food industry

Health-related food policies, such as taxes on unhealthy food and drink, can act as catalysts for food industry to take action which may or may not align with the policy goal of improving population health. This commentary discusses the framework proposed by Forde et al in analysing the food industry marketing responses to the Soft Drink Industry Levy (SDIL), implemented in the United Kingdom in 2018. We suggest and discuss ways which may help broaden the use of the framework to other relevant policies. This includes widening the framework to cover strategies that may have not come up within the SDIL context but have been studied in other contexts. It would also be important to consider interactions between the strategies and with external factors influencing company decisions. Going forward, comprehensive evaluations of health-related policies should consider likely interactions with industry marketing strategies to fully understand potential impacts.

Background  In recent years, interactions between nutrition professionals (NPs) and the food industry, such as sponsorship arrangements, have raised concerns, particularly as these may negatively impact the trustworthiness and credibility of the nutrition profession. This study aimed to map the literature and identify knowledge gaps regarding interactions between NPs and industry. We sought to examine the nature of such interactions and NPs perspectives about these, as well as the risks and solutions.Methods  We conducted a scoping review according to a pre-registered protocol, searching eight electronic databases and grey literature sources in March 2021 to identify documents for inclusion. Two independent reviewers screened citations for inclusion and conducted data extraction. Quantitative and qualitative syntheses were conducted.Results  We identified 115 documents for analysis, published between 1980 to 2021, with a majority from the United States (n = 59, 51%). Only 32% (n = 37) were empirical studies. The food industry was the most frequent industry type discussed (n = 91, 79%). We identified 32 types of interactions between NPs and industry, such as continuing education provided by industry and sponsorship of professional bodies and health and nutrition organizations. The financial survival of nutrition organizations and continuing education access for NPs were the most frequently cited advantages of industry-NPs interactions. On the other hand, undermining public trust, NPs credibility and public health nutrition recommendations were pointed out as risks of these interactions. Following a code of ethics, policies, or guidelines was the most frequently proposed solution for managing these interactions.Conclusion  Despite the increasing attention given to this issue, few empirical papers have been published to date. There is a need for more research to better and systematically document industry interactions with NPs and the impacts associated with these, as well as more research on effective management strategies.

Shiftwork among industrial workers can lead to poor sleep quality, which in turn is related to occupational fatigue. This study aimed to predict the sleep quality of industrial workers with rotating shifts based on occupational fatigue using structural equation modeling.

This descriptive study was conducted among 208 production line workers in a food industry of Alborz province, Iran, in the year 2022. Participants were selected by the census method. Data were collected using a demographic questionnaire, the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Questionnaire (PSQI), and occupational recovery (OFER-15). Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to investigate the association between the latent variables of occupation fatigue and sleep quality.

About 74% of workers in all three subscales (chronic, acute, and recovery) reported moderate or high fatigue. In seven subscales related to sleep quality, approximately 22.6-32.2% of workers in the subscales of subjective sleep quality, sleep latency, sleep duration, and daytime dysfunction reported poor or very poor quality. The results indicated a significant and negative association between occupational fatigue and the sleep quality of workers. The model presented in this study indicated that occupational fatigue could predict 22% of sleep quality among industrial workers (R2=0.22, β=-0.47, t-value=-4.37).

According to the results of structural association between latent variables, decreasing occupational fatigue could improve sleep quality among one-fifth of industrial workers. Therefore, identifying effective factors and corrective strategies for removing occupational fatigue plays an important role in promoting the sleep quality of rotating shift workers.

The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted positively and negatively a variety of industries, including the food industry [1-3]. Meanwhile, the food industry is more affected by this disease compared to other industries because of its wide relationship with the household and the community. Various places, such as restaurants, coffee shops, hotels, and schools were either closed during this period or did not provide services same as in the past. As a result, many blows were inflicted on such industries. The demand for food by households decreased during this period and caused a part of the food market to be lost [4]. Global average prices for a variety of food products increased by 2% to 9% with half of the tracked goods rising by 7% or more [5].

Salmonella Typhimurium and Listeria monocytogenes are among the most important foodborne pathogens, and new methods to remove them from surfaces are useful. The aim of this study was to investigate the bactericidal effect of a combination of sodium dodecyl sulfate (SDS) and some food matrix-related factors such as temperature, salinity, acidity, and exposure time on L. monocytogenes and S. Typhimurium in suspension and on different food industry related surfaces.

The bacterial strains were treated with different concentrations of SDS, citric acid, lactic acid, and NaCl at different temperatures at various times. At least one concentration was selected that caused one or less log reduction in the viability of each bacterium, and the combination treatments were examined in this regard. The best combination was then selected, and its bactericidal effect on the bacteria tested was evaluated on ceramic, stainless steel, and plastic surfaces.

The results showed that the sensitivity of the bacteria studied to different disinfectants was different. L. monocytogenes was highly sensitive to SDS, while S. Typhimurium was relatively resistant to SDS. Both bacteria were more sensitive to lactic acid than to citric acid, and the bactericidal effects of the disinfectants were enhanced in the combined treatments at 45ºC compared to 35ºC treatments. The addition of NaCl to the SDS solution resulted in a strong reduction in the bactericidal effect of SDS. The selected disinfectant removed bacterial biofilms from stainless steel surfaces in a shorter time than ceramic and plastic surfaces.

The preparation of combined solutions using SDS and an organic acid at an appropriate concentration and temperature could be useful for removing or reducing bacterial biofilms. Therefore, the combination of SDS and the lactic acid at 45°C can effectively remove pathogenic bacteria from various surfaces.

According to Lacy-Nichols and Williams, the food industry is increasingly forestalling regulation with incremental concessions and co-option of policy-making discourses and processes; bolstering their legitimacy via partnerships with credible stakeholders; and disarming critics by amending their product portfolios whilst maintaining high sales volumes and profits. Their assessment raises a number of fundamental philosophical questions that we must address in order to form an appropriate public health response: is it appropriate to treat every act of corporate citizenship with cynicism? If voluntary action leads to better health outcomes, does it matter whether profits are preserved? How should we balance any short-term benefits from industry-led reforms against the longer-term risk stemming from corporate capture of policy-making networks? I argue for a nuanced approach, focused on carefully defined health outcomes; allowing corporations the benefit of the doubt, but implementing robust binding measures the moment voluntary actions fail to meet independently set objectives.

In response to growing concerns about chronic diseases, food insecurity, low-wage food labor, and global warming, the food industry has developed new strategies to respond to its critics and pursue its business and political goals. As Lacy-Nicholas and Williams described in a recent review, the food industry has expanded its repertoire from opposition to critics to appeasement, co-option, and partnerships.1 Defining themselves as “part of the solution,” the food industry seeks to disarm its opponents, shift policy debates to favor its interests, or delay decisions that jeopardize its profits or power. This commentary explores how health professionals, can respond to this changing repertoire. Lessons from previous campaigns to control harmful industry practices,2 suggest that no single strategy will counter changing food industry efforts to achieve its goals. Thus, advocates must consider a portfolio of approaches that can be deployed in response to changing circumstances, industry tactics, and threats to health.

In Sri Lanka, consumption of foods high in salt is high. Efforts are underway to tackle this issue, including the reformulation of fast foods to contain less salt. To succeed, understanding the practices in using salt among restaurant owners, cooks, and chefs are important. The objective of this study was to explore the challenges that may prevent the reformulation of foods to contain less salt in selected food premises in Sri Lanka. In a qualitative study design using semi-structured interviews and focus groups as data gathering tools, food premises from ten districts in Sri Lanka were selected; while owners of food premises, chefs and cooks were the study population. The study recognised several key themes related to the study objective including awareness and practices on salt use, ‘eating outside’ behaviour, dominance of experience when using salt, commercial vs. domestic use of salt and catering to the demand. Findings included both supportive and resistive perceptions and attitudes. Fears of competition and consumer demands may prevent restaurant owners, chefs and cooks from taking decisive steps towards lowering salt use. Training them on ways of lowering salt, while maintaining the appeal for foods and building trust on equitable implementation of salt lowering policies may win industry support. However, such efforts must parallel approaches to changing consumer behavior towards salt containing foods.

Ultrasonic methods are increasingly being used in the food industry for both food analysis and food modification. Ultrasound technology is relatively inexpensive, simple and cost-effective in terms of energy and time and is a non-destructive technique compared to other conventional technologies. The ultrasonic spectrum based on frequency and intensity is divided into two types, including low frequency (less than 100 kHz)-high-power (more than 1 W/cm2) ultrasound and high frequency (more than100 kHz) low-power (less than 1 W/cm2) ultrasound. The effect of ultrasound on various materials is caused by the formation, growth, and collapse of bubbles, which is referred to as cavitation. The ultrasonic spectrum based on frequency and intensity is divided into two types, including low frequency (less than 100 kHz)-high-power (more than 1 W/cm2) ultrasound and high frequency (more than 100 kHz) low-power (less than 1 W/cm2) ultrasound. Ultrasound applications in the food industry are very diverse. This review summarizes the major popular applications of low and high-power ultrasound in food science and technology.

In October 2019, the Mexican government reformed its General Health Law thus establishing the warning approach to front-of-pack nutrition labeling (FOPNL), and in March 2020, modified its national standard, revamping its ineffective FOPNL, one preemptively developed by industry actors. Implementation is scheduled for later in 2020. However, the new regulation faces fierce opposition from transnational food and beverage companies (TFBCs), including Nestlé, Kellogg, Grupo Bimbo, Coca-Cola, PepsiCo through their trade associations, the National Manufacturers, American Bakers Associations, the Confederation of Industrial Chambers of Mexico and ConMéxico. Mexico, as a regional leader, could tip momentum in favor of FOPNL diffusion across Latin America. But the fate of the Mexican FOPNL and the region currently lies in this government’s response to three threats of legal challenges by TFBCs, citing international laws and guidelines including the World Trade Organization (WTO), Codex Alimentarius, and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)/US-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA). In this perspective, we argue that these threats should not prevent Mexico or other countries from implementing evidence-informed policies, such as FOPNLs, that pursue legitimate public health objectives.

Enzymes are one of the main biocatalysts with various applications in the food industry. Stabilization of enzymes on insoluble carriers is important due to the low reuse, low operational stability, and high cost in applications. The immobility and the type of carrier affect the activity of the immobile enzyme. Hydrogels are three-dimensionally cross-linked macromolecular network structures designed from various polymers. Hydrogels can provide a matrix for an immobile enzyme due to their extraordinary properties such as high water absorbing capacity, carrier of bioactive substances and enzymes, biocompatibility, safety, and biodegradability. Therefore, this study mainly focuses on some enzymes (Lactase, Lipases, Amylases, Pectinase, Protease, Glucose oxidase) that are of special importance in the food industry. These enzymes could be immobilized in the hydrogels constructed of macromolecules such as kappa-carrageenan, chitosan, arabic gum, pectin, alginate, and cellulose. At last, in the preparation of these hydrogels, different enzyme immobilization methods in macromolecular hydrogels, and effect of hydrogels on enzyme activity were discussed.

The issue of public health and policy communities engaging with food sector companies has long caused tension and debate. Ralston and colleagues’ article ‘Towards Preventing and Managing Conflict of Interest in Nutrition Policy? An Analysis of Submissions to a Consultation on a Draft WHO Tool’ further examines this issue. They found widespread food industry opposition, not just to the details of the World Health Organization (WHO) tool, but to the very idea of it. In this commentary we reflect on this finding and the arguments for and against interacting with the food industry during different stages of the policy process. While involving the food industry in certain aspects of the policy process without favouring their business goals may seem like an intractable problem, we believe there are opportunities for progress that do not compromise our values as public health professionals. We suggest three key steps to making progress.

For decades, the food industry has sought to deflect criticisms of its products and block public health legislation through a range of offensive and defensive strategies. More recently, food corporations have moved on to present themselves as “part of the solution” to the health problems their products cause. This strategic approach is characterised by appeasement, co-option and partnership, and involves incremental concessions and attempts to partner with health actors. This paper details how corporate practices have evolved and changed over the past two decades and gives some definition to what this new political economy signifies for the wider behaviours of corporations producing and selling harmful commodities. 

This paper draws on public health and political science literature to classify the food industry’s “part of the solution” strategy into three broad components: regulatory responses and capture; relationship building; and market strategies. We detail the key characteristics and consequences of each component.

The three components of the food industry’s “part of the solution” strategy all involve elements of appeasement and co- option. They also improve the political environment and resources of the food industry. Regulatory responses offer incremental concessions that seek to maintain corporate influence over governance processes and minimise the threat of regulations; relationship building fosters access to health and government stakeholders, and opportunities to acquire and maintain channels of direct influence; and market strategies to make products and portfolios healthier bolster the market share and revenue of food corporations while improving their public image. 

Rather being a signal of lost position and power, the food industry’s repositioning as “part of the solution” has created a highly profitable political economy of ‘healthy’ food production, alongside continued production of unhealthy commodities, a strategy in which it is also less burdensome and conflictual for corporations to exercise political power and influence.