoretical guide of the research is derived from the conceptual apparatus of Michel Foucault, and the methodological logic of the research is through the genealogical approach and Foucauldian discourse analysis. The findings of the study indicate that "historical events" and "multiple developments" during the "confrontation" at the beginning of the confrontation with the civilization of the West made Iran susceptible to multiple situations. Modern education, on the one hand, arose such a desire from within the society that here education is mainly focused on progress in the socio-economic fields and does not have a relation with the collective identity. On the other hand, the structural encounter with the Western world, the mainly military necessity of the government, and the health crisis led to the understanding and "technical rationality" of knowledge. The rationality that later at the end of the century, with the rebellion of the "progressive discourse" from its initial principles and the problematization of collective identity, put modern education at the service of "the impossibility of open collective identity."

Power is still a challenging concept in sociological theories. Classic definitions of power are not sufficient and new approaches concentrated on resistance, also the latest one used in a large scope and faced with varieties of empirical and theoretical critiques. Moreover, in both classical and lately approaches there is a dualism around power configuration. This paper, in the first place, tries to scrutiny these theoretical challenges around power configurations, afterward, clarify the relationship of different concepts of power and dimensions of power, and at the end, go through of dualism. The results show that classical configuration of power, in the best state, is limited on power-acceptance or power-powerlessness; also, new approaches outstand power-resistance and discard acceptance of power and powerlessness, whiles, in a logical point of view, in relation to power we can go beyond of dualisms and think about a multiple configuration contains power- resistance- powerlessness- acceptance of power.

In recent centuries as a consequence of human mental, intellectual and scientific growth, nations and governments have realized more than past the importance of culture in the continuity of their lives and its role in the sustainable development of countries and have brought cultural competitions to a peak. Therefore, Cultural Studies was added to the educational programs of Birmingham university as an interdisciplinary in the sixties of 20th century by some persons like Herbert Richard Hogarth (1918-2014) professor of anthropology and sociology. In a short time after that, it made its way to other places and became officially popular in prestigious universities of the world, including Iranian universities. Considering the inseparable link between literature and culture, the examination of literary works in the framework of cultural studies can lead to valuable results of the general culture of the society and the studied works. Therefore, in this research, the poems of Parvin Etesami are analyzed on the basis of cultural studies. For this purpose, Parvin's poems are analyzed in five major sections according to the important components of cultural studies. These studies provide a relatively comprehensive picture of the general state of culture in the poet's time and in some cases provide detailed data on factors affecting the cultural and social situation, including the role of the social institutions of that period in the cultural prosperity and development of the country.

AbstractAccording to the Chicago School of Sociology, the high social class is always the winner of the competition for the best social roles and geographical situations, and has the power to manipulate the urban space by its class interests. This article presents an alternative interpretation to deconstruct the traditional view of the Chicago School of Sociology about the relations between money, power and residential moves within the city. To do this, the concentric zone model introduced by Burgess is selected as the analytical framework. The present article argues that the upper economic class is not always the fit class for urban competition, nor does it hold the ultimate determinative position in shaping the residential moves within the city. Instead, the lower-income class has the power to determine the location and movement of the upper economic class within the city concerning its class interests. The upper economic class are defeated in competition with the lower-income class to capture the best zone for residential use located next to the C.B.D. The power relations between different social classes should be considered as a network according to which the power is distributed among all social classes, rather than possessed by a specific social class. 

According to the Chicago School of Sociology, the high social class is always the winner of the competition for the best social roles and geographical situation and has the power to manipulate the urban space by its class interests. Criticisms against the Chicago School of Sociology challenge the reactive position of this school towards social inequality in urban spaces. Although they have not legitimated the inter-class competition and the production of unequal urban spaces, these critics, like the Chicago School of Sociology, have implicitly accepted that the upper economic classes are the winners of inter-class competition due to their control over financial and political resources. Despite the insights drawn from these critics, this article argues that the interpretations and explanations presented by both the Chicago School of Sociology and these critics are insufficient. The present article argues that the upper economic class is not always a merit class. This class does not always win inter-individual and inter-class competition, but the lower economic class also has the power to control the patterns of residential moves within the city. The lower economic class can adjust the socio-spatial structure of the city in line with its class interests through collective action. This article presents an alternative interpretation to deconstruct the traditional interpretations presented by the Chicago School of Sociology about the relations between money, power and the patterns of residential moves within the city. 

Methods and Data:

To do this, the concentric zone model introduced by Burgess, a well-known member of the Chicago School of Sociology, is selected as the analytical framework. The socio-spatial structure of the city, according to Burgess's concentric zone model, is expanded in a few concentric circles or zones, each of which has its own specific function and land use pattern. The model divides the city into five concentric zones, including the central business district (C.B.D), transitional zone, labor residential zone, middle-class residential zone, and urban commuting zone. In other words, the city, according to this model, is divided into two large spaces: working and living spaces. C.B.D and the transitional zone constitute working spaces, and the three other zones are devoted to living spaces. The socio-spatial change and expansion of these zones are explained with regard to four ecological stages, i.e., invasion, resistance, entry and dominance. The alternative interpretation presented in this article can apply to other models of the socio-spatial structure of the city, such as Hoyt's sector model and Harris and Ullman's multiple nuclei model. These models have attempted to modify some assumptions underpinned the concentric zone model. For example, the spatial or physical expansion of the city in these models is asymmetry and discontinuous. The urban transportation network has a significant role in determining the direction of urban physical expansion and urban land price in the sector model. The multiple nuclei model adds heavy industries to the concentric zone model and removes the assumption of a mono-centric city. However, these models, like the concentric zone model, are based on social Darwinism and ecological assumptions about human society. 

The present article argues that the upper economic class is not always the fit class for urban inter-class competition, nor does it hold the ultimate determinative position in shaping the socio-spatial structure of the city. Instead, the lower-income class can also determine the location and movement of the upper economic class within the urban space concerning its class interests. The lower-income class, as the concentric zone model shows, occupies the best location for residential land use, i.e., houses in zone 3. Although the quality of houses is low, the land allocated for residential uses has potentially the highest price in this zone because of its proximity to C.B.D. Residential land uses in this zone are divided into small-area houses by the low-income class to correspond to their ability to pay house rent. Low-income class wins the inter-class competition for residing in zone 3 because their population is greater than the high-income class and their tendency to live in small-area houses. This article explains that the upper economic class cannot freely manipulate the urban space according to its class interests, as they are defeated in competition with the lower-income class to capture the best zone, i.e., zone 3 for residential use located next to the C.B.D. 

As this article has argued, the socio-spatial structure of the city should be considered as an interconnected whole. The city is a structured continuum, and its constituent parts, i.e., the social classes, act not based on free will, but in terms of the necessity governing this complex, structured continuum. In addition, the power relations between different social classes should be analyzed as a network according to which the power is distributed among all social classes, rather than possessed by a specific social class.

With ongoing modernization and the beginning of development in Iran, the family has always undergone changes and transformations and is affected by different ideas. For this reason, the concept of patriarchy expressed in cultural signs, due to different valuations and its inseparable connection with society and power relations,, which is the result of an extensive research about family discourse in young adults' fictions, by examining the works in the 5 decades period of fictions writing for teenagers, we tried to find the dominant discourse in each period and the changes in the representation of patriarchy in these works. Studies show that in different time periods, the discursive representation of patriarchy, affected by the social changes of the family structure, has been as follows: 1. The first period, the 50s (metaphorical and ideological period of the family: the father in the sense of absolute power); 2. The second period at 60s and 70s: patriarchy (acceptance of power and emotionalization); 3. The third period at 80s: representation of patriarchy and resistance against it 4. The fourth period at 90s: father's absence and children's empowerment. The results show that, in the considered period, major changes can be witnessed in the representation of the patriarchal discourse, which is completely different from the discourse of the previous period, and it shows that the power and resistance between father and child, from the flow of the absolute power of the father, has progressed towards the removal of the father and the empowerment of the children.

According to Deleuze, it is an expression of the discipline that connects Spinoza's ontology, epistemology, physics, and ethics. In other words, the logic of expression is the logic that governs all the different areas of Spinoza's philosophy, and for this reason, Deleuze named his most detailed study about Spinoza Expression in Philosophy, Spinoza. In this article, I try to have an overview of this book and while examining each section, the concepts proposed in them and the process of the chapters, how Deleuze identifies the presence of the logic of expression in each aspect of Spinoza's philosophy will also be displayed. In this way, the basic concepts in Deleuze's reading of Spinoza will be revealed. In addition, we will see how immanence is related to expression in ontology, and how Deleuze describes the trinity of essence and its results by identifying two levels of expression, creative nature and created nature, as well as the theory of finite states. With respect to physics, the body is an expression of substance, a mode that is essentially an intensive degree of power. In this way, the triad of mode expression is described. In epistemology, the sufficiency of the true idea implies its expression. In ethics, the issue is about capacity and power, which belongs to the human body and mind, since the mind and body are an expression of essence, and therefore a degree of power.

Today, the issue of sexual harassment of women in the workplace is seen in different ways and in most countries with different degrees. It seems that middle management women in organizations are sexually harassed in a different way than low-level women because they have broken the glass ceiling and caused changes in the distribution of organizational power. In this regard, in this research, an attempt was made to obtain a detailed account of the experiences of sexual harassment of middle manager women after promotion and its relationship with the change in the organizational power structure. In order to achieve this goal, an in-depth interview was conducted with 15 female middle managers in production organizations under the ministry of privacy in a phenomenological (descriptive) manner and the experiences of these women with a view to the theories of socialization, gender inequality, sexual harassment and power was analyzed. The results of this research show that organizations through things such as the concealment of male managers in the presence of some facilities for managers, creating a work environment and office different from male managers, interference in administrative affairs from other colleagues and preventing the presence of women in the network Managers of the same rank try to maintain the previous power structure. Also, women middle managers face different forms of sexual harassment. Among them: the irony of hearing from other men and women about how to become a manager, less overt sexual harassment, and more inability to protest sexual harassment.

Abstract This research has focused on the monitoring dimension of social media and by examining the news related to the monitoring function of the media, it has investigated the effect of new media in monitoring famous people and officials. The statistical population is the political pages of the Instagram social network, and the sample includes three political Instagram pages with reformist, fundamentalist and independent tendencies. The sampling method is the total number of all posts related to the research topic. This means that through examining the content of these three important Instagram pages in the period of 2016, all the posts related to social network monitoring of famous people, officials and authorities have been extracted and until the writing of this research, the fate of each has been examined. Among approximately one thousand posts, 13 topics were identified that are related to the topic of this research. By examining these 13 issues, it was found that all the cases have finally led to the apology and withdrawal of the relevant official within a maximum of one week with the follow-up done on this social media. This indicates that not only the monitoring function of the media has been realized through social media, but wherever these media have entered into an issue, due to the nature of this media model, the relevant official has been forced to obey the public will quickly and in the least amount of time. Based on this, it can be said that with the emergence of social media, media monitoring of the power structure is pursued much more effectively than before. Keywords: Supervision, Instagram, Social Media, Power  IntroductionNowadays one of the most important reasons that made the role of the media more prominent is the influences they have on "public opinion". After the weakening of autocratic powers and the emergence of democratic systems in the world, "public opinion" and the need to pay attention to it has become one of the main variables in the field of political communication. In fact, in the examination of contemporary mass communication tools such as the press, news agencies, radio and television, satellite and internet media, they can be considered as the most important means of political communication from the 19th century to the middle of the 20th century.Before the emerging of social media, although mass media played an irreplaceable role in shaping public opinion, it was slowly and in a limited scope. In the age of social media, sometimes news becomes hot in less than an hour and reaches even to the most distant audience, which means a high formation of a new makeup in public opinion about a particular news. This new capacity has provided a different space for monitoring the power structure and power holders, meaning that the relationship between media and power has entered a new arena.PurposeThis article focuses on the supervisory dimension of social media and by examining the news related to the supervisory function of the media, it has investigated the effect of modern media in monitoring the power structure. In addition the process of forming public opinion around some events in the social media and the performance of the officials after the social Media disclosure have been discussed. With regard to the proposed premises, the research questions can be expressed in the form of the following questions:Is it possible to monitor the power structure through social media?What has been the effect of monitoring the power structure through social media on officials and reducing corruption?MethodologyThis research was done by content analysis method. The statistical population is the political pages of the Instagram and the sample population includes three political Instagram pages with reformist, fundamentalist and independent tendencies. The sampling method is the total number of all posts related to the research topic. This means that by examining the content of these three important Instagram pages in the period of 2016, all the posts related to the monitoring of social media on famous people, officials and officials have been extracted and until the time of writing this research, the fate of each has been investigated.FindingsBy examining three important Instagram pages of the three fundamentalist, reformist and independent political tendencies with about a thousand posts in the period of 2016, 13 topics were observed in these three pages, which are related to the monitoring function of the media on famous people and officials, and these three pages have published in relation to these issues.As it is known, all cases have finally led to the authorities' apology and withdrawal, or at least forced to answer and provide explanations. In all cases, within a period of one day to one week under the pressure of public opinion officials have been forced to respond and compensate, and even in some cases they have shown resistance against the negative wave created at first, but finally they have given up. This shows the strong monitoring performance of social media.ConclusionBy emergence of social media in Iran, not only the media's supervisory function has been realized through social media, but wherever these media have entered into an issue, due to the nature of this kind of media, the relevant official has been forced to obey the public's will quickly at the least amount of time.Areas of the power structure in which accountability cannot be seen before, with the advent of social media, they find themselves obliged to respond. In addition, it is impossible to ignore the fact that in some cases in the past, the authorities did not see a reason to respond, but with the shaping of public opinion and the creation of media pressure by social media, this issue gradually becomes a common practice. Officials see themselves and their performance in the eyes of the people, and for every word and action, there is a possibility for people's awareness. They could not stop people from taking any action or saying anything.Therefore, it can be said that with the emergence of social media, media monitoring of the power structure has entered a new stage. Of course, there are some flaws in this process, such as the spread of rumors, the effect of psychological warfare, fake news, and the emergence of some immoral atmospheres such as media accusations.