نشریه اسناد بهارستان
پیاپی 4 (بهار و تابستان 1393)

The location of the Islamic Consultative Assembly enjoys a variety of research capacities. The study of the historical geography of the area is a relevant research field. Given that geography is the ground for historical events and developments, and given that the Assembly has been among thefundamental axes of historical, political, social and economic issues in the country ever since it was established, the historical geography of this place can offer interesting information and probably new scientific achievements. The present article aims to explore the history of Baharestan Square prior to the establishment of the Assembly, the surrounding historical and cultural locations, the way the structure of the square was shaped, its developments over the course of time, and the current situation based on documents and evidence. The period studied encompasses the time Tehran became the capital until the present time. This study can be regarded as an interdisciplinary study in the fields of urban geography contemporary history and Tehran’s architecture.

Following the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, the issues of holding elections, candidacy by people, and men's going to the polls were the most important dimensions of political participation by the Iranian nation. According to the Constitutional Elections law, women were banned from participating in this important area. According to Article 3, Chapter 1 of the "Union's Election Statute", dated September 8, 1906, women, along with those who need guardians, bankrupts, foreign nationals, individuals under the age of 25, corrupt-minded people, and murderers and criminals, were deprived from voting. Even though the law of elections underwent reforms on several occasions, this single article did not go though any remarkable changes; in other words, women were deprived from taking part in elections for almost five decades. Traditionalist figures were the top opponents of women's participation in elections; for instance, as a source of emulation between the years 1907 and 1921, Ayatollah Boroujerdi voiced his protest at any effort in this regard. Even during the free political period under then-prime ministerDr. Mohammad Mosaddeq, the demands by two feminine movements, namely "Iran Women's Council" and "Iran Center for Ladies", were met by the Ayatollah's severe criticism. It was after the demise of Ayatollah Boroujerdi that women were given the right to participate in elections withthe efforts made by the governing body and by virtue of the referendum on the White Revolution's Six Principles on January 26, 1963. This set the ground for women's not just participation in the 21st elections for the National Consultative Assembly (Parliament), but also their election as members of parliament. This document-based descriptive article indicates that the efforts made during the period mentioned aiming at allowing women's participation in the elections were a major challenge between women's movements and religious forces, which ultimately ended in favor of women due to the support of the governing body.

In the last days of its activity and given the country’s special conditions, the second parliament decided to keep on working until the third parliament starts its activity. However, a bigger crisis, that is Russia’s ultimatum to Iran in 1911, cast its shadow over the country, ruined all political and diplomatic equations and caused the parliament’s activities to be derailed from its usual and conventional path. Therefore, despite ratifying the extension of its term, the second parliament had to make a difficult decision about whether to accept the ultimatum and trample the country’s independence or resist to it? The parliament chose the second path and thus was in opposition to the government’s policy and the regency who were in favor of accepting the ultimatum. As a result of this, 40 days after ratifying the extension of its term of activity, it was dissolved in the wake of the meeting held by the Higher Council of the Court. Given the above, the question is why the parliament voted for continuation of its activity? Was the dissolution legal or was it a coup d’état? With a descriptive-explanative approach, this paper attempts to discuss the reasons and motivations behind the extension of the parliament’s term and its dissolution.

Ismail Khan Sowlat al-Dowleh Qashqai (1879-1934), began to have governmental positions and political activities while still a young man. Since then until the time he died, he constantly had such positions as "Ilbeigi" and "Ilkhani" (two leading positions of nomadic tribes) of Qashqai Il (traditional Iranian nomadic tribe), ruling in numerous cities of the State of Fars, and member of parliament (the fifth and eighth terms in Jahrom electoral constituency). After the start of proconstitutional movement developments in Fars, he put his weight behind the pro-constitutional movement and confronted the opponents. The present article explores the developments happened during Sowlat al-Dowleh's political life, including his taking stances against the Qavam ul Molk Family, heads of the Bakhtiari Il, the British and opponents within the Il. It also examines his way of interacting with local powers and the central government.

The first Pahlavi government attempted to centralize the power, homogenize the nation, and modernize the government and nation by force. It attempted to do so due to its pseudo modern absolute nature as well as the historical conditions. Thus, the establishment and continuation of such a government was in conflict with the thoughts of clerics, particularly resistance seeking clerics such as Sayyed Hassan Modarres. Using a descriptive-analytic approach, the present article raises the following question: What were the most effective factors on Sayyed Hassan Modarres's confrontational approach, as a member of parliament, towards the conventionalization policies and separation of religion from politics? The research hypothesis assumes that the religious belief based on regarding as unique the realm of politics and religion as well as the necessity to fight the oppressor in the Shia thinking were among the variables affecting Sayyed Hassan Modarres's parliament behavior towards the government. On this basis, Sayyed Hassan Modarres did not permit the interference of the Pahlavi government, in particular the autocrat Reza Shah, in the area of adopting cultural policies, especially vis-à-vis the clerics because he considered the first Pahlavi government as illegitimate. He also embarked upon confronting it. The findings of this article indicate that the first Pahlavi government embarked on modernizing social and intellectual structures in accordance with western standards, and by inspiring from his Turkish counterpart, Kemal Ataturk, he attempted to grow non-religious conscience to replace traditional concepts and religious loyalty. He further set harsh restrictions and deprivations for religious institutions and clerics, preventing them from holding judicial, educational, and religious positions. This is while, these careers were already done by clerics. Governmental policymakers rationalized that the main reason for the opposition of clerics and lawmakers including Sayyed Hassan Modarres to the government's modernization programs such as clothing uniforms and removing Hijab (Islamic veil) by women was their fundamental opposition to modernizing thecountry. This is while, from the point of view of Sayyed Hassan Modarres, an influential member of parliament, the government's grabbing of the country's endowment, holy shrines, religious schools and votive money given to the holy places, under the pretext of development and modernization, deprived the clerics from financial resources. Furthermore, it hurt the independence of this institution against the government's relentless behavior. On this basis, he rose against the over-dominance, excessive demands and autocracy of the pseudo-modern first Pahlavi government; thus spending years in forced political isolation and exile. As a true advocate of people, he finally lost his life on the path of his Shia beliefs that were based on fighting against the oppressors.