مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال پنجم شماره 3 (پیاپی 37، بهار 1393)

Alongside struggle for power and struggle for wealth, there is emerging a new element in explaining the behavior of states namely the struggle for recognition. In the context of struggle for recognition, states try to achieve recognition of their right to life (thin recognition) as well as recognition of their various identity layers including status (thick recognition). If the state’s right to life or its various identity layers including status is not recognized peacefully then the state’s struggle for recognition can become violent and beget the conditions conducive to war. Therefore if there are mechanisms of recognition through which the struggle for recognition takes place peacefully, then these mechanisms can strengthen the foundations of peace in international relations. The main question is as follows: is there any mechanisms of recognition in which struggle for recognition take place peacefully? Regarding the methodology, this article is a theoretical analysis that tries to introduce and conceptualize mechanisms of recognition. Although this paper is a theoretical research, we have tried to identify the objective representations of these mechanisms. By mechanisms we mean any relations or arrangements which satisfy the states’ need for recognition whether thick or thin.

Cultural heterogeneity is a hallmark of most countries today. Accordingly, modern nation-states have often faced serious problems in terms of cultural and ethnic diversity and their management. Given the importance of this issue, this article introduces and critiques Will Kymlicka's theory of multicultural citizenship. The purpose of this article is to analyze Will Kimlicka's theory of multicultural citizenship. The growing demand of cultural minorities in liberal democracies and the acceptance of the demands of these cultural minorities by these governments, especially in a country like Canada, shows that this theory has been useful and has had a great impact. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical. The results of this study show that this kind of Kimlica reading of liberalism, which is crystallized in the form of multicultural citizenship theory, is effective and useful in managing multicultural conflicts and ethnic policies.

Terrorism and terrorist attacks are now one of the world's fundamental challenges in the 21st century. The growth and expansion of this phenomenon in recent decades has led to its various dimensions to be evaluated by experts in various fields. Meanwhile, one of the important dimensions of terrorist attacks is the location and geographical space under attack. The main question in this study is whether terrorists attack certain places according to rational criteria? Terrorists seem to target specific places and spaces based on rational criteria such as inflicting heavy casualties, symbolic nature, intimidation, and media attention. In addition, they try to use the method and technique that is most likely to succeed in attacking their targets. In this research, which has been done by descriptive-analytical method, an attempt has been made to identify, evaluate, evaluate and analyze the logic of terrorist attacks in choosing the place of attack and the method used, using the theory of rational choice. The results of this study show that most terrorist attacks are carried out in the form of bombings in public places, in armed infrastructure using armed attacks and bombings, and in political places in the form of suicide, because attacks on these places are the most profitable. And it has the lowest cost for terrorists.

Internet and social networks have had very important role in development of political culture and extention of socio-political awarenesses and protests. Occurrence of revolutions in north Africa and Middle East increased the importance of internet’s political and mobilizational role , so that be remembered those as facebook revolutions. After 1990s onward, Kuwait among the Sheikhdoms has had partly open political space and has good situation about relative freedom of mass media, freedoms, political competitions and citizenship rights. In this article, by political sociological approach and the method of secondary analysis of data earned from regional & world surveys, the author tries to explain, A: the impact of Internet and social networks on development of political attitudes and beliefs and extention of socio-political awarenesses, B: the impact of development in political culture on shaping and extention of political challenges, political protests and carried out political reformations. In this article, the basic hypothesis is that, internet and social networks mainly have had impact on development of educated urban youth, the members of new middle class and university educates, not on masses and Beduins.

What happened in February 2011 in Egypt may be partially regarded as democratic activities of Middle east and North Africa. After the coup in 1952, Pharaohs land tried a “republic” government” for thirty years in which Hosni Mubarak was so far away from presidency and unable to satisfy domestic, sometimes foreign, oppositions and lead to his downfall. Mubarak’s ouster marked a challenging times for the Egypt. At first, the events seemed to cut the military power and form a democratic system. However the aftermath events, especially the continuity of turmoil, Mercy’s collapse (the first presidents of Mubarak’s government), increased the uncertainty about the future of the country. The present article is to find barriers of democratic regimes and reasons of military return to Egypt policy. The research method is descriptive-analytic. The researcher believes that the barriers are directly associated with the process of state – nation improvement in this African country. Today, there is no government in Egypt aiming to moves the process forward or it may be due to lack of potentials to overcome the barriers in this regard.

On what principles the legitimacy of law could be based in societies with pluralist worldviews, where all the members of the society do not have necessarily the same beliefs, values, and interests that the law could be rationally accepted by all population with reference to them? This study tries to examine the problem of legitimacy of law in the contemporary pluralistic societies from Habermas' point of view. The attempts by Habermas to provide a post-metaphysical justification for the normative foundations of democratic state based on the constitution will be effective only when he defend the "democratic process" as the only reliable way of legitimate establishment of rights. In this way, he introduces the "modern statute" as the normative binding of pluralist society and the factor by which the solidarity of citizens in this condition will be maintained. In his plan to meet the requirements of political legitimacy by simultaneous use of private and public autonomy in a mutual relationship, Habermas pass through the liberalism and republicanism traditions in political philosophy.