نشریه جامعه شناسی تاریخی
سال هفتم شماره 2 (بهار و تابستان 1394)

The present article discuses the foundation of administrative reforms of Reza Shah, which have had positive and negative consequences. The presence and continuation of the culture of dictatorship, along with the despotic way and enforcement of personal whims, are some of those results. Another goal of this article is to show that despite of the little changes that took place in the way of reform, a true foundation in the administrative system of the country was not implemented. During that time too, undesirable and destructive characteristics of administrative system, like favoritism, familism, obedience, lack of trust, sycophancy, corruption, lawlessness and irrationality remained and sometimes were even strengthened.

The current study investigates the land reform in the collective memory of people who experienced the event. Social cadres of collective memory and presentist approaches were used as theoretical approaches of the study. 20 samples were chosen based on theoretical sampling. Technique of data gathering was deep interview. All the samples were from Talesh township in Gilan province (Iran). The results showed that «class status» was the important social cadre of the samples’ collective memory. The collective memory of the samples with previous landlord and serf class status was different in terms of execution and infringement during the program accomplishment. The past serves recall it as fair and emancipated event. On the contrary, the past landlords remember it as a programme that did not consider minority of the local people’s ownership condition. After class statuas, religion and education were the important social cadres, respectively. The samples who had high religiosity at the time of land reform remembered that it was pretty against religious law. The educated samples had the most comprehensive and holistic view of the event.

This paper presents the dominant perspective of the historical sociology and seeks to reveal the capabilities of this insight in analyzing the nature of social changes. For this purpose, the library method uses for extracting the content of historical sociology insights in the context of current literature in this field. Findings show that the ​​social and intellectual area of historical sociology insight takes shape in the fields of history and sociology since the nineteenth century. Despite traditional distinction prevailing in social sciences, Frnan Braudel and Peter Burke from the fields of history, and C. Wright Mills, Anthony Giddens and Philip Abrams from sociology with different analyzes emphasized the convergence of sociology and history. Convergence result of these two groups wasthe interdisciplinary project of historical sociology in 1970s that on the one hand, is detached from history using social theory as analysis frame of empirical evidences and on the other hand, placing social action and social structure in their historical context and testing the manner of historic reopening of them demanded on the temporal nature of social life. This vision of historical sociology was used in various forms in different subjects., Theda Skocpol's generalized, interpretive and analytical historical sociology with micro (experimental) and macro (comparative) historical sociology were two prototypes of classification of different sorts of historical sociological insights. However, the types of analyses in historical sociology, all have the function of understanding the current world, the way of its changes and the coming paths. This paper concludes that historical sociology with a critique of modernization theory of development shows the different paths of historical evolution of societies and takes the development for the special event of historical societies.

In this article it is tried the political culture of Iranian society in a qualitative range of authoritarianism to democratic, to be analyzed. Theoretical perspectives on the political culture of Iran have been formed, Analyzes different and sometimes conflicting with each other are provided; A set of views, political culture of Iran has introduced with characteristics and features of undemocratic and authoritarian. And another group, democratic indexes attributed to it;including the indexes emphasis on high-amount political participation in the different election periods. In this study, using a quantitative survey based on fuzzy data, the political culture of the city of Urmia and Khorramabad, that have the lowest and highest rates electoral participation, is analyzed. Using empirical evidence, will be measured theories and views of Iranian political culture. For this purpose amount membership of citizens in the two sets political culture together were measured:self-expression values against survival values and rational values against traditional values, determines the patterns of their political culture. Research results shows that the pattern of political culture Urmia and Khorramabad somewhat similar to each other. Contrary to previous thought, in none of the two cities, there is no single homogeneous political culture. Thus political values of the masses, that is a set of democratic and authoritarian tendencies ambivalent. And more importantly, the political culture of citizens is not consistent with their electoral participation rate. Thus the argument that the high electoral participation would represent a standard for promotion of political culture and Its democratic that is not consistent with reality.

In this paper, to test the theory of Honneth, historical methods and analysis technique were used. The analysis of socio-economic forces during the 40s and 50 in the Islamic Revolution of Iran showed that Shah failed in the modernization program involved: secularism, nationalism and capitalism. Along with feeling humiliated, mis-recognition, denial and injustice by some social forces, established a major change in the approach to policy seminary. Clergymen showed a tendency to transformed orientation, and different social classes were mobilized against the regime. They felt humiliatly because of the modernization project. Because of the regime’s emphasis on nationalism, political parties and different urban middle classes including academics, writers and intellectuals felt mis- recocgnition. All of these resons led to increasing the motivation of clergymen to join the revelution. But also the economic forces played a effective role to the victory of the Islamic Revolut­ion in Iran. Traditional merchants, immigrants and poor people were the losers of the modernization project. Capitalism was unfaid and detrimental to them.They also joined the coalition. Based on these results, the recognition is one of the main causes of masses, mobalization against the regime.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran triumphed in 1978. Several groups were able to take the rule. The Imperial Army was one of the groups that dominated the tense situation at that time. But what happened, It declared its neutrality in the conflict of the revolution. Due to inconsistency in the policy of repression and compromise the king's army was defeated. According to the author, the composition of policies dealing with the revolutionaries led to the collapse of the repressive apparatus. Inconsistency in repression and compromise strategy was an essential factor in the regime's repressive apparatus disability. On the one hand, This strategy led to the freedom of political prisoners. Then the regime could not arrest the opponents. On the other hand, the compromise of the regime led to the arrest of suppressive forces and dissolution of SAVAK. Finally, such policies led to the difference between military commanders to control and suppress the revolutionaries, and loss of balance of forces.

The present paper investigates the relations between the state's discourse and operation in political-social transformations in the first three decades of the Islamic Republic Iran. The main problem in this study is the divese transformations of the IRI states, and The Question is how can it be explaned. To answer this question, histirical analyses were collected and refered a three interrelated level pattern. In external level, state transformations through Bashiriyeh's idea were followed. In mediate level, Kowsari's interpretation of Parson's theory about the pathology of subsystems domination were used. In internal level (interaction level, we utilized Tanhayi and Abdi's interpretations) of Herbert Mead's Social Evolution Theory. Finally, we found state ideological transformations, in the context of political subsystem domination, as the most important factor for social transformations, and social interactions were evaluated as ungeneralized. By this view point, decreasing the role of state in transformations, by depoliticizing of other subsystems and making social actions free from ideological considerations, is a solution for preventing divergent transformations.