اقتصاد سیاسی

Although studies of Islamic economics have focused more on theoretical and fundamental issues, political economy has received less attention. Unfortunately, today, the lack of political-economic strategies in the field of Islamic economics and ignoring this issue has caused Islamic countries difficulty in advancing their foreign goals. This issue has placed Islamic countries in a passive or policy-tolerant position in the international arena, despite having abundant God-given resources and various economic and strategic capacities. One of the most obvious examples of this issue is political passivity towards the Zionist regime in the field of political economy; while the hegemonic regime uses tools such as political influence and military power to increase its economic power weakening Islamic countries in this area by approving its desired sanctions, Islamic countries do not make much use of their numerous capacities to adopt an aggressive stance towards the Zionist regime. Undoubtedly, one of the roots of the Zionist regime's ability in war and bloodshed can be seen as a result of the procrastination of the Muslim world in the field of economic sanctions or other platforms of economic confrontation with it. In this article, using a descriptive-analytical method, various contexts such as lack of resources, product embargo, legal and propaganda capacities, and other possible tools were examined and the strategic economic capacities of the Islamic world were presented to confront the Zionist regime. The results of the study highlight the necessity of using existing policy tools in confronting the Zionist regime.

Before the 1990s, political economy theories typically presumed the security of property rights. The significance of property rights as an underlying factor in economic growth and development was first recognized by new institutional economists and has since gained further attention. The current research examined Marxist and methodological individualism approaches within political economy that have been used by several scholars to explain the main causes of underdevelopment in Iran, with a particular focus on property rights. A common weakness of these approaches is their neglect of Iran’s unique historical context and their failure to present an independent theory addressing the inefficiency of property rights in Iran’s history. The present study suggested that the new institutional approach, which incorporates historical analysis and the study of societal institutions, could offer a more comprehensive understanding of the role of property rights in underdevelopment. Rather than simply analyzing a series of historical events and geographical features, the proposed approach emphasizes several specific aspects of Iran that must be considered. These include the country’s unique climatic conditions, particularly the scarcity of water, which has led to significant tensions. Additionally, the impact of these climate conditions on political and economic systems (the theory of government) has shaped nomadic and tribal lifestyles and contributed to the formation of tribal governments. This, in turn, has influenced the underdevelopment of property rights (the theory of property rights) in Iran.

This study uses the grounded theory to find the similarities between the processes through which the ownership of different state-owned companies has been transferred as debt settlement, and the challenges with which these companies have been dealing after the transfer. The data that have been used for the analysis is based on the interviews with the relevant officials, organizational documents, and other evidence pertaining to the transfer of the ownership of four companies to pension funds (Aseman Airways, Tabriz Machinery, Raja Railway Transport, Iran Tobacco. This paper's main findings are: (1) all of the transfers have been made without competition and the consent of pension funds; (2) the transfers have been made despite severe problems with which the companies had been dealing, although, according to the explicit content of the law, structural reform is the prerequisite of the ownership transfer; (3) the privatization organization has not supervised the performance of the transferred companies; (4) the transfers have been made without evaluating whether the buyers met the qualification requirements; (5) there was not a single procedure for financial evaluation of the companies; and (6) there was not an appropriate process for the delegation of the public responsibilities of the companies to the relevant governance sectors. In fact, in all of the transfers we have studied, the government has neglected the prerequisites, and privatization in the sense of transferring the ownership to the private sector to improve efficiency has not happened, and the government has violated its commitments to achieve the main goal of privatization (which is financing the budget deficit).

The political economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran defies categorization within conventional paradigms. Comprehending the logic of its internal and external behavior presents significant challenges when analyzed through established theoretical frameworks. This research introduces a conceptual model to elucidate the essence of political order and the driving forces behind its actions within the Islamic Republic, situated within the theoretical tradition of political economy. Uncertainty permeates the fundamental relationships between the state, the market, and civil society, shaping the political economy of the Islamic Republic in a unique manner. While incompatible with classical liberal, socialist, fascist, or communist models, elements of each are discernible. This uncertainty stems from the simultaneous existence of two conflicting philosophical foundations concerning the state's nature and functions: an organic approach and an instrumental approach. These competing philosophies manifest in the simultaneous presence of parallel and hierarchical structures with conflicting social roles. Furthermore, rentierism, acting as a mediating factor, impedes the potential for adjustment and reform within this political economy system. This research proposes a novel conceptual framework, "rentier pseudo-capitalism," to comprehend this unique political economic order. The findings demonstrate that indecisiveness in the institutional relationships between the government and the market, rooted in the interplay of these two conflicting philosophies regarding their nature and roles, combined with the mediating influence of the government's rentier character on this inherent structural uncertainty, results in the dysfunctional operation of both governmental and market institutions within the Islamic Republic of Iran. The repercussions of this dysfunction are evident across all sub-indexes of the governance model.

The history of modern Iran is marked by numerous movements and revolutions, primarily aimed at achieving a proper balance between the state and society. Despite significant efforts, Iranians have not yet reached the ideal equilibrium. This research aimed to provide a brief overview of modern Iranian history and examine the pathways of progress for both the state and society. Utilizing an institutional analysis framework and the concept of institutional congruity, the study developed a new analytical framework to analyze the state–society interaction in Iran. A game theory approach was then used to examine various scenarios of the state–society interaction. The findings revealed that the depreciation, economy of scale, and instability of preferences are crucial factors in the dynamics between the state and society. However, the rate of time preference emerged as the most decisive factor, leading to three possible equilibriums: democracy, despotic Leviathan, and absent Leviathan.

Among the communication and transportation technologies, the railway has the most connection with politics to the extent that it has changed according to the fluctuation in the policy of creating, expanding, building, and concluding railway contracts. Since at the end of the nineteenth century, railways were seen as the locomotive of countries' development, the elites of countries, including Iran, made great efforts to expand this industry in their country. So that dealing with the road was theorized as a symbol of progress in the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. In this research, an attempt is made to answer the question of what effect politics has had on the introduction of railways as an important world technology to Iran by using the explanatory and analytical approach. In response to this question, it can be argued that the railway in Iran has been a complicated political issue rather than a technical and engineering phenomenon. This hypothesis is examined in the framework of "creative (innovative) destruction theory". The findings of the research show that the establishment of the railway in Iran is intertwined with politics, and an important range of statesmen, intellectuals and other social strata have taken a position on it according to their interests. Therefore, the foreigners had a difference of opinion about it and turned it into a place of competition between them. The method of collecting information in the current research is library-based and using documentary sources and oral history.

The process of urban growth and development in the past decades has been strongly influenced by the approach of political economy. In Iran, urban development has been formed as an exogenous phenomenon based on the growth of services, which is by no means a continuation of its historical urbanization (before 1920) but a dynamic imposed from outside and the product of unequal economic and social relations with industrialized countries alongside of future's decisions as a catalyst. It is tomorrow. In the present research, which has been done using an analytical method and a quantitative approach, the effect of sanctions on the housing sector between 2006 and 2017 has been investigated. To explain the research model, five categories of political, economic, institutional, social and physical factors were considered. Moreover, using spatial econometric models with three types of cross-sectional data, time series and integrated data were studied. Due to the lack of access and lack of sufficient information in the statistical period, regarding the studied indicators, in first step, the cities of provincial capitals and then the cities of the 2nd and 3rd degree districts were evaluated. Furthermore, based on cities data, the housing price growth model was analyzed using the spatial error model. Due to the variance heterogeneity in this model, KP-HET estimator is used. The results of survey indicate that existence of spatial effects of sanctions on housing price growth in the cities of Iran during the study period. As among the economic variables; Poverty index, unemployment rate and specialization, and among the social variables, migration rate, general fertility rate and active population were considered as the most important factors affecting housing price growth. These variables have been both a cause and a consequence of the disorganization of a coherent pattern of price growth in later periods.

Governments are increasingly using economic tools such as trade and investment in power politics. How to use economic power to achieve geostrategic goals is one of the central topics in the contemporary international relations literature. Unlike the geopolitical approach, which relies on territorial characteristics, the geoeconomic approach, by exploiting asymmetric vulnerabilities in economic relations, opens another path for the application of power policies to states so that The use of economic power is one of the main tools in the macro strategy of countries. Geoeconomics, in addition to providing a framework for selecting strategic actions, is an analytical approach in the field of international relations. In this article, using the concept of geoeconomics, while criticizing the discourse of liberal interdependence, we explain how power and security today go beyond mere physical control over territorial borders and need to control economic relations with other countries. For this purpose, while introducing the basics of geoeconomic discourse, we meta-analyze theories and studies of geoeconomics and finally analyze the results, especially the application of geoeconomic approach in power politics. According to the findings of this study, strengthening the position of each country in the international order requires that policymakers focus on strategies to strengthen economic growth taking the geoeconomic opportunities into account. They should carefully identify their geoeconomic advantages and use geoeconomic tools to increase their economic competitiveness. They should also monitor the geo-economic initiatives of regional and international competitors and strengthen economic infrastructures and institutions against geo-economic threats, especially cyber attacks.

The aim of the present paper is to analyze the political economy trend in Post-Revolutionary Iran based on five key indices. The results reveals Iranian economy have not been success in development of the strong private sector. The size of government & its intervention have not been decreasing. The composite index of " growth & economic welfare" has decreasing trend after the third development program, also the correlation coefficient between the economic growth and the value added of oil sector have been over 70 percent. By development of Infrastructures and health and educational possibilities, the "economic justice" Status have been improving in the early nineties decade but by intensifying the imposed sanctions & increasing the inflation rate over 24 percent during the nineties decade, the justice indicators have been falling. Furthermore, in the foreign trade sector, there is no obvious trend & determined policies. Therefore, the paper's findings reveal there is no the comprehensive theory and an indigenous governance model in the Iran's economy. In order to transition from conflicts and fundamental differences in macroeconomic policies making, that could be proposed to consensus on the general policies, particularly by emphasizing on the resistive economy.

Many studies have evaluated political power from a qualitative and quantitative perspective. But the present study tries to provide a quantitative criterion for calculation of power. To do this, using the country’s budget law, the institutions that enjoys from national budget are identified and then the officials who are at the head of those institutions from each province are identified. Then the importance coefficient of each official is calculated based on multiplication of two indicators: the allocated budget to his/her institution or organization and the duration of his/her tenure in each year. The power matrix for each province is made. Finally, the power index for Iranian provinces is calculated using methods of Simple Additive Weighting, TOPSIS, and Numerical Taxonomy. Then, according to TOPSIS method, the regions of Iran were divided into four groups. The findings show fundamental inequalities in the distribution of economic- political power in the regions of Iran during the period of 2009-2019. Also, The most fluctuations in economic-political power index have occured mainly in the middle groups. Since, most previous studies have emphasized regional inequalities in Iran based on various indicators, it seems that there is a correlation between the distribution of economic-political power and  regional  inequalities of Economic development. As a result, given the current status without change in the political power of the provinces, one can not expect a significant change in the economic development of the regions.

In recent decades, the role of economic instruments, including economic aid, has been growing in the foreign policy of major powers. In the post-World War II era, the United States became the largest donor of economic aid, and in order to prevent the spread of communism, it gave economic aid to many countries in different regions of the world. Although,</span> the United States has a long history of providing economic aid to other countries, China is also becoming a major donor in recent years. China tries to promote its status as a major power in granting economic aid. The comparative study of the economic aid policy of China and the United States is significant because these two countries play an important role in the international. In this regard, the main question of this research is what are the differences and similarities between the economic aid policy of China and the United States? The findings of the comparison of the economic aid of China and the United States showed that despite the differences in the methods and structures of aid, China and the United States both use the economic aid to grow their influence and achieve their economic, political and geopolitical goals in the regions. However, the US economic aid policy is more transparent than China in terms of the aid granting mechanism. Also, China legitimizes these aids by using the concepts of aid to the global south, while the economic aid of the United States legitimizes it by using concepts such as supporting market-oriented economies, helping democratic governance, and protecting human rights. The method of data collection is secondary sources – the library sources - and the method of the data analysis is comparative.

Since the 1990s, a political turn called "political economy" has been visible in development studies. The main purpose of this turning was to pay attention to the political components and specific characteristics of each society. Over time, however, it becomes clear that this new approach has not been successful. In particular, this turning does not address the issue of change and how it is realized and continued as the most important issue of development. So many questions in this regard has remained unanswered. Accordingly, this article seeks to answer the reasons for this failure and how to complete this political turn by examining the theories and literature in this field in a qualitative manner. Our hypothesis in response to this question is that "the focus of the political economy approach on the proper design of institutions and incentives stems from a technical approach that ignores the difficult political process of their regulation. Emphasizing the role of the agent, power, ideas, and generally a deeper political analysis to explain change can provide the theoretical framework needed to pay attention to developmental leadership and complete this turn." The findings of this study showed that the use of new theories in the form of the third phase of institutionalism in development studies can provide the necessary contexts and tools to consider the role of political variables in development, especially the role of agency, institutional and political work.

The august 19, 1953 coup was one of the most important turning points in Iran’s contemporary history, in which researchers considered its economic and political roots mainly separately. The historical nature of this event has prevented a thorough analysis of the interaction between the economic and political causes of the coup. To compensate for this shortcoming, this article tries to investigate the economic and political causes of the coup in the context of the relation between this phenomenon and the influence of to</span> global powers such as Britain, United States, and Soviet Union. This article uses the theory of patron-client and neo-colonial dependency theory to explain the external economic and political roots of the 19 August 1953 coup in Iran. It begins with assessing the importance of Iran’s oil for Britain’s economy, then focuses on the political motivations of Britain and the United States governments for conducting the coup. The major motivation of Britain was to hinder the downfall of the empire while the United states’ paramount concern was to fetter the Soviet Union’s influence on the Persian Gulf region that the economic importance of Iran’s oil was negligible for the Britain’s economy thus it could not be the sole reason for the coup. In addition, the paper showed that the political motivations of Britain and the United States were based on the economic importance of oil as a strategic good. The innovation of this study is that it discriminates between the political-economic importance of Iran’s oil and the resources of other oil-rich Middle Eastern countries.

Peace is one of the most moral human concepts and Peacebuilding is also an issue that has been the subject of reflection by thinkers in the fields of ethics and philosophy for centuries. However, recent studies show that peace is not a purely moral issue but a phenomenon with economic benefits. This is especially important for Iran which is facing various internal and mainly external tensions. By using descriptive-analytical method, the paper examines the meaning of peace and its economic benefits from a theoretical and empirical perspective and then discusses the issue that despite benefiting from some of the benefits of economic development in recent decades, Iran not only has long been caught in various economic traps, but also the level of internal and external tensions has increased, and as a result, needs a transition to a new path of economic development. The results show that "Peace-Oriented Development" is a suitable alternative to get out of the traps and bottlenecks of the country's development. How to build peace-oriented development is a question that is answered in the final section of the paper in the form of a triple plan for changing interests-ideology-institutions.

Considering the evolution of the global political economy system, the concise understanding of the category Foreign policy of countries with oil-based economic systems is an important axis of the dual system. Despite numerous studies that have been conducted to understand the formation of foreign policy in this countries, it is very difficult to explain the foreign policy of these countries due to the multitude of effective factors. But it seems that Cox's views provide us with a suitable platform for understanding how foreign policy is formed in these countries. The present study raises the key question of what effect does the oil-based production system have on the foreign policy of oil-based governments? According to Cox’s opinions, it seems that the structure of oil-based production has a basic effect on the formation of foreign policy in these countries by establishing social relations of production and government configuration; In other words, the action of foreign policy in these countries is in the continuation of social relations of production and in order to reproduce the monopoly of oil exploitation. In this way, the purpose of this study is to investigate and understand the relationship between the oil-based production system and foreign policy. The findings of this study, emphasizing Cox's opinions and the fundamental exploratory method, show that the interests and tendencies of the dominant classes and social forces in the oil-based social relations have a basic effect on the action of foreign policy in countries with an oil-based economic system.

The main purpose of this study is to investigate the extent and manner of the impact of political economy factors on the de facto exchange rate regime in developing countries and to extract implications for the political economy of the Iranian exchange rate regime. In this study, using ordered logit and probit models, we examine the impact of trade, financial, and political economy factors on the real exchange rate regime in middle-income developing countries during the period 1996-2012. The results of the research show that in the sample, an increase in the size of the economy increases the likelihood of choosing a floating exchange rate regime, and an increase in institutional quality, government strength, the power of interest groups, the level of democracy, and oil rents increases the likelihood of choosing a fixed exchange rate regime. Another conclusion is that the political economy factors have different effects on the choice of exchange rate regime in developing countries with upper-than-average incomes and developing countries with lower-than-average incomes. As a result, given that in developing countries the political economy factors have a significant impact on the choice of exchange rate regime, and since the influence of political economy factors on the choice of exchange rate regime leads to the adoption of a non-optimal currency system, policymakers in these countries need to reconsider how they choose the currency system. Also, according to the experimental results of this study, developing countries with poor institutional quality such as Iran are not able to maintain a stable exchange rate regime.

The non-optimal choice of exchange rate policy is a serious obstacle to improving the country's economic situation. Considering that the involvement of political economy factors in the adoption of exchange rate policy causes its inefficiency and the choice of exchange rate regime in developing countries seems to has been more influenced by the political economy factors, the study of amount and how the political economy factors influence on the choice of exchange rate regime of developing countries in comparison with developed countries is necessary and important. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of trade, financial and political economy factors on the de facto exchange rate regime in developing and developed countries over the time period 1996-2012. The estimates of the present study have been estimated using logit and probit models. The results of the research show that in developing and developed countries, an increase in the size of economy increases the likelihood of choosing a floating exchange rate regime, and an increase in government strength, the power of interest groups, the level of democracy, and oil rents increases the likelihood of choosing a fixed exchange rate regime, although the power of interest groups is not significant in developed countries. The nonlinear relationship between the institutional quality and the exchange rate regime has been proposed by Alsina and Wagner (2006) is also confirmed.

The personal income tax system in Iran suffers from some loopholes and drawbacks. The evolution of the tax system is one of the necessities that is mentioned in the country's upstream documents such as the General Policies of Eghtesad-d-Moghavemati and the Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress. One of the main solutions to correct this structure is a systematic change, centered on the total income tax. But that model of taxation has a lot of subtle that requires evaluating different aspects of it and having a look at other countries' experiences, and also makes it necessary to analyze the specific characteristics of Iran. In this regard, there is no huge amount of research so far. So the question of this study is that what are the advantages and disadvantages of each type of income tax systems, and which one is appropriate for Iran? Utilizing a library research methodology, after evaluating different types of PIT systems and examining the different aspects of Iran's political economy, we concluded that the flat income tax system with basic credit (type III) is the most appropriate system with respect to the structure of the political economy. And it also satisfies efficiency, justice, and simplicity goals to the desirable extent. It is also recommended that the subsidies in cash be paid in the form of tax credits. The findings also have policy implications aiming reduction or elimination of tax exemptions, establishing comprehensive databases, laws amendment, and changing the country's enforcement practices.

Governmental budgeting, as a ground for public resource distribution, is one of the most important economic subjects, and also considered as one of the most important areas for the distribution of rent. Countries with high intervention and a big size of the government in the economy, government and government budget will play a significant role in the distribution of resources, and for this reason, it will be in the center of attention of different individuals and groups to gain economic and non-economic benefits. The side effects of a rentier economy have led economists to seek solutions to reduce the grounds of rent-seeking and lead the economy towards a productive and entrepreneurial economy. In this regard, the current study we seek to pathologize the process of budget bill ratification in the sense of the rent-creation groundwork, and represent the needed solutions for the correction and improvement of the process, aiming the alleviation of corruption groundwork and implementation of the 19th article of the General Policies of Eghtesad-e-Moghavemati. This descriptive-analytical study has identified five major problems in the ratification process, which are rooted in the absence of the basis of expertise-oriented decision-making. And we attempt to provide some solutions with regard to other researches findings and practices of some countries.