ژئوپلیتیک

When empires and great nations decline, there are many interrelated reasons involved in. Empires are considered to be powerful entities in the world, and via historical surveys, one can identify several important empires that have existed in different eras. Geopolitical knowledge and its constituent concepts (power, politics, and space) are closely associated with empires and can be explored from this perspective. The aim of this research is to conduct a geopolitical investigation of the collapse of empires. The research deal with the geopolitical factors contributing to the collapse of empires such as Persia, Rome, Byzantium, Ottoman, Britain, Russia, Spain, and Arab countries, using a descriptive-analytical method and field research. The statistical population consists of 50 specialists and experts in the field of geopolitical studies. The Dimtel method has been utilized to test the conceptual model of the research. The findings demonstrate that variables such as the incompetence and capriciousness of rulers, the collapse of the domestic economy, the extravagance and corruption of the governing class, oppression and slavery, and internal rebellions have a high level of interaction and a strong systemic connection with other variables. In other words, when a country faces these challenges in terms of its leadership and governance, it becomes unable to effectively address other problems caused by these factors, leading to a crisis and the eventual collapse of the empire.

The party structure in third world countries, due to the underdevelopment of the masses of the people, can be a suitable structure for the political development of these countries. Iranian society also did not find enough opportunity and maturity to form strong political parties during the constitutional era, and during the Pahlavi era, parties went to the margins of the country's politics and had no role. The Islamic Republic Party, as the most important political party in revolutionary Iran and rooted in the ideals of this revolution, played an important role in institutionalizing political participation and stabilizing the system, especially in the 1980s. This article, using Huntington's theoretical framework of "political institutionalization" and the research method of "institutional studies approach", sought to analyze the issue of how the Islamic Republic Party was able to apply the process of channeling the political participation of citizens in the revolutionary system in order to stabilize the system. The findings of the study showed that the Islamic Republic Party was able to play an effective role in the process of stabilizing the Islamic Republic system and overcoming crises and obstacles that destabilized the system, such as internal counter-revolution, remnants of the former regime in the administrative apparatus, and marginal, divergent parties by intellectually uniting the revolutionary political elites in one party, preventing the dispersion of votes in different factions in the three branches of government, and following the policies of Imam Khomeini (RA) as the charismatic leader of the revolution and the factor

The South Caucasus region is of strategic importance for the Islamic Republic of Iran due to its geo-economic capabilities and geo-political location. Therefore, any action and factor by its regional and extra-regional actors that leads to a change in the geography of the region can affect Iran's geopolitical advantages and change the balance of power to its detriment. This research analyzes the formation of the Zangzo corridor and its effects on Iran's geopolitics with descriptive-analytical method. The results of the research show that in the case of the superiority of Azerbaijan and the realization of the Zangzor Corridor, along with the geographical and geopolitical changes of the region, it will have political, economic and security consequences for the country of Iran, which will affect the future of the country's geopolitical position and is one of the advantages of Iran's superiority. It reduces in favor of competitors in the region and the international environment. On the other hand, this region can become an arena for the presence of extra-regional forces that are rivals and enemies of Iran. And these can prevent Iran from its geopolitical and geoeconomic goals in achieving a safe and balanced region in the South Caucasus. Therefore, the Zangzor Corridor can be a prelude to the threat to the security and national interests of Iran, which necessitates the strategic decision of the Islamic Republic of Iran to prevent the closing of the historical border between Iran and Armenia.

China, which was one of the least developed countries in the 20th century, after extensive reforms in 1979, entered the path of serious economic development and was recognized as an emerging economic power in the world since 2000. After 23 years have passed since then, China has become an important actor in the world with its high gross domestic product and as a commodity production factory in the world, as well as a huge need for energy and introducing itself as a big investor. Creation, especially in regions with a special geopolitical and geoeconomic position. Among these countries, we can mention the countries of the Middle East and especially the Persian Gulf region, which have a large energy capacity to be present and invest and export energy to China. The Middle East region, with its many advantages, such as energy and special geographical location, etc., is one of the regions of interest to China. But being in the complex region of the Middle East always has challenges for actors, especially emerging powers such as China, which this article tries to address. In this regard, the author tries to find the answer to the following basic question with an analytical-descriptive method in this article: What are the challenges facing China's extensive presence in the Middle East region? The data of this research has been collected in a library-document way.

The defeat of the United States in the Vietnam War and the fall of the Soviet Union put China in a good position to expand its power in East Asia. In a short period of time, Beijing became a world power and formed a third geostrategic sphere of influence in competition with the continental and maritime worlds. Also, China's rapid economic growth in recent decades has provided a good platform for strengthening its military might and expansionist measures. China's rise to power and uprising is a moment in time to test its strength and balance, and the aftermath of China's rapid rise over the past 40 years has inevitably led to a challenge to the dominant powers, especially the United States. This study seeks to answer the question of what variables are affected by the geopolitical developments of the South China Sea in the 21st century? Conflicts such as disputes over the South China Sea islands, ownership of hydrocarbon reserves, limitation of navigation operations, use of geoeconomic levers, etc. have been studied in this study. Explored by the United States against China, as well as the challenges of implementing it, and the indications for using this strategy in a variety of policies, including: return to Asia policies, increasing the implementation of naval freedom operations. In the South China Sea, support for the TPP trade agreement, participation in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), strengthening of ASEAN against China, etc. have also been challenged. He emphasizes that China is not a single player, but today in this country, different factions and political institutions are competing to influence foreign policy.

This research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of nature and method. The data needed to argue and answer research questions have been collected from library sources. In the analysis of research findings, qualitative analysis method was used and the final conclusion of the research was based on qualitative analysis.

While the US containment strategy with challenges such as slowing militaristic approaches, deindustrialisation of the US economy and tax cuts, costless and fruitless interventions in the Middle East, extensive security commitments in NATO and other alliances Defense and, ultimately, massive national debt, some of which are financed by China, are largely vulnerable to external economic pressures, but on the other hand, the Pacific West consists of a series of consecutive islands in They are located at different distances from the coasts of Asia. As shown in the figure, this chain of islands is under the tutelage of the Western Allies (US, France, UK, New Zealand, Australia and Japan) and the United States has almost absolute sovereignty.In addition, the Pacific West, as the main battlefield between the United States and Japan in World War II, has a geography in which the United States and Japan have key locations and a long history of naval warfare. The strong alliance between the United States and Japan, along with the partnership of Australia and India, provides significant long-term barriers to preventing Chinese forces from expanding into the Pacific or Indian Ocean. Finally, the Chinese navy has no experience in modern oceanic wars, has no historical presence in the region that it can use to establish a hegemony and as a powerful country, and the communist regime in China can defeat any Stimulate the emotions associated with China's century of humiliation and be completely vulnerable.

Overall, Asia seems to have become a priority in US foreign policy, policy and ideology. US concern in the South China Sea is not simply a fear of the potential for escalation of military conflict in the region or even a commitment to its allies; Rather, US involvement in the dispute is an attempt to contain China's rise, which threatens US hegemony in the region and the world.In China today, various political factions and institutions are competing to influence foreign policy. On the one hand, the impetus for the realization of territorial claims and national unity, and on the other hand, the demands of the global economy, on which export-based economic growth largely depends, compete with each other. Since the foreign policy interests of countries and their willingness to pursue the security power project are influenced by domestic political institutions and their economic interests, it was suggested that the Chinese government should not be integrated; But to be seen as pluralistic, decentralized and international; So it would be misleading to assume that there is a single Chinese logic and reaction to international affairs. Nowhere is it as clear as the South China Sea, where various national and sub-national government departments operate without coordination, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not clearly control China's policy towards the South China Sea. Their study provides valuable insights into the impact of small foundations on shaping the motivation of leading expansionist actors in the South China Sea, and challenges any simple description of a large coherent strategy of Chinese policy in the SCS

Foreign policy is the use of political influence to persuade other countries to exercise their legislative power in the manner desired by the respective government. Geopolitics is a branch of geography and political science that deals with the planning of a country's security policy based on geographical factors. By analyzing these factors, geopolitics assesses the existing spheres of power and tries to relate a country's policy to them. Therefore, knowing these factors is essential in explaining the foreign policy of a country. In this article, with the analytical-descriptive method and the fuzzy Delphi technique, 11 academic and political elites have been selected in a snowball method to identify the fundamental geopolitical variables effective in foreign policy. The results of this research indicate that the geopolitical components affecting foreign policy are classified into two main categories, tangible and intangible. The tangible indicators are: (1) geographical location (2) population and manpower (3) natural resources (4) industrial and agricultural production capacity (5) military power. Intangible indicators are: (1) political, economic and social structure (2) educational and technical level (3) national spirit (4) international strategic position. Therefore, as long as there is politics in the world, geopolitics will remain an important consideration and influence in foreign policy.

"The geopolitical transformations and events of the 21st century have fundamentally altered many related concepts. The rise of globalization alongside factors such as technological advancements, information revolutions, and shifts in the global power system have transformed the concept of national security. These phenomena, along with increased public awareness, have shifted security from a hardware-oriented concept to a software-oriented one. Parallel to these tangible and mental transformations, in the theoretical realm, scholars have reformed their perspectives and theories on security matters. However, many security theories, especially the two main schools of realism and liberalism along with their branches such as structural realism and neoliberal institutionalism, have failed to adequately explain and elucidate many national and international security policies. These theories, by emphasizing the structural impacts on national policies (structural realism) and ascribing self-made national interests of governments (neoliberalism), lack the predictive power of national interests for political units (governments). This issue notably presents itself more prominently in the analysis of the national security policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially during transitional periods. Many researchers, while either unable to explain the national security policies of the country by presuming systemic theoretical assumptions (neo-realism or neoliberalism), or in most cases, label them contrary to national interests (presumed). Realist and liberal perspectives in explaining the national security policies of countries such as Iran, particularly in current conditions, primarily consider the position of states within the international structural environment merely based on their physical capabilities. Secondly, they regard the similar influence of institutional constraints on state interests as definite, portraying states as rational actors driven solely by interests and by emphasizing the rationality of instrumental actors and marginalizing the meaningful-identity and normative realities, they emphasize the selectivity of actors within international structures or institutions. However, the study of the interests and national security policy of a country like the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially in current transitional conditions, demands a different type of theoretical approach. Considering these points, this study employs a constructivist theory to analyze and examine the effects of shared symbolic structures, ideas, norms, and values, and 'identity' on the 'National Security Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran' in the current international system."

"The method of research refers to the techniques or actual procedures for gathering and analyzing data. The methodology employed in this research is descriptive-analytical. Given that the macro approach for dissecting and analyzing data is non-statistical, it is approached descriptively and argumentatively within the framework of the indicators of the constructivist approach and its central premise, namely identity, foundations, and geo-cultural outcomes of the Iranian society. In this regard, initially, to understand the societal construct of identity and the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the fundamentals and elements constituting the internal cultural-normative environment were examined. From within these, the impactful geo-cultural outcomes on the national security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the transition in the international system have been examined and analyzed."

Iranian geo-culture emerges from the foundations of Iranian cultural-identity in three main domains: geography (language, location, race, resources, etc.), history (events, transitions, mythology), and religion. It spans across four cultural-identity layers: Ancient Iran, Shiite Islam, Modernism, and the Islamic Revolution, each with its significant place in the cultural, historical, geographical, and religious dimensions. Iranian identity, owing to Iran's unique geographical position, has been influenced by three Iranian civilizational spheres: Iranian, Islamic, and Western, continuously maintaining a mixed or amalgamated structure, observed in its amalgamation of elements like 'Iranian identity,' 'Islamic,' and 'Western modernism' at a general level. The manifestation of these three elements has constructed contemporary Iranian identity. Consequently, Iranian identity has always evolved due to historical, political, and social reasons, while the multiple and conflicting dimensions have resulted in a multifaceted Iranian identity, implying complexity and development. Iranians have drawn from pre-Islamic thoughts while adopting Islam, indicating a shared historical and geographical mindset, termed as 'Iranian identity,' which has remained resilient despite historical changes. Alongside this identity, Islamic culture and religious frameworks have intertwined, each reinforcing the other. A crucial point regarding the national Iranian identity is that it's not solely Iranian or Islamic but rather an Iranian-Islamic identity. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, due to the alignment of governance discourse with the societal religious identity, religious discourse has exerted a greater influence on Iran's cultural and political identity than other elements. Regarding the impact of Iranian cultural-identity layers and geo-culture on Iran's foreign policy and national security, it should be noted that Iran's geopolitical realities have influenced its geo-cultural foundations, deriving from its historical, Shiite Islamic, modern, and post-Islamic revolution foundations. Additionally, Iranian cultural factors are undergoing change and transformation in the transitional phase of the international system, affecting the formations and dynamics of Iranian cultural identity and potentially paving the way for a new discourse in its cultural identity.

In this study, the influential foundations and outcomes of Iran's geo-culture on the national security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the transitional period of the international system have been examined and analyzed. The theoretical framework of this research is constructivism, with its central focus being on identity. Since cultural and identity constructs are the central theme of the constructivist theory, the geo-cultural (cultural-identity) resources of Iran have been elucidated and explained to comprehend and analyze the national security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the transitional phase of the international system. This effort aims to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the country's national security policy to pursue appropriate strategies in positioning the country's geopolitical weight and its status in line with the material and spiritual capabilities within the forthcoming global order. To articulate and elaborate on the aspects of Iranian geo-culture, three fundamental steps have been undertaken: The first step delves into the foundations of Iranian geo-culture. The subsequent step dissects the four-layered cultural-identity elements of Iran, which have been the bedrock of Iranian culture and identity. The final step scrutinizes the cultural-identity outcomes of Iran, encompassing: Iranian spirit and Iran-centricity Idealism Non-submission and assertiveness for independence Distrust of the foreign Iranian re-evaluation and aspiration for superiority Justice-seeking and aversion to oppression Endurance and resilience Adaptation and interaction in foreign relations Pursuit of national interest These cultural-identity outcomes have been studied and analyzed as influential factors on the national security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Overall, it can be stated that the Iranian identity, a product of the Iranian cultural-identity foundations, has been produced, reproduced, and reconstructed over time across the layers of ancient Iranian, Islamic-Shiite, modernism, and the Islamic Revolution."

 Introduction : 

In recent years, with the advent of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the simplification of cyber systems, artificial intelligence is considered a vital and valuable element and mastering it is considered as a component of power. The importance of this issue is better understood when the strategic competitions of international actors - generally the great powers - direct their activities towards research and development in the field of artificial intelligence and are turning it into one of the most important Strategic advantages are in the international environment. Assuming the future of geopolitical-geostrategic competition with a focus on artificial intelligence and its applications, this article seeks to answer the question of how the "geopolitical network of the international system" is transformed by the dual nature of artificial intelligence. Has been? Findings show that artificial intelligence and algorithmic system with the reproduction of new geopolitical components and the use of its military, security, political, geo-economics and geocultural functions, have a significant impact on the promotion, evolution and power of international actors.

The present article is a variable research of the foundation and examines its hypothesis using a conceptual framework. The research seeks to analyze the meta-technological impact of artificial intelligence on geopolitics and analyze the future of strategic competition of global actors in the form of the impact of these two elements through the use of the conceptual framework of "data governance". The authors argue that using the conceptual framework of data governance (algorithms) it can be seen that classical geopolitical theoretical studies need theoretical transformation, because the variable of artificial intelligence has made fundamental changes in studies in this field, regardless of which Geopolitical research-foundation will be incomplete. Therefore, artificial intelligence is presented as an independent variable and geopolitics as a dependent variable. Based on this, the article tries to use the analytical-descriptive research method in order to explain its subject and the data collection method is based on library resources and in the form of documents.

This article deals with the relationship between artificial intelligence and the global geopolitical arena, focusing on the three components of power, sovereignty and security. The main claim of this article is that the development of artificial intelligence and its applications has led to a change in the aspects, dimensions and methods of exercising power and the mere centralization of the state and therefore its reorganization at the geopolitical level. In other words, geopolitics has undergone such a simple and extensive transformation that classical narratives alone can no longer be a solid and comprehensive narrator of geopolitical issues. Therefore, it is immaturity to continue to call the context in which artificial intelligence has undergone profound changes "geopolitical." The authors of this article believe that the essence of the concept of "geopolitics" has expired and is obsolete to explore and explore the metaphysical effects of artificial intelligence on the geopolitical field, and henceforth we need a new, innovative and up-to-date concept. A concept that defines new contexts, procedures, processes, and processes, while at the same time not abandoning classical and paleontological considerations. This is an appropriate term for "post-geopolitical" writers. Post-geopolitics is an appropriate term because, while paying attention to the function and characteristics of stable and classical textures, it also narrates the fluid, variable and inhuman state of the art that artificial intelligence has created. It points out that the "age-old" issues of the geospatial environment are no longer the hegemony of world life, and it is striking to note that extra-technological trends such as artificial intelligence have also emerged that challenge nation-state relations in general. It confronts them with a fundamental transformation.In the geopolitical significance of artificial intelligence, this account of Russian President Vladimir Putin can be considered a flip. "Artificial intelligence is the future, not just for Russia but for all of humanity... Whoever leads the way, will rule the world "A wealth of evidence shows that the rapid development of artificial intelligence has made it a powerful tool and goal in terms of political, economic, military, strategic and .... AI, which has been exponentially embedded in the digital revolution, is one of the most important determinants of the new international order in the years and decades to come. This super-technology confronts certain geopolitical axioms through fundamental changes through the creation of new visual-territorial relations, the dimensions of space-time, and the materialist matter. In the following, we will explain the new geopolitical reality in accordance with the sets of technological innovations, so that new knowledge and knowledge will be added to the geopolitical theoretical literature and the foundation will be considered in future researches in the field of geography. Researchers in this field.What is at stake in this article is that "geopolitics will no longer be purely territorial." One of the issues that reveals the geopolitical consequences of artificial intelligence is the future of fierce power struggles centered on "dataism" over security threats. In January 2015, a group of prominent thinkers, including Stephen Hawking and Ilan Musk, wrote an open letter calling for responsible monitoring and research on artificial intelligence from a "social benefit" perspective. Their particular concern, which is the geopolitical dimension of security, was the threat posed by lethal lethal weapons, or LAWS. These types of weapons are different from the remote-controlled drones currently used in warfare. The decision to drone is made by humans, but LAWS can select and target without the need for humans. According to computer science professor Stuart Russell, these weapons could include armed quadcopters capable of searching and targeting enemies in the city. What is often referred to as the Third Revolution in War, after gunpowder and nuclear weapons, will be the first generation of LAWS (which the Economist Intelligence Unit believes will be completed in the near future). It is legal, moral and political and not technological.

The belief that geopolitics will no longer be based solely on classical approaches, and that meta-technologies such as artificial intelligence have brought about profound transformations in the field, as a whole, by thinkers of the so-called "Post-geopolitics" has been confirmed. In this study, we explored the fact that big data microphysics provides the acquisition of self-learning machines, understanding of complex situations, thinking, reasoning and providing answers and the acquisition of science and knowledge without the help and intervention of humans., How it has affected geopolitical knowledge and made it one of the most important, serious and newest topics in the field of geopolitics. Accordingly, in this study, we attempted to show the theoretical nature of the impact of artificial intelligence, which has a dual and genius function on the geopolitical space, as a context in which algorithmic competitions of global actors such as domestic, regional and international They behave within it and present the interactions between the actors as well as the position of the balance of power in this field and how it is geostrategically regulated. In this regard, it is clear that artificial intelligence is now a tool of power and with the development of its applications, especially in the military field, it will increasingly affect the geopolitical arena. However, the monopolistic focus on the hard power of artificial intelligence and big data microphysics would be a strategic mistake, because the indirect effects of the cultural, commercial, and political power of artificial intelligence on global actors should not be overlooked. This soft power, which is especially beneficial to the algorithmic and big data empires of the US-China Foundation, poses great problems for the independence and sovereignty of different countries.

Relations between Russia and the United States exemplify the geopolitical conflicts among international actors. The United States, guided by its national security strategy, has experienced significant fluctuations in its interactions with Russia across different presidential administrations. In recent decades, numerous governments have published strategic documents to articulate their country's position, role in the contemporary world, and the US government's approach to geopolitical challenges. These documents typically outline objectives, tools, and methods of implementation. The US national security strategy has consistently navigated between isolationist and internationalist perspectives, taking into account stable goals, economic capacity, geographical location, physical security, and the expansion of values. The most recent strategy document, released in 2022, illuminates the complex political, security, commercial, economic, technological, and geopolitical relationships between the US, Russia, and their allies during at least one presidential term. During the Biden administration, the US national security strategy has placed significant emphasis on Russia's geopolitical challenges, its conflict with Ukraine, and the ongoing geopolitical rivalry with the West. This study aims to explore and analyze these geopolitical challenges and competitions between the US and Russia across various dimensions from the perspective of the American national security strategy during the Biden administration. Consequently, the US's heightened concerns regarding Russia's behavior in geostrategic and geopolitical contexts necessitate their inclusion in the national security strategy.

This paper tries to analyze the national security strategy of the United States of America during the presidency of Joseph Robin Biden Jr. (known as Joe Biden 2020-2024) with the focus on Russia's geopolitical behavior in the face of geopolitical challenges and competitions in Russia. The research data gathering procedure is based on library findings including American National Security Strategy, 2022, as the focus of research and the American Defense Strategy, 2022, and the NATO Strategy 2022, the Russian National Security Strategy 2021. The method of analysis is based on logic, thinking, and geopolitical arguments. This research benefits from the opinions of experts and experts in the field of geopolitics, national security, and think tanks of the US about strategic documents regarding the geopolitical behavior of this country in the form of the challenger and geopolitical competition of the Russian Federation.

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine has underscored the pivotal role of geopolitics in shaping global dynamics. This war, rooted in the strategic imperative of safeguarding Russia's territorial integrity and securing its western borders, has persisted, presenting a formidable geopolitical quandary for both the United States and Russia. The ongoing crisis in Ukraine has not only intensified existing geopolitical tensions but has also eroded Russia's influence over the Central Asian ex-Soviet states. Russia's interventionist foreign policy, characterized by geopolitical maneuvering and power plays, has raised concerns among key global players such as the United States, the European Union, and Asia. Central to Russia's geopolitical strategy is its adept utilization of energy geopolitics as a tool of influence, particularly in the European economic domain. As the world's leading exporter of oil and gas, Russia maintains significant energy ties with various European nations, as well as countries like China, Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, and India when considering coal exports. This energy leverage has positioned Russia as a dominant player in the global energy landscape, granting it substantial geopolitical clout. The strategic documents of both the United States and NATO in 2022 unequivocally identify Russia as a primary threat to Western security and advocate for concerted action against Russian encroachment. According to NATO's strategic assessment, Russia poses a grave danger to the security and stability of the Atlantic region, with ambitions to disrupt the Eastern, Southern, and Northern NATO member states. One of the important challenges that have been addressed in the national security strategy of the United States is the interference of Russia and other countries opposed to the United States in the internal affairs of this country. American Democrats believe that Russia and its supporters have interfered in the presidential elections of this country in favor of Trump. In this regard, numerous researches and reports have followed for 4 years until 2020. Finally, this issue became clear to the American Congress, and the fact was that through cyber intrusions and assistance to WikiLeaks and various social networks, the Russians were able to have a negative effect. A part of the American national security strategy that is dedicated to supporting Ukraine in the war and after the warm issues such as aid in the continuation of the war, aid in post-war reconstruction, and cooperation with Ukraine to join the European Union are among them. The US National Security Strategy document puts: while some aspects of our approach will depend on the trajectory of the war in Ukraine, a number of elements are already known. First, the United States will continue to support Ukraine in its struggle for freedom, we will help Ukraine to recover economically, and we will encourage its regional integration with the EU.

The American National Security Strategy document presents Russia as an important geopolitical threat that is engaged in the geopolitical challenge, competition, and conflict with the Western bloc led by the United States and seeks to disrupt the international order and rules based on the realization of its geopolitical interests. According to different geopolitics experts, specialists in international relations, and regional studies, Russia's geopolitical behavior in Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Caucasus, and in many geopolitical regions of the world depends on how the Russia’s war in Ukraine ends. This war and its end can shape the structure of the global and regional geopolitical system for coming decades and bring the geopolitical competition of the transitioning world closer to relative geopolitical stability. In this document, America's deep concern about Russia's geopolitical behavior in geostrategic territories and geopolitical regions of the world, especially in Europe and Eurasia, is evident. “The geopolitical imperative to reduce our collective dependence on countries like Russia that seek to use energy to threaten and coerce is intensifying,” this document states. The document argues that America and its allies have experienced a global energy crisis caused by the politicization of oil and gas resources controlled by Russia, which has been exacerbated by OPEC. In this strategic document, Russia is considered an immediate and continuous threat and challenge to the regional security order in Europe and is a source of disruption and instability in the geopolitics of the world system. The US national security strategy document and NATO Strategic document and the US defense security document which were written in 2022, Russia is considered a serious threat, challenge, and competitor for the Western bloc and the need to fight against Russia is inevitable.

In geopolitics, every decision is consciously taken and the effect of various structures of organizations, ideological institutions, etc. on performance methods and even our way of thinking is carefully noticed. Fundamental bases of geopolitical studies as well as politics are geosphere and biosphere. In this regard, Arquilla & Ronfeldt (1999) offered the idea of “noopolitics” as a new strategic approach in noospheric setting. This setting refers to the development of earth and human knowledge, science as well as mental communicative network to regenerate phenomena. Noopolitics makes a deep change in geopolitics and art of governing because it can turn knowledge into power. Above all, the aim is to prevent the dominance of power over knowledge with the result of our developed mind transferring the sciences at the service of humanity and peace into an extended area. While classical geopolitics claims that some countries overtake others with the intention of overruling, noopolitics rejects it and considers the unique source of power, “the power over self”. Finally, according to noopolitics, another war cannot exist in facing absolute knowledge.

This study enjoys fundamental method of research and involves a new discussion over power and knowledge in relation to classical geopolitics. It dominates change in patterns and the current procedure on international system based on evolved principles of geopolitics during which the subject of power and informational strength turns into knowledge and wisdom. Its verification is the main focus of this research. With regard to the theoretical nature of the subject, the research method is descriptive-analytic and data collection tool is based on library findings.

Noopolitics is the interaction between power and knowledge and between power and wisdom. In fact, it is the “policy of knowledge geopolitics” in a way that it explains behaviors, errors, and reasons and enables the tomorrow’s leaders to overcome the errors. Noopolitics claims that sovereignty at any level of human organization is the source of blessing and every power. If noopolitics is considered as the interaction between power and knowledge, the art of knowledge is the ability to rule and control over power.
In essence, noopolitics is a political-informative function which can be updated with the entrance of new players. Arquilla & Ronfeldt (1999) consider five trends to develop noopolitics. Integrated growth at international level, continuation of unity of the world civil society, added soft power, and updated importance of cooperation merits and shaping international noosphere. This inclination, of course, does not outdate old paradigm of terms related to political realism. However, power decreases “states role as determining factor of world discipline” and the political and realistic states. This trend, in more complex relations of the nations, considers noopolitics as states’ approaches that can be used by non-government institutions as state influencers, and emphasizes on the role of soft power to express thoughts, values, norms and ethics via all media. Noopolitics is the political behavior and foreign political strategy for the information age which emphasizes on shaping and sharing the ideas, norms, regulations, and ethics through soft power. In this regard, the information era witnesses the movement from realpolitics to noopolitics. While realpolitics with its realistic policy intends to transfer power to the states, noopolitics enjoys the power of government and non-government players system in its performance. Therefore, we encounter certain new notions in noopolitical paradigm which are based on sciences and information era such as noosphere, soft and intelligent power.It can be noted that a meaningful relationship exists between soft power and noopolitics. Arquilla & Ronfeldt (1999) take states the main players of international system but still notice the relation balance between states, market, and civil society. This change is to the advantage of realistic policy. Noopolitic thoughts are a platform via which international activities develop with knowledge playing a vital role. They believe knowledge is resulted from multiple processes and through steps which briefly include information, comprehension, analysis, and dissemination of updated communicative technologies in the light of information. Noopolitics is not only the access to the data, but it also is the possession of strategic potential by means of application of information channels. It sometimes performs as a complement for reality and sometimes as a competitive paradigm for policy and strategy. As, international noosphere expands, noopolitics offers a new paradigm at a broader level. The interaction between knowledge and power has amended very simple principles of noopolitics. It has been recognized as an outstanding performance in a way that the states should not attempt to impose power on others. Still, they can be the final shape of power with noopolitical strategy. Therefore, power would be the final goal of international relations. Knowledge within power along with noopolitical principles would result in ideas which benefit more in peace rather than war. Military technology as well as talent should always be permitted or be turned into non-military programs because power of weapons of mass murder is more due to mass destruction. Information revolution empowers nations’ potentials to face others; however, it is also the most vulnerable at international atmosphere. Therefore, noopolitics hegemony would belong to those with information imperialism. At the time of battle, countries that possess thecapability of sharing hot information for public security are able to organize and manage more security organizations. But this issue increases the risk of exploitation and misbehavior with semi-trusted friends and allies. All in all, policies, resolutions, as well as especial mechanisms would be worked out which meaningfully keep noopolitics apart from realistic policy to deal with a vast domain of situations including “democratic development”, leverage on ruling regimes, and making agreement on environmental problems and human rights across the world.

The present research has posed a fresh discussion on power and knowledge in relation with classical noopolitics. The study domain includes changes in patterns and ruling trends in international system based on innovated principles of geopolitics with the subject of power and information capabilities turning into knowledge and wisdom that is taken as one of the updated ideas. The interaction between knowledge and power would correct quite simple principles of geopolitics and introduces noopolitics as an outstanding performance. Therefore, states with noopolitical strategies could absorb the ultimate product of power to their benefits. Based on noopolitics, wars would happen only as a result of coexistence of knowledge and ignorance, to hurt the enemy and prevent clashes. There is a need to knowledge because in encountering absolute knowledge, there would be no other war.

The national security strategy of the United States of America has always fluctuated between the two attitudes of isolationism and internationalism, due to the fixed goals and economic capacity, physical security. The National Security Strategy document of the United States of America, compiled in 2022, shows an important part of the foreign, security, commercial, economic, technological, and geopolitical relations between the two countries, the United States and China, and their allies during at least one term of the Biden presidency., and the expansion of its values.

This research, using a descriptive-analytical method, tries to examine the national security strategy of the United States of America during the presidency of Joseph Robin Biden Jr. (known as Joe Biden 2020–2024), focusing on the geopolitical behavior of this country in confrontation with China. The methods of collecting information in this research are documentary and library. The method of analyzing the information collected in this qualitative research was done using logic, thinking, and geopolitical arguments. In this research, geopolitical sources and texts, international relations, regional studies, and national security strategies of the United States of America in different periods (1986–2022) have been used. One of the qualitative features of this research is that it benefits from the opinions of specialists and experts in the fields of geopolitics, national security, and think tanks in the United States of America regarding the strategic document of this country's national security regarding China from the perspective of the geopolitical approach.

The National Security Strategy document of the United States of America at any time is a combination of the fixed indicators of the national security system of the United States of America and the plans and preferences of the President and his cabinet. Maintaining and protecting the territory, people, and way of life of the United States of America, the leadership and dominance of the United States of America in the outside world, strengthening the alliance with friendly governments, and confronting the enemies of the United States of America are among the constant factors that can be found in almost all the strategic documents of the national security of the United States of America. On the other hand, the preferences of the president and the government of the United States of America, such as those expressed during the election campaigns, also form an important part of the strategic documents of the national security of the United States of America. The national security strategy of the United States of America during the Biden era has dealt with China's geopolitical behavior more than eight times and more than ever due to the promotion of military power, the development of military weapons, and China's nuclear activities, as well as the claim of China's interference and influence in the affairs of other countries and the challenge Padayar has included human rights in China in this strategic document and has reminded its allies and strategic partners of the necessity of diplomacy and the continuation of geopolitical confrontation with China.

Joe Biden, who won the US election in 2020, wrote his government's national security strategy and sent it to the House of Representatives in 2022. From the perspective of this strategy, China's geopolitical behavior can be categorized into three types:geopolitical challenge, geopolitical competition, and geopolitical cooperation. This strategic document of the Biden era and the NATO strategic document show more concern about China's geopolitical challenge than the six strategic documents of the past six American presidencies. In both strategic documents, America considers China its most important geopolitical challenge in the global geopolitical system and the Indo-Pacific geopolitical region as the most important region where the geopolitical challenge and conflict between these two countries will be formed in the future. The authors of this document believe that geopolitical competition is changing and often complex. A context in which common challenges can be addressed, while these problems often exacerbate competition and further geopolitical challenges.

One of the centers of regional crisis is Afghanistan in the east of Iran. This country has common cultural, social, religious and political structures with Iran, but due to the weakness of political structures, it has been the center of geopolitical competition of regional and global powers. Due to its geographical proximity on the one hand and the competition of the powers, it is one of the geopolitical regions that can have many effects on Iran's regional actions. Therefore, Iran is bound to play a geopolitical role in this region. One of the most important reasons for the importance of Iran's role in the East, especially in today's Afghanistan, is activities of the groups that are religiously sympathetic to the Taliban. Therefore, national interests require Iran to prevent these groups from approaching radicalism through regional de-escalation. During the sanctions period, the Afghan market is one of the main markets for Iran's exports, the dependence of Sistan and Baluchistan province in eastern Iran on Hirmand River can be better achieved by maintaining the relationship with the Taliban, and finally, being present in Afghanistan prevents the country from turning into the backyard of Iran's regional and extra-regional rivals.

The research method is applied in terms of purpose and is descriptive-analytic in terms of method and nature. Data gathering procedure is based on library findings. The statistical population of the research consists of experts and professors of the university and fields related to geopolitics, geostrategy and geoculture, and the sample size was determined based on Cochran's model of 50 people. In order to analyze the findings, the average test was used in SPSS software.

The factors of Iran's role-playing in the geopolitical region of the East with an emphasis on Afghanistan are subject to relevant factors and variables at three internal, regional and extra-regional "global" levels. In this context, the ambiguous future indicators of power in Afghanistan and Iran's capabilities in playing its role, ethnic diversity in Afghanistan and the Pashtuns' role in power and the roles played by the Islamic Republic with regard to its civilizational characteristics in Afghanistan and playing a role, the Islamic Republic of Iran is considered as one of the main and most important factors in the geopolitical region of the East in terms of building universities and scientific centers in Afghanistan and Pakistan and producing knowledge and increasing general literacy in Afghanistan, and the influencing factors. The role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the fields of increasing the construction of cultural bases such as Basij, seminaries, knowledge centers and cultural centers, etc. is prominent. Preventing illegal immigration on the borders of Pakistan and Afghanistan has not been successful. In the context of evaluating Iran's role-playing achievements in the direction of securing the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the East, 12 indicators were presented, and the results showed that factors such as Iran's achievements in solving hydropolitical disputes with Afghanistan, Iran's achievements in the construction of the Chabahar Free Zone, Iran's achievements in the field of spreading the Persian language in Afghanistan and Iran's roles in preventing the spread of the Salafist ideology of Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia are the most achievements for Iran in the East, and finally factors such as Iran's role in preventing the transit of narcotics on the borders of Pakistan and Afghanistan and Iran's role in preventing arms smuggling in the borders of the peripheral east are not considered as the achievements of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the peripheral east.

The results showed that Iran's role-playing in the geopolitical region of its peripheral east, with an emphasis on Afghanistan, will be subject to relevant factors and variables at three internal, regional and extra-regional "global" levels, and the greatest share of this role-playing includes extra-regional factors. Also, factors such as Iran's achievements in the field of settling hydropolitical disputes with Afghanistan, Iran's achievements in the field of establishing the Chabahar Free Zone, Iran's achievements in the field of spreading the Persian language in Afghanistan and Iran's roles in preventing the spread of Salafist ideology in Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia will bring the most achievements for Iran in its peripheral east.

The political turmoil of the last two centuries in Afghanistan and the unfavorable performance of the four-year Mujahideen government (1371-1975), which resulted in insecurity, corruption and severe cultural and economic poverty, created a suitable environment for the emergence of Taliban in the political scene of Afghanistan. Historically, culturally, and territorially, Afghanistan has a lot in common with Iran. But despite these many commonalities, there are various challenges in the path of convergence of these two countries. purpose of this article is the challenges and opportunities of Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan (case study: Taliban government), which is done using the descriptive-analytical method. main question of the research is about the challenges and opportunities of Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the government. What is Taliban? How is role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the process of war and peace in Afghanistan evaluated? To what extent can history of relations between Islamic Republic of Iran and Afghanistan affect foreign policy of two countries, considering the rule of Taliban? results of research show that challenges such as unclear future of how Taliban will deal with Shiites of Afghanistan and tension over Harivard, as well as Islamic Republic of Iran due to its confrontation with America and presence of this country in Afghanistan, play a role in continuation of war in Afghanistan, and history of relations Islamic Republic of Afghanistan can be influential in foreign policy of two countries due to the Taliban's rule in future in relations between two countries.

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the world has witnessed two different eras each with its own features, i.e. the Cold War era or Cold Peace era (1947-1991); and, the current era, which is called the era of globalization or globalizing. Attempts have been made in the present research to study and analyze Iran’s geopolitics in the region in the post-Cold War era and within the condition of power System in the world. The findings of this research show that in the new era, the economic-centered system is based on political arrangements with the aim of gaining upper hand over economic jugular veins and energy, particularly in the Middle East. Hence, the significance and role of the states depend on their economic superiority in which their geographical positions too play an important part. It should be mentioned that the role of regional and extra-regional powers in the developments in all countries, including Iran, in the post-Cold War era, has been under the influence of regional policies of these great powers that have led to differences.

The presence of a notable and conflicting connection between the Shiite-Sunni geopolitics within the Islamic world, as they vie for leadership of the Islamic world, and the geopolitical rivalries among regional nations and global powers in the Middle East, has had an impact on the patterns and aspects of regional security. This influence has been further compounded by the rise and expansion of religious fundamentalist groups, such as ISIS. This article initially elucidates the geopolitical origins behind the establishment of Salafi Islamic extremist factions, with a particular focus on the rise and existence of ISIS in the area. Subsequently, an analysis is conducted on the impact of the aforementioned phenomenon on the regional security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The primary focus of this study is to examine the geopolitical factors that contribute to the emergence of religious fundamentalist groups and assess their influence on the regional security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The historical and identity backgrounds in state-building and incomplete modernization in influential geographical areas play a significant role in shaping the formation of religious fundamentalist groups. These findings are based on explanatory and analytical methods that investigate the cause-and-effect relationship between two independent and dependent variables in geopolitics. The geopolitical rivalry among regional entities and global powers is also a significant determinant. These groups have presented problems to the regional security of Iran by establishing their radical ideology in specific territories, affecting Iran's geopolitical, geostrategic, and geocultural spheres.

China, as an emerging power that has been recognized by the world since the beginning of the 21st century, has actually stepped on the path of economic development since the end of the 70s with fundamental reforms. This country, which was initially the place of investment for western companies, has now taken the initiative of investing in other regions of the world and is implementing large projects that focus on two issues, energy and transportation. are.China is currently seeking to expand its presence in other regions of the world with a large economy and as the largest factory producing goods and with a population of more than 1.3 billion people. In the meantime, the Middle East region, with its many advantages, such as energy and special geographical location, etc., is one of the areas of interest to China. In this regard, the author tries to find the answer to the following basic question with an analytical-descriptive method in the present article titled "Geopolitical analysis of the process of China's presence in the Middle East region in economic and political dimensions":How is China's presence in the Middle East from a geopolitical point of view? In this article, the conclusion has been reached that the geopolitical relations between China and the Middle East are mostly based on geo-economics, and in this regard, China has tried to avoid entering into security-political conflicts in this region as much as possible. The data of this research has been collected in a library-document way.

Globalization is a broad and multi-process phenomenon that has affected globally and in all parts of the world, including the Persian Gulf region. In the Persian Gulf region, globalization has caused significant changes in economy, culture, politics and communication. One of the important effects of globalization in the Persian Gulf region is the increase in trade and economic growth. The opening of markets, the facilitation of traffic and the movement of investments have brought significant growth in the export, tourism, service and industry sectors. Also, globalization in the Persian Gulf region has led to the expansion of communication and cultural exchanges. Many communities in this region are being influenced by global cultures and are adopting new ways of thinking and living. Also, globalization in the Persian Gulf region has played an important role in the political changes of the region. Some countries in the region have tried to increase their power and capability by making political and economic changes in line with globalization. Therefore, it can be said that globalization in the Persian Gulf region has had important effects on economy, culture, politics and communication. However, these effects may vary among countries and communities in the region and include positive and negative effects.This research has tried to investigate different aspects of globalization in the Persian Gulf region and the impact of these aspects on this region by using research tools such as questionnaires and computational methods.The main question of the research: "Given the international developments and the effects of the globalization process on the Persian Gulf region in its various dimensions, what is the most important way to achieve economic development, scientific progress, social welfare, sustainable security and the withdrawal of extra-regional powers from this region?"

In this study, since the main purpose of this research was to influence globalization on the countries of the Persian Gulf region, descriptive and analytical methods of inferential and inductive type were used; in which the inductive role of various theories of globalization was investigated. Also, this research was specific and objective regarding its fundamental theoretical goal and the results had a fundamental aspect.Considering that the use of a research method (quantitative or qualitative) alone was not enough to achieve the goals of this research, a mixed research design was used.

The result of the quantitative and qualitative findings of the research, an analysis of globalization and its impact on the countries of the Persian Gulf region, has had a great impact in both positive and negative aspects. The process of globalization with all its complexities has also been implemented in this region and the results of this process in the last few decades are various consequences that have become more visible from political, economic and security points of view. Although these consequences are carried out with the orientations and plans of trans-regional powers to obtain the wealth and oil resources of the countries of this region, they continue to take full advantage of the negligence and ignorance of the heads of these governments, but the resulting economic consequences for all countries in the region and countries outside the region should not be ignored. Because of the commercial, commercial, service and industrial activities that have caused economic prosperity in this region, he ignored it. The efforts of the countries of the region to sell more oil, which is the legacy of their ancestors, to gain more windfall wealth, has created an oil-arms competition, and the necessary excuse is the lack of trust in the neighbours and the fear of trespassing on their country's borders. In this way, what the governments of this region have gained is the high costs of buying weapons and establishing military bases. However, in addition to these issues, the relative welfare of the people of the Persian Gulf countries has changed tremendously compared to the past, and the heads of these governments have taken such actions for more survival and to bring about the relative satisfaction of the society. Most of the wealth obtained from the sale of oil and gas condensates is deposited in European and American banks after spending the above expenses, which means that the money and wealth of these countries are not in their own hands, which is one of the new approaches to the concentration of wealth among the superpowers.

In this research, it was tried to present a new approach to cooperation and communication between the countries of this region by expressing the different features of globalization on the one hand and the other hand by examining the geopolitical, geostrategic, geoeconomic and culture capacities of this region to achieve more success through this way. In all fields, reduce the possibility of the presence of foreign powers in this region. We have achieved the following results in reducing the influence of big powers in the region: Reducing the influence of big powers in the Persian Gulf region is one of the important challenges for the countries of this region.

Regions are locations where political processes involving many actors take place; they do not totally preexist and are not rigidly fixed in situ. Regions influence human civilizations' actions, emotions, activities, and ideas through full dynamics. The structural and functional qualities of political systems and many interactions in historical trends that take the form of beliefs, identities, and norms impact the regions. Regions are continually growing and collapsing due to geopolitical variables and the dynamics of the international system due to the dynamism of regions, the effect of diverse geographical elements, and functional changes in geographical scales. Interaction between players operating at various geographic scales is necessary to find answers to global concerns. Inequalities, such as a lack of resources and a high degree of well-being, military and security operations, international trade, and the emergence of pollutants and harmful environmental stimuli, are crises that call for collaboration and convergence in the field of geography. Incorporating different aspects of bio-social, cultural, economic, political, institutional, environmental, and water diplomacy in common watersheds, etc., as well as other factors that can speed up and facilitate political-security cooperation, is how regional convergence develops. Regional convergence engages more and fresher activists at various levels to play a more active role in the geographical space in accordance with the environmental capacities. Divergent geopolitical forces will impact geographical units' political, security, economic, and cultural actions if regional convergence is not developed under the influence of convergent geopolitical elements. Regional convergence has been pushed towards multi-level and multilateralism as a result of the changes that have occurred in the world since the conclusion of the Cold War and the collapse of the bipolar geopolitical structure. The results of regional convergence in various East Asian and European regions have demonstrated that these regions have made progress toward economic dynamism and development and have contributed more significantly to the stable security environment within the global power structure and geopolitical system. One of the Southwest Asian nations with a wide range of structural and functional capabilities in terms of its immediate surroundings in line with regional integration is Iran. Regarded as indicators of Iran's capacity for regional integration and its geopolitical position in the region, the geographical base of the Iranian plateau and its natural features, on the one hand, and the presence of various ethnicities and religions in border regions with geographic obstacles surrounding Iran, on the other. Thanks to Southwest Asia, this nation is at the center of regional political, security, economic, and cultural changes. Despite the fact that Iran's geography has several chances and objective and subjective geopolitical variables that point toward regional integration, this significance has not been practically formed at various political, economic, security, and cultural levels. The lack of sufficient and accurate information on the geopolitical elements effective in the process of integration in many dimensions and scales is one of the reasons why regional integration mechanisms around Iran have not been formed. One of the strategic identity organizations in and around Iran is working to build platforms for the union of the Kurds. Despite Iran's ethnic, historical, cultural, and civilizational history, Kurds, with a sizable population, are dispersed among the nations of Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran. The regional powers view the Kurds as crisis-causing elements in the region's security order. With regard to the Kurds, our nation has taken a passive approach to utilizing the Kurds' potential for regional integration, and this attitude has prompted the rivals to utilize the Kurds' potential in order to increase their regional and global power. The Kurdistan region of Iraq is one of the regions near Iran created as a federal unit in the Iraqi constitution following changes in Iraq's political structure and developments in the Middle East region. On the one hand, Iran, as a strategic regional power, is very important for the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in political, cultural, security, and economic dimensions. On the other hand, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq is strategically important to Iran on multiple levels and in different structural and functional dimensions. In order to achieve the convergence of development and regional security, this research uses a qualitative methodology based on geopolitical concepts to examine the political-security factors influencing the convergence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region with Iran at sub-national, national, regional, and global geographical scales.

The information for this study was gathered via semi-structured interviews, library materials, and online resources. Sixty elites and researchers knowledgeable about Iranian foreign policy and Kurdish issues participated in a semi-structured interview to first extract the elements and indicators. Then, these indicators were again presented to the researchers in the form of a questionnaire for weighing. The study's findings indicate that in accordance with regional geopolitical equations, factors related to the regional scale have the greatest influence on the convergence of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region with Iran. These factors include the Iraqi Kurdistan Region's geopolitical dependence on Iran; the Kurdistan region of Iraq is vulnerable to threats to its security and is dependent on Iran; the Turkish government's military presence in Iraqi Kurdistan and the failure of the Turkish-Kurdish peace process; Iran's impact on the future political structure of Syria and its impact on the Iraqi Kurdistan region. Also, the convergence and cooperation between the Kurdistan region of Iraq and Iran impact the security and development of Iran and Iraq.

The study's findings indicate that there are already political and security integration capabilities for the Kurdistan region of Arakhsh, and there are geographical scale factors that, if discovered and used, can make it easier for the Kurdistan region to integrate with Iran.

the security and development of Iran and Iraq are impacted by the convergence and collaboration between Iran and the Kurdistan area of Iraq.                                                                                               

There is no funding support. Authors’ ContributionAll of the authors approved thecontent of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work. Conflict of InterestAuthors declared no conflict of interest. AcknowledgmentsWe are grateful to all the scientific consultants of this paper.

nowadays , efforts to improve national security are among the concerns of governments and basic bases of their foreign policy .in this context , the actors in the region are trying to expand their geopolitical realm in recent years this approach has been based on aggressive realist theory and support of militias and people groups in different countries in recent years .in the meantime , the countries of turkey , saudi arabia , qatar and iran have used special tactics and different groups in order to increase penetration and power in these equations . ~~~ in this context , in recent years , lebanon 's hezbollah , which is one of the allies of islamic republic of iran , has been able to achieve victory and its balance can expand its geopolitical position .in this regard , the present study has been conducted with descriptive - analytical and applied approach to the power of ای region in improving the geopolitics of iran .the population of the study consists of all military and geopolitical experts , whose sample size was estimated to be 40 .in order to analyze the data , test - retest , pearson correlation and pearson " s correlation were used .the main question of this research is : what is the relationship between the power of the islamic republic of allah and the promotion of geopolitics of iran ?the results showed that there is a direct relationship between the power of the حزب and the withdrawal of american troops from the middle east and the decline of the influence of the saudi , israeli , uae and qatar intrusions and the increase in the power of the hezbollah party in the syrian crisis and the political equations in the middle east region .

Today, one of the positions that can play a significant role in the geopolitical and geoeconomic importance of Iran is a crossing position, and in this regard, the geographical position of the south and north of Iran with geopolitical, economic, security, access, and regional communication capacities and opportunities. and international, has been qualified for transit functions at different national and international levels, which has not been properly considered until now.Using the descriptive-analytical and survey method, the current research has studied the role of geopolitical opportunities for the development of the South-North transit corridor on increasing the convergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the member countries of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The statistical population of this research consists of experts in the field of geopolitics and international relations. Its sample size was estimated to be 40 people based on Cochran's model. The analysis of the research findings was done based on the numerical taxonomy model in Matlab software. The results of the research showed that the geopolitical opportunities for the development of the North-South corridor can be highly convergent for China and Russia, convergent for Tajikistan, India and Uzbekistan, least convergent for Pakistan and Kazakhstan, and non-convergent for Kyrgyzstan.