جمهوری اسلامی ایران

The United States has increasingly relied on sanctions as a key strategy to influence and change the actions of other countries, taking advantage of the dollar's supremacy in the international financial system. To enforce compliance with U.S. sanctions regulations "Secondary sanctions" specifically target foreign companies, banks, and individuals, compelling them to either cease business with U.S.-sanctioned entities or lose access to the extensive U.S. market, thereby enforcing compliance with U.S. sanctions policies. By 2022, 68% of these sanctions, issued through the U.S. Treasury Department’s Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) List, were directed against Iran. The research seeks to explain why, despite the European Union's efforts to mitigate the extraterritorial effects of these sanctions, European firms continued to comply with U.S. sanctions. The research hypothesis posits that two factors shaped European companies' decision to exit Iran: (1) the rational cost-benefit and risk-aversion approach of European companies within the framework of asymmetric transatlantic interdependence, and (2) the lack of strong economic and trade ties between Iran and the European Union. The findings demonstrate that the high level of transatlantic economic interdependence, the sensitivity and vulnerability to shifts in this relationship, and the U.S.'s strategic dominance within this interdependence, significantly heightened the impact of secondary sanctions on European businesses. As a result, these companies adopted risk-averse, cost-benefit strategies in their dealings with Iran. The research employs a qualitative methodology based on a case study approach.

Due to the importance of the Middle East region in the management strategies of the United States of America, after the collapse of the bipolar system, foreign threats were applied against Iran with more intensity and in different forms. In response to these threats, the Islamic Republic of Iran emphasizes on deterrence strategy. Iran's performance shows that by moving away from the collapse of the bipolar system and approaching the present (1990-2024), the deterrence strategy has been insufficient in persuading and dissuading various actors from continuing hostile actions against Iran. The purpose of this research is to provide an analytical model and operational explanation of Iran's deterrence strategy. This research is based on a qualitative method and an explanatory comparative approach that used library sources to collect data. The main question is why Iran's deterrence strategy during 1990-2024 was insufficient against the threats of America and its allies in the Middle East?" The hypothesis is that "focusing more on one dimension of deterrence and not using the economic, political and military components of deterrence at the same time, as well as the emergence of new contextual threats in different dimensions and levels, cause Iran's deterrence to be insufficient against the threats of America and its allies during the years 1990-2020. The findings of this research show that despite the economic, political, military, and perceptual threats at different levels, the threatening actions of America and its allies have increased more in the economic and political dimensions, while Iran's focus is more on military deterrence. Therefore, Iran's deterrence strategy in the economic and political spheres has been insufficient in persuading and dissuading various actors from threatening actions against Iran.

The importance of poverty and dealing with that is so critical that poverty alleviation is the first goal in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Therefore, it is essential to be aware of the poverty dynamics and the mechanisms involved to influence such parameters. The purpose of this research is to identify the factors affecting poverty in Iran and analyzing the interactive mechanisms of the factors that cause poverty in the country. This study emphasizes the fact that knowing the factors affecting poverty and the mechanisms of influencing these factors can have a significant impact on alleviating poverty.

The current study is applied research in terms of purpose, and analytical-exploratory research in terms of information analysis. The data collection tool is semi-structured and in-depth interviews. Since the purpose of this study is to identify the factors affecting poverty in
Iran from the point of view of experts on Iran's economic, social and political issues, the samples were selected and interviewed using theoretical sampling under the snowball method. By conducting 16 interviews, the research reached theoretical saturation. In order to ensure that the subsequent interviews do not add new information to the previous findings, 4 more interviews were conducted, but no new information was added to the previous findings. Therefore, theoretical saturation was ensured by conducting 20 interviews and the target study sample was 20 cases. After identifying experts and conducting deep and semi-structured interviews, thematic analysis method was applied. This analysis is the process of identifying themes in qualitative data. In this method, a suitable conceptual model is obtained using qualitative data obtained from interviews. It should be noted that the MAXQDA software is used for coding the interviews. Finally, the specified codes were categorized and analyzed in the form of factors affecting poverty in the country. Also, in order to show the complex relationships between factors affecting poverty in iran in the form of main and sub-themes, a qualitative dynamic approach and feedback loops were used in the Vensim 6.4E software environment. In this study, an approach is needed that can reflect the relationship of factors affecting poverty in its formation. Therefore, the relationships between the main and sub-themes extracted from the thematic analysis of expert interviews are depicted with a dynamic view. This method is a tool to show cause and effect relationships about a problem in society. This approach maps the relationships of a set of variables involved in a system. The relationship between system variables is displayed using causal loops.

In recent decades, despite the fact that the debate on poverty and poverty alleviation strategies has been raising in the world, and in some countries, basic measures have been taken to reduce income poverty and multi-dimensional poverty have taken place, not only has the situation not improved in Iran, but the country is facing huge crises in this field.
In this study, the factors affecting poverty in Iran have been presented in the form of four main themes of political, cultural, production and educational structure.
Cultural structure: cultural structure is a force that determines, realizes, facilitates and empowers or inhibits, binds or hinders action. Cultural structure identified in the interviews has been classified into two categories: the mental paradigms of actors (people and officials) and the culture of poverty.
Political structure: the elements related to the political structure identified among the experts' interviews have had a significant effect on poverty in Iran by reducing economic growth and creating inequality. These elements include: limited access orders, the presence of subordinate institutions in the economy, political isolation, lack of guarantee of property rights, lack of transparency in access to information, lack of freedom of expression in the press, rent, lack of a strong mechanism for monitoring, weak labor unions, government unresponsiveness, weak local government, not believing in law and legislation, and finally, the lack of education in demanding in schools and universities.
Educational structure: in relation to the interaction between education and poverty, it can be acknowledged that without adequate education and appropriate for the society, the individual and the society are limited to a poor life. Sen states that inadequate education in itself can be considered a form of poverty in many societies.
Production structure: the elements related to the production structure that were extracted from coding are: false beliefs due to unfavorable conditions, weakness in production culture, non-guaranteeing of property rights, political isolation, erosion of social capital, elimination of comparative advantage in production, corrupt monetary and banking system, presence of institutions subordinate to power in the economy, lack of written program in production, centralization in the center of the country and the environment of rentier economy.

Contrary to the opinion of many officials and people of the society, poverty is not a simple and linear problem, but a complex and systemic disease. There is no specific problem in a system and all problems are related. According to the aggregated model and the self-reinforcing causal relationship, to break the causal relationships, planned policies in the form of main and sub-themes are suggested as follows:Ensuring property rights for a large part of society, so that different people are motivated to invest and participate.

The role of knowledge in achieving economic growth cannot be denied, and the country's dependence on the knowledge of foreigners is one of the main obstacles in the field of realizing a strong economy. Because economic empowerment in every era and in every country is dependent on the scientific and technological power of that society. Therefore, to the extent that the country can access new technologies, it will be able to increase its position of economic power and, consequently, its military and political power. Of course, technology should be used in a practical way to strengthen the economic power of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This research seeks to explain the mechanism governing the economy and technology in a way that provides the basis for increasing economic power. Therefore, based on this approach, the main features and components of creating and increasing economic power are expressed with emphasis on the role of science and technology. The results of the research, which were obtained by descriptive analytical method and using library resources, document analysis and research and development, indicate that elements such as mosaic economic system, workshop production line, adopting the approach of increasing the intensity of knowledge, injecting knowledge in all dimensions Production, distribution and consumption, endogeneity of science and technology production and creation of knowledge-based ecosystem are among the most important of these factors.

Sanctions are a component of the dominant diplomacy in the contemporary world. In fact, the different countries employ sanctions as a means to advance their interests in foreign policy. The United States of America has consistently used sanctions as a method of addressing countries that do not align with its interests. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Venezuela are among the countries sanctioned by the US. Since the onset of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, the United States has sanctioned Tehran, citing various reasons such as the alleged support for terrorism, violation of human rights, and attempts at acquiring weapons of mass destruction. After years of negotiations and diplomacy between Iran and the world powers, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was finally signed in 2015. As a result, some US sanctions against Iran were lifted. However, following Donald Trump’s election as the president of the US and his withdrawal from the JCPOA, an order was issued on May 8, 2018 to re-impose sanctions against Iran.Another country under the US sanctions is Venezuela. In fact, the US sanctions against Venezuela began during the presidency of Hugo Chávez and intensified in 2014 with the allegations of corruption and misuse of Venezuelan financial resources. With the election of Nicolás Maduro as the president of Venezuela in 2018 and the beginning of protests against his way of governing the country, the US stepped up its sanctions against this South American country. Donald Trump, who had previously declared his support for Maduro's protesters, attempted to impose restrictions on Maduro’s administration in the political, economic, and social spheres by issuing sanction orders, bills, and laws. The simultaneous imposition of sanctions against Iran and Venezuela raised the following questions: What are the similarities and differences between the sanctions imposed on these two states? Additionally, what impacts have these sanctions had on their economies?

 Theoretical Framework:

Sanctions are classified as limited, moderate, or extensive actions based on their scope and as economic or non-economic decisions in terms of content. Sanction theorists frequently assess the economic impacts of sanctions within the realm of macroeconomic indicators, which encompass factors such as inflation and currency rates, export and import rates, economic growth, unemployment and employment rates, and other significant economic indicators. Furthermore, sanctions can have non-economic impacts on the target country, directly and indirectly affecting its cultural, political, and social values. This study analyzes the economic impacts of the sanctions imposed on Iran and Venezuela with a particular focus on the foregoing categories of sanctions. The key aspect of sanctions is the process by which they can prove effective. In other words, what measures should be taken to enhance the effectiveness of sanctions? In this regard, a conceptual framework was developed in this study to identify several factors that affect the effectiveness of sanctions. These factors include the number of allies of the sanctioning state, the degree of focus on vulnerable areas of the target state, the experience and adaptability of the target state to the applied sanctions, and the type, content, and intensity of sanctions.

This research adopts a comparative approach, which is a scientific inference method that involves systematically juxtaposing similarities and differences among social phenomena, whether for descriptive or causal purposes. Moreover, an analytical-explanatory method was used for data analysis, and a desk method was adopted for data collection. The necessary data including the laws of the US Congress and the executive orders of the US President were extracted from electronic databases. The effects of the sanction laws on the political and economic systems of Iran and Venezuela were then clarified through publications and economic data showcasing the economic situations against these two countries.

According to the results of analyzing the economic statistics of the two countries presented in the above table, Iran encountered a decline of 47.9% in its daily petroleum production, whereas Venezuela witnessed a more substantial decrease of 76.9%. In the realm of exportation and importation, Iran experienced a decline of 47.5% and 15.3%, respectively. Similarly, Venezuela encountered a decrease of 48.5% and 44.7% in these areas, respectively. Regarding foreign investment attraction, Iran experienced a decline of 53.86%, whereas Venezuela suffered a more significant decrease of 60.67%. Additionally, the inflation rate in Iran had a significant surge of 277%, whereas it skyrocketed by an astonishing 114,000% in Venezuela compared with the pre-sanction period. In fact, Venezuela is experiencing the highest inflation rate in the Western Hemisphere. Regarding the unemployment rates of the two nations, the situation is somewhat complex. The unemployment rate in Iran only experienced a minimal change in comparison with the period before sanctions. However, in the case of Venezuela, this rate surged by 22.2% compared with the pre-sanction era. In addition, the Iranian rial's value against the US dollar decreased by nearly 303%, whereas the bolivar's value declined by 149%. Lastly, Iran’s economic growth reduced by 235.1% as a result of the sanctions, whereas Venezuela's economic growth decreased by 47%.  Upon the careful analysis of the legislative measures enacted by US Congress and the executive orders issued by the US President, alongside a comprehensive assessment of the economic conditions prevailing in both nations subsequent to the implementation of sanctions, there are evidently notable resemblances in the nature and substance of the sanctions imposed on Venezuela and Iran. However, the adverse outcomes of these sanctions have had more pronounced impacts on Venezuela than on Iran. In relation to the subjects and substances of sanctions, it has been observed that the sanctions imposed on Venezuela primarily focus on industrial sectors such as petroleum, mining, shipping, government officials, and to a certain extent, the banking industry. Regarding Iran, in addition to these areas, financial, nuclear, and military sanctions have been affected. Furthermore, Venezuela has faced sanctions imposed by the US Congress and the US Treasury as well as several European and American states. In the case of Iran, however, the US Congress has been less involved, and there are no multilateral sanctions in place against Tehran. Regarding the rationale behind imposing sanctions on the two nations, it is evident from the findings that Iran has consistently faced allegations of engaging in destabilizing actions in the Middle East, engaging in perilous military endeavors, and pursuing nuclear activities, among other concerns. Nevertheless, Maduro's administration has faced allegations of corruption, repression, and violations of human rights. Simultaneously, it is important to acknowledge that corruption, mismanagement, censorship, and internal repression have consistently served as justifications for implementing sanctions on both nations.

 Conclusion and Suggestion:

According to the analysis of alterations in diverse economic domains including daily petroleum production, export and import activities, foreign investment influx, inflation rates, and other pertinent economic indicators subsequent to the implementation of sanctions, it becomes evident that Venezuela’s economy exhibited a higher degree of vulnerability in comparison with Iran’s. This is due to some factors including Venezuela’s greater reliance on petroleum sources and gold mines as well as the corresponding greater focus of sanction agents on these matters, the country’s severe internal conflicts, the greater scope of Venezuela’s sanctions that of Iran, and Venezuela’s less experience in dealing with sanctions. The foregoing findings do not imply that the adverse economic situations of the two countries since 2017 have been exclusively attributable to the US sanctions, nor do the findings substantiate the complete efficacy of sanctions. Sometimes, incorrect economic policies or the improper implementation of policies, e.g., inadequate budgeting process reforms, failure to decrease dependence on the dollar, lack of diversification in exports (particularly non-petroleum exports), and failure to invest in economic opportunities and platforms, have resulted in dire economic conditions. The overall effects of sanctions on governments are contingent upon a multitude of political, economic, social, and cultural variables as well as domestic, regional, and international circumstances. Hence, despite the implementation of comparable sanctions on two given states, identical outcomes cannot be anticipated. Notably, although sanctions severely weaken the economies of sanctioned nations, the two cases examined in this study (i.e., Iran and Venezuela) demonstrate that the exertion of economic pressure does not change the political conduct of governing bodies. Therefore, it can be argued that, in contrast to the intentions of those who imposed sanctions, the impacts of sanctions will primarily be felt by casual citizens rather than statesmen. In order to have a clearer analysis in this regard, it is suggested to comprehensively compare the experiences of other states under similar sanctions with those of Iran and Venezuela.

Today, many countries, considering their domestic capacities and international opportunities, are trying to build a national brand in order to improve their national identity and present a powerful and inspiring image in foreign minds. The progress and development of Makran coasts relies on having a unique regional development strategy (RDS) whose requirements are derived from the upstream documents and general policies of the country. The main research question is what is the position of the concept of national brand in the regional development model of Makran coast based on upstream documents? The current research, using the method of thematic analysis, examined the upstream documents and selected general policies of the country and concluded eight requirements in the regional development model of Makran. The results show that in the eyes of policymakers, the realization of the development of Makran coast depends on the formulation of national plans based on regional advantages, the transformation of the Makran region into a set of large centers and economic hubs with an international role, the promotion of economic diplomacy (with priority to neighbors and Islamic countries), activation The role of transit (with emphasis on the North-South corridor) is to pay attention to the government's protectionist attitude towards the regional development of Makran, give priority to knowledge-based industries and businesses, build a national brand, strengthen tourism and export handicrafts.

Economic interactions between the countries forming the axis of resistance have led to the formation of a new order in the geometry of the region. This can both counter the threats posed by the ISIS, as well as preventing the growth of the geopolitical influence of the enemies of the Islamic Republic and their aligned countries in the region. However, the strengthening of the interactions between the resistance axis countries and the alignment of other potential partners with this axis, requires strategic planning to prevent the collapse of this alliance, as well as deepening motivations for cooperation. The objective of this article is to propose geo-economic strategies for utilizing opportunities presented by electricity transactions in the region. This strategy can strengthen the strategic alliance between axis of resistance countries through plans which provide the foundation for industrial growth and development in the region, and are thus beneficial to all neighboring countries, thereby, taking a step towards meeting the geostrategic goals of the of axis of resistance. The research method of this article is based on conducting interviews with a panel of experts. The results indicate that with the establishment of an electricity grid between these countries, the Islamic Republic of Iran will be responsible for supplying a part of the electricity needed by allies, and in return it can receive strategic agricultural or ore products.

In terms of economic and geo-economic potentials, Iran has a privileged status among the countries of different areas such as Central Asia, Indian sub-continent and West Asia. The existence of rich energy and mineral resources are among the most important economic attractions of Iran; and in addition, Iran is geographically located in one of the most unique geo-economic situations in the world. But in recent decades due to the weakness of political organization space and management problems, the corridors have not been developed. The development of corridors, in addition to improving the country's position from an economic, commercial, political and military point of view can also expand the economic diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this context, the present study has investigated the role of the development of Iran's transit corridors to improve the status of economic diplomacy and the relations between Iran and the countries of the region with a descriptive-analytical and survey method. The statistical population consists of all political science experts, whose sample size was determined to be 35 people. The analysis of the findings was also based on economic models of similarity and cosine and SPSS software was used. The results showed that the development of the South-North Corridor can provide the interests of the countries of Central Asia, the Caspian and the Indian sub-continent, and also the development of the corridor can increase the export of oil and energy, as well as strengthen the cooperation and dependencies of the countries of Central Asia, especially China.

Over the past few decades, China has been able to achieve significant economic growth by maintaining the structure of its political system, exploiting domestic benefits, and pursuing an open-door policy in the economic sphere. Despite the common interests of Iran and China in the face of regional and international threats, strategic and stable relations have not been established between the two sides. In fact, the main question is to identify and examine the main variables of Iran-China relations to establish strategic bilateral relations for greater benefits. In this study, with a bilateral perspective from the perspective of Iran and China and using the theoretical model of "interdependence", the strategic framework of long-term relations between the two countries has been drawn. Analytical-descriptive study indicates the existence of cooperation between the two countries in three dimensions of energy, transit and security to form a strategic framework between the parties. Therefore, the main issue of the article is to identify the key components that shape the strategic relations between Iran and China. The basic hypothesis is the existence of transit, energy and security variables as bases for cooperation between the two countries. The results indicate that Iran has three comparative advantages, including sustainable energy supply, secure transit access to Central Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean, and security in the Islamic geography. In contrast, supplying value-added energy derivatives, completing transit infrastructure, and facilitating access to finance are seen as China's benefits to Iran's economy.

The authors’ main objective is to examine the nature of the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)'s gas export policy and its national security policies as well as its energy security policies. The research hypothesis postulates that success or failure of Iranian gas export policy is related to energy security criteria of the two sides of transaction. Moreover, this association is affected by Iran's national security policy. To gain conceptual framework for analyzing Iranian gas export policy, we try to compare gas export policies of Qatar and Russia, the two key natural gas exporters in the world. The studies of gas export negotiations conducted in the past three decades in addition to challenges toward mega project of Iran’s gas export clearly show lack of sufficient knowledge of Iranian energy policy-makers about energy security concepts. Overlooking the requirements of energy security in the process of gas export policymakig has greatly contributed to the loss of Iran's geo-economic potentials in spite of its considerable natural gas resources. Furthermore, Iran’s gas export policy is under pressure from the US imposed sanctions with "lack of supply security" justification for clients and is rooted in Iranian national security and foreign policy. Russia has also been striving to prevent major natural gas producers like Iran to enter the European market in order to protect its "demand security" across the continent.

The foreign policy of the interim government is a phase of changing Iran's foreign policy from unity with the West to non-compliance foreign policy. This period also has fundamental differences with the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic in the 1980s. Therefore, understanding the reasons and the factors that make it appear is crucial. This article uses the political economy approach to explain the formation of the interim government's foreign policy and to illustrate the causes and causes of this change. Political economy goes beyond existing approaches and emphasizes domestic and international elements and the dynamic interaction of economics, politics, and society with the formation of foreign policy in this period. This explanation is based on how social forces operate and their nature at this juncture, the dominant political ideology and structure, and the economic conditions and forces that shape the interaction and influence of international political economy in this period. The findings of the research show that the foreign policy formation of Iran Interim Government can be explained in terms of understanding the nature of the government consisting of political and ideological power construction, social forces and their relation to power and economic institutions.

Planning for the realization of production boom in the Islamic Republic of Iran needs to consider the factors that affect it. In this paper, I describe the obstacles, strategies and requirements of production boom in the country using analytical-descriptive method. The research findings show that the country's production boom faces five major obstacles, including the dependence of the country's economy on various areas, the performance of the banks in financing, smuggling and massive import, management errors in the country's political economy, and lack of transparency in production. Strategies such as adapting the education system to the needs of production growth and prosperity, basic knowledge and implementation of indigenous versions, controlling money and capital markets, costing unnecessary economic activities, managing the economy based on the principles of a Muqāwamah economy and establishing comprehensive economic information bank can be used. The realization of these strategies requires actions such as strengthening the revolutionary vision and the jihadist management of officials and executives. It is also possible and achievable to adopt strategies aimed at creating a boom in production, given the opportunities available in the country.

The 20-Year Vision Plan has determined the grand aims from which its significant part is economic development goals and expected them to be realized on outlook 1404. The realizing of the objectives of the document, on the one hand, requires inside approach and, on the other, depends on the function of the foreign policy of the country. Therefore, the study of the relationship between the foreign policy function of Iran and the developmental goals of the Vision Plan has been the concern of this paper. The main question is, what is the relationship between the functioning of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the developmental goals set out in the 1404 Vision Plan? The hypothesis to testing is that seemingly as much as the degree of involvement of Iran's foreign policy in environmental tensions increases, level of its functional adaptability with the objectives of the Vision Plan is diminished. There is a kind of convergence between the tension-surrounded foreign policy of the country and the developmental Plan. Therefore, the adaptability of these two needs requirements in the economic and political spheres. The method used to explain the relationship of the correlation between the mentioned variables is descriptive-analytic one. Since in this article the Vision Plan with a strategic goal is considered as the basis for Iran's foreign policy assessment, the theoretical framework is developmental foreign policy. In this regard, the "thripal model of foreign policy performance" was used as a criterion for measuring the foreign policy performance of Iran.

Inflation is one of macroeconomic variables and in the economic planning; special attention is placed on it. Inflation could cause undesirable phenomena economic-social such as poverty, inequality and corruption. In study the creator and controller factors of inflation, there have been many discussions and factors such as monetary variables, excess demand and structural factors are discussed. One of the factors that could effect on inflation is economic security through such stability in the rules, create reassure among entrepreneurs, and reduce corruption and rentier. In this regard, in this study authors investigate effect of governance index on inflation among selected countries of G77 for period 1996-2015. The results indicate that governance index on inflation has negative and significant effect. Also, the results show that effect of variables of expected inflation, difference of liquidity growth rate and economic growth rate and natural resources have positive and significant effect on inflation. The interaction of variables governance index with natural resources on inflation is positive and significant.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the situation of industry in different historical periods in Iran. Based on the findings, before the industrial revolution, Iran in Safavids dynasty had taken great strides, especially in the textile industry but during the Afsharid and Zand, there was no improvement in the industrial activities in Iran. During the Qajar era that the efficiency of the Britain's industrial economy had been apparent different countries were looking to replicate the experience in England, Some measures for expansion of various fields of industry occurred. But Iran had no a clear policy for industrialization and a negligible amount of the gross domestic product was obtained by industrial activities. In the Pahlavi period, the first real steps for industrialization of Iran were taken and substantial investments in the industrial sector took place. This trend continued during the Islamic Republic and the share of industry in GDP and employment, significantly increased. But the industry in two recent periods is consumer, dependent on oil incomes and the lack of competitiveness in the international arena.

Although the passing of the interest-free banking law in Iran has paved the way for advancing towards Islamic banking, some problems have arisen in enforcing it. The findings of some researches do not support the idea that interest-free banking in Iran has positive effect on such variables like economic growth. This paper reviews the question whether or not enforcing the law on interest-free banking is among the concerns of the banking system in the country. The paper’s hypothesis is that since the time when the law on interest-free banking was passed in 1363, the banking system has shown no concern for its implementation. To evaluate this hypothesis, the method of hierarchical analysis for assessing the questionnaires concerning the opinions of 316 experts who have long experience and academic qualifications in banking was used. The results of this evaluation show that conducting free- interest banking transactions and achieving its goals have been a matter of concern to no one of the banks in the country. Stimulating this process requires extending the knowledge of Islamic banking and developing the culture of obeying the law.

E-commerce will be realized depends on two basic as ICT access and ability to use ICT, and ability of international trade. In other words, The relationship between business and technology creates the phenomenon of e-commerce. Leading countries in the field of international trade including countries that have the potential of international trade and on the other hand, countries that have new technologies advantage sophisticated. Recently, electronic commerce is one of the main factors of economic growth and development By entering the international arena. So The aim of this study is to investigate the role of Iran in the global e-commerce. For this purpose, Two groups of selected islamic and developed countries have chosen to check the status of the two groups of countries and define the position of the of Islamic Republic Iran by checking the digital economy index and enabling trade index during the period 2010-2001, by the SWOT method (Strengths-Weaknesses-Opportunities-Threats). SWOT method checks Internal factors in terms of strengths and weaknesses and external factors in the form of threats and opportunities. According to the method, the results show that in terms of digital economy index and enabling trade index, Islamic Republic of Iran has the gap with leading countries in e-commerce. even among the selected islamic countries Iran is not suitable. According to the statistical realities, lack of IT infrastructure equipment, lack of association between macroeconomic policy and the development of e-commerce and low level of adoption of electronic commerce by people is the greatest weakness of the Islamic Republic of Iran for the development of e-commerce, this is becouse that other prerequisites to the development of e-commerce is not available.