مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال هفتم شماره 3 (پیاپی 45، بهار 1395)

In this paper, we seek to study the role of capital in the current global political economy and Iran by using the theoretical framework of Autonomism; what is said by the post-Marxist thinkers such as Antonio Negri, Michael Hart, Mario Trounti, Paulo Verno, and others about state, civil society, labor force, and capital. In the first case, there are three situations in which Gramsci expresses the relation between the state and the civil society. The autonomous view points to the unity of state and capital, the collapse of the civil society, and the appearance of all the realms of human life in the state, which is also the result of changes in the global political economic system since the 1970s, which ultimately could conquer all fields and the human life of capital since the 1970s. Development of capitalist relations in Iran, mainly after the end of the war, and since 1990 (1368), by implementing policies such as labor force commodification, various mechanisms for capital accumulation, as well as neoliberal structural adjustment policies (such as currency liberalization, privatization , removing barriers to WTO membership, targeting subsidies and removing subsidies, etc.) was pursued continuously by the Hashemi, Khatami and Ahmadinejad governments. In this regard, the implementation of these policies, whose ultimate goal is to accumulate more capital and to make all the realms of human life in pursuit of this goal, is seen as a kind of state between capital and capital which is intended by Autonomists.

About effecting factors on the genesis and persistence of certain political rationality in a society, social theories have been based on two types of contrasts on two levels: Conflict of culture and economy and conflict of structure and agent. At the first level, Marx's approach emphasizes on the economic supremacy and Weberian approach on the supremacy of culture. At the second level, structuralists emphasis on determination of structure and voluntarist insist on the determination of agents. Giddens Structuration theory is an attempt to cross the confrontation between structure and agent and emphasis on the dialectical relationship between them. In this paper, these approaches are explained and then, "double dialectic" approach has been suggested that in which Economic-Marxian perspective and Weberian culturalist approach combined with elements of the Giddens Structuration theory. Thus, in order to study the genesis and continuation of a political rationality in a society, one should avoid one-sided emphasis on the economy or culture and structure or agent. Locomotive of society is composed of two wheels of economy and culture, politics is the engine, and the agent is driver of this locomotive. So, in this article, instead of confrontation approach, two overlapping dialectic discussed: a) the dialectic of structure-agent; b) the dialectic between cultural, economic and political structures, with the mediation of the agent.

After Tunisia and Egypt, Libya was the third country in North Africa that experienced anti-governmental protests in 2011 with the aim of transforming the political system of dictatorship into democracy. While Muammar Gaddafi in his 43-year domination committed the human right violation against Libyan citizens, he also committed the specified crimes in the statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) including: war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes against peace. Hence, the implementation of transitional justice over Muammar Gaddafi and the main elements of his state that played an important role in contributing to human rights violation and the mentioned triple crimes, was considered by the domestic circles of Libya and the world political actors and rulers. Despite the fact that transitional justice mechanisms in post-Gaddafi Libya has been considered, it has not been a successful experience yet. By using the descriptive-analytical method and the conceptual framework of transitional justice in international law, the authors of this paper seek to answer this key question: which factors led to failure to apply the mechanisms of transitional justice in Libya? The hypothesis to answer this question is that although the ultimate goal of implementing transitional justice is "to strengthen the rule of law and institutionalize responsiveness of the authorities," but the efficient use of the mechanisms of transitional justice requires the readiness of that society, such as the political stability and security, but in Libya lack of this readiness has led to a reverse outcome on the use of mechanisms of transitional justice, and finally has increased insecurity in this country.

When Rouhani came to office, and, consequently, his success in reaching a nuclear deal with p5+1, Sino-Iranian military relations have entered a new phase. In this regard, since the late 1990s and 2000s, Iran's access to Chinese armaments has gradually diminished due to US pressure and UN sanctions in the form of the Security Council Resolutions; it is supposed that after the JCPOA, with the abolition of some UN sanctions, military relations between the two countries will improve. Considering China's impressive military capabilities and innovations, the importance of this strategic partner for Iran in military and related fields, will be of great importance. Therefore, the present article, while addressing the new dimensions of military ties and defense diplomacy between the two countries, argues that despite Iran's need to promote military relations with China in order to create a military balance in the region, but because of chin's political considerations in two regional and global dimensions, UNSCR 2231, as well as the role of the United States in this regard, the extent of the defense ties of the two countries in comparison with Russia, has become more sensitive and vulnerable, and will continue to face some limitations.

16 July 2016 coup in Turkey can be followed by the important domestic and regional implications for the AKP. Hence, the present study based on the Scenario Planning Process attempts to answer this main question that the "future of the AKP" after the coup of 16 July 2016, what direction will it go. In this way, philosophical thoughts and scientific methods and models will be used to study the future and by using them the possible alternative futures is drawn. Scenario Planning Process, also is one of the methods of future studies that upon which description the upcoming events that may occur under certain condition will be described. discussing the future, and possible alternative futures delineates in this regard, four scenarios can be presented in two categories: a) favorable scenario includes: 1) The final victory of the AKP and the marginalization of rival parties; 2) Regional leadership of the AKP. b) Probable scenario include: 1) reducing internal and external popularity of the party and the collapse of Erdogan government; 2) The fragmentation of Turkey and achieving independence by the Kurds. Despite the failed coup in 2016 and the government's success in thwarting a coup, the consequences of the coup particularly 16 April 2017 referendum, the government will lead to the continuation of relations of domination. However, the AKP, should pay attention to the fact that if it does not use the peaceful means of democracy undoutably, in the upcoming years will lose their domestic legitimacy. In fact, carring on the mere political, economic, cultural and democratic reforms was not able to respond to current challenges that Turkish society has been faced with and the AKP leaders will be involved with the various crises.

This study aims to answer the question that in different situations, which action is more usable? The main thesis of this paper is that, despite the importance of "strategic action" and "communicative action" that according to it respectively behavior is steered towards “utility maximization” and “reasoned understanding about valid behavior”, since the position of the international system at the same time has power and intrests relations and arguments and discourse considerations, for the international system actors, "rhetorical action” is more usable. In fact, in the situations of the international system, actors pursue their interests further through the pretense. In this view, the "rhetorical action" means using an organized collection of claims, which aims to persuade public audience and/or foreign and domestic opponents to accept actors’ preference and/or de-legitimize those of opponents.