نشریه پژوهشهای سیاسی جهان اسلام
سال پنجم شماره 2 (پیاپی 15، تابستان 1394)

The Yemeni crisis has had significant effects and consequences on the regional and international policy and security. The frist regional impact is evident in different approaches of two main effective actors of the region namely Iran and Sausdi-arabia. Accordingly, the main question is that what affects the geopolitical identity behavioural pattern and security strategy and requirements of Iran and Saudi Arabia against the Yemeni crisis. The hypothesis is that Shiite, anti-arrogance, and revolutionary identity of Iran on one hand, and Sunni religious, Kingdom system, and wahhabism system and West advocacy of Saudi Arabia on the other hand, have been the most important factors affecting the development of geopolitical conflicts in the Middle East, especially in conflict and cold war between the two countries in Yemen. The results show that religious identity, among other factors, is the most influential factor in relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran in facing Yemen crisis. Saudi Arabia has been always concerned about the protests and uprisings of their Shiite minority in their country, especially after the crisis in Yemen. Hence, contrary to the security of identity-based of Iran and its participatory approach in solving regional conflicts, Saudi Arabia, with the support and involvement of extra-regional powers, especially America, has adopted an aggressive approach to their own security. The present study attempts to explain the issue more accurate by applying constructivism theory and testing research hypothsis in relation to the Yemen problems.

The violent and aggressive advent of a group known as Da’esh, who has the claim of caliphate in Islamic world, was a huge shock to everyone. Due to violent approach and perspective of Da’esh, this question comes to the one’s mind that whether the advent of this movement is the Muslim world innate or was constructed by great powers with the aim of drawing negative image of Islam? This study hypothesized that Da’esh has no relation with Islamic world but attributes the origin of caliphate to Islam. Unfortunately, improper functioning of political rulers and the people’s dissatisfaction from the current conditions in Arabic countries, which have caused the political abuse by regional and international powers, reinforced its appearance. In the present study to explain the hypothesis, the researcher used the semiotics theory. Then, by reviewing the history, he dealt with the hidden caliphate in Sunni Islam. In the process of expressing the ways of Da’esh formation, the researcher compared the signs of Da’esh caliphate with two previous periods of caliphate and identified the Da’esh symbolic, fundamental, and structural similarity with the earlier caliphates. The findings of this study showed that Da’esh caliphatism originated from disorders and mismanagement of the political leaders of Sunni Islamic world. The lasting and impressive symbols of the previous caliphate helped them to recruit power and dominate the entire Islamic world with reliance on them.

The issue of the origin of Takfiri’s movement and the factors contributing its growth needs to be explored carefully. Indeed the process of its appearance is divided to two periods of emergence and development. Although some people such as Ahmad-Ibn Hanbal and Ibn QayyimJvzyh have contributed in its creation, we must consider that the most important factor in strengthening it is the west powers with leadership of Britain that made it as the major tool to meet their interests in the area. That is, by unifying the west countries and the main power of the West, they not only could empower Ttakfiri, but also prepared the conditions for its expansion in South West Asia. Of course, the economic, geographic, and socio-political conditions as well as oil wealth, reckless scholars, and fool sanctimonious of the area speeded up its expansion. In the next step, it attracted the west attention in abusing it for creating tension and religious divisions in the region. The present study used the descriptiveanalytical method to examine the problematic issue of Takfiri.

The importance of investigating relations of convergence of Iran and Pakistan is due to the fact that during several recent decades (especially, after Islamic revolution of Iran), they could not make acceptable relations as what is deserved because of some problems – mostly ideological ones - between two friend and neighbor countries. This fact results in the general opinion that the nature of relations of Iran and Pakistan is critical, unreliable, and divergent. On this basis, this research attempts to answer the question of how Iran and Pakistan can experience convergent relations. The research hypothesis is that, despite the current tensions between the two countries, which are mostly unwanted, there are opportunities for convergence and desired relations between the two countries. Historically, both countries have many cultural (geocultural), geopolitical, and geographical relations. This can lead to achieving more desired relations in other fields so that two countries can be able to promote mutual relations with better and more serious participation in regional groupings such as political-economical treaty of Shanghai, economical treaty of ECO, Islamic Countries Organization, and the group called D-8 with dual nature of geopolitics–geoeconomics relations. In addition, the exports and imports of nonenergic (non–oil goods) and energic sources (gas sources and other fossil sources) can be part of Geo-economic relations between Iran and Pakistan. This research is a descriptive-analitical study. The research data has been gathered in documentary method referring to valid sources such as books, published papers, and valid reports.

Parties, as one of the most important social forces, are formed on the basis of social gaps and seek to manage them. A few societies can be found that has no social gaps. Therefore, the existence of parties as the mechanism for managing these gaps in all countries is clearly felt necessary. In general, the social gaps, in terms of the nature and type, can be classified into five categories of political, economic, cultural, ethnic, and religious gaps. In Turkey, as a legacy of a plural society, there are several social cleavages that are generally active. That is, it contains the three elements of political awareness, organized structure, and political action simultaneously. The purpose of this study is addressing the Justice and Development Party (AKP) experience in managing the social gaps by examining the historical process of the formation of party programs based on the existing gaps in the country. It seems that the AKP, by focusing on three categories of economic, ethnic, and religious cleavages, plays an important role in preventing and reducing the politicization of gaps. It has been done by expanding and diversifying social bases. The success of the party in several elections and expanding the domain of party voters in recent years can be considered as clear evidence of the AKP’s success.

Discourse is a system of interrelated implications in which social trends are formed and the interaction of «Self and» «Other» is constructed and got significant meaning. Semantic structures deal with developing identities and preferences. In any type of discourse, identity and the place of identities, is accomplished to formation of political boundaries which make the establishment of identities in political arena find meaning against the radiacal otherness. The question of this research is how the process of terrorism conceptualization is analyzed by Iranian and American actors. The research hypothesis is that in the Iranian and American actors’ viewpoint to the concept of terrorism, discourse trends in construction of »Self «and» Other «and the view of terrorism play an important role. In fact, the approach to terrorism from the perspective of the two actors is an apparent example of articulation of a phenomenon with discourse trends based on legends and ideals of each actor in constructing «Other» of terrorism. The ideals of each of these two actors as the legendary symbol in identity and discourse of foregn policy, from one hand, can provide national identity and representation of identity and difference, and on the other hand, direct the foreign policy or represent the events and phenomena such as terrorism. The research methodology is based on discourse analysis.

To recognize the nature of the tensions between Iran and Arabic countries, especially Saudi Arabia, we first should answer to this question seriously that why Iran phobia’s hegemonic project became popular among Arabic countries, particularly Saudi Arabia. In response to this question, it is supposed that Lucluo and Moufe analysis model can be helpful in the analyzing the discussion of hegemonic discourses. It was used because in one hand it shows that the discourse of Iran phobia is constructed by the western media and Arabic countries, particularly Saudi Arabia, and on the other hand, it considers the discourse of Islam phobia, Iran phobia, and Shia phobia are based on some historical and religious basis that could get high popularity among Arabic Sunnis greatly. Typically, historical debates between Arabs and non-Arabs, and Shiites and Sunnis are theorized in Iran-phobia discourses