فهرست مطالب

نامه فرهنگستان - سال چهاردهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 53، پاییز 1393)
  • سال چهاردهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 53، پاییز 1393)
  • ویژه نامه زبان و گویش ایرانی (4)
  • تاریخ انتشار: 1393/09/03
  • تعداد عناوین: 11
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  • Salman Aliyari Babolghani Pages 3-44
    The Achaemenid Elamite language is so different from the earlier periods of Elamite that it necessitates and deserves to write an independent grammar as H. Paper did about sixty years ago. The present paper is an independent grammar of this language based on Achaemenid royal inscriptions and Achaemenid administrative tablets. The present paper deals with the phonology and morphology of Achaemenid Elamite. The other parts of the grammar will be published in a separate article.
  • Vahid Reza Zeini Pages 45-76
    Old Iranian speakers limited the meaning of verbs through combining preverbs with them and herewith could express ideas more precisely. What we can find in references about preverbs is not sufficient and clear enough to determine the morphology, function and origin of preverbs. The purpose of this paper is to investigate twenty Old Iranian preverbs and their different forms, to evaluate their functional frequency, and to clarify their morphology, function and Indo-European origin. It will be discussed that, from a morphological point of view, naming them 'verbal prefixe's in Avestan and Sanskrit cannot be correct. It will also be clarified that preverbs have their root in a group of Proto-Indo-European particle adverbs.
  • Mohammad Hassan Jalaliyan Chalashtori Pages 77-92
    The root of Persian impersonal verbs is in Old and Middle Persian and the study of these verbs in Persian is impossible without a detailed study of their ancient forms. One of these impersonal verbs in Persian is ÊæÇä /tawân/. It is the equivalent of Middle Persian tuwān which, despite its frequent use inMiddle Persian texts, has been the subject of many controversies. In Middle Persian there are nominal sentences known as nominal sentences of possession which convey the meaning “to have”. The aim of this paper is firstly to determine the morphological category and the exact meaning of tuwān, and secondly to verify that the deep structure of the impersonal verb tuwān is, in fact, a nominal sentence of possession.
  • Pejman Firouzbakhsh Pages 93-116
    New Persian arγanda (meaning “angry”) is one of the difficult and odd words in the Shāhnāma of Ferdowsi. It has been recorded as āruγda in some old manuscripts of this book. The present article seeks to demonstrate the accuracy of recording āruγda in the Shāhnāma and other early Persian texts and proves that arγanda is a transformed spelling of āruγda and, thus, has no relation with Avestan ərəγant- and also with Middle Persian arγand or ērand. The author reviews the equivalent terms for Av. ərəγant- in Zand and other Pahlavi texts and indicates that what is often read as ērang by most of the editors is another form of arγand and should be read as ērand.
  • Ali Ashraf Sadeghi Pages 117-128
    The language of the inhabitants of Shiraz, until the 9th century A.H./15th century A.D., was a dialect derived from a variety of Middle Persian. This dialect was called Sherazi by its speakers. The oldest specimens of Shirazi were composed by Qotb al-Din-e Shirazi, Sa’di, Hâfez, Shams pos-e Nâser, Shâh Dâ’i, Abu Eshâq and others. From amongst the syntactic characteristics of Shirazi one should mention the ergative construction of the simple past tense of the transitive verbs, while a prominent trait of its phonological component is the development of Middle Persian /g/ into /γ/ in postvocalic position. The author has studied in this article the Shirazi part of a trilingual ghazal by Nâser al-Din Khatib-e Shafa’wi, an obscure Shirazi poet of the 8th century A.H./14th century A.D.
  • Mahmoud Maleki Pages 129-156
    Rāji is an Iranian dialect that was spoken in a vast area for a long time, and today its descendants are seen in some parts of the centre of Iran such as Delijān, Mahallāt and Narāq. This paper is aimed to consider the phonological processes of the Rāji dialect. The collected data revealed that Rāji has 24 consonants, 8 vowels and 4 diphthongs. The most important phonological processes of Rāji which are discussed in this paper are:assimilation, dissimilation, lenition, fortition, aspiration, metathesis, deletion and insertion.
  • Shirin Pourebrahim, Arsalan Golfam Pages 157-174
    Unlike Standard Persian, the Delvāri Dialect, one of the dialects of the Bushehr Province, lacks the D.O. marker rā. D.O. is known by means of word order; that is, by its position relative to the verb. D.O. occurs before the verb. Moreover, sentential D.O. appears after the verb. However, I.O. occurs after the preposition si (meaning “to; for”). In unmarked sentences, I.O. comes after D.O. and before the verb. If D.O. position is occupied by a clitic personal pronoun (in marked sentences), this pronoun will attach either to the end of the past tense verb stem or to the preposition si. This si, here, functions as a D.O. marker. So, si is a bifunctional marker; it is primarily, the marker of I.O., and in marked past tense sentences, the marker of D.O. This fact inhibits si to occur as both D.O. and I.O. marker simultaneously and causes some sort of ambiguity in the case of ditransitive sentences.