فصلنامه پژوهش های تاریخی
سال نهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 35، پاییز 1396)

At the end of the Qajar era, during the Reza Khan’s Ministry of War, the plan of calming down and settling the Lorestani tribes was put into the attention of the government. Following this, the West Army commanded by Amir Ahmadi, attacked Lorestan by the order of Reza Khan in 1302/1923. Amir Ahmadi conquered Borujerd and Khorramabad and other areas under the influence of the leaders of the rebellious tribes. After that, in order to protect Republicanism, Reza Khan went to Tehran, and handed over the command of the West Army to Colonel Shahbakhti. At the time of Shahbakhti’s command, the leaders of the tribal tribes of Lorestan rebelled and surrounded him in Khorramabad; with the reappearance of Amir Ahmadi, the leaders of the rebellion fled. After Shahbakhti, the commander of the West Army was handed over to Brigadier Khazaee. The question in this research is regarding the influence of Brigadier Khazaee’s type of rule on the uprising of the tribes of Lorestan in 1927. The hypothesis of the research in answering this question is that Brigadier Khazaee applied a more rigorous policy to deal with the tribes than his predecessors, which caused a sharp reaction from the tribes. The research findings showed that he executed about thirteen tribal leaders from Lorestan to play a significant role in overcoming their traditional influence. Khazaee’s performance, like Amir Ahmadi, led to the escape of many Khans to Tarhan and their seeking support from the ruling there, Ali Mohammad Khan Ghazanfari, led to the recent mass rebellion of the tribes of Lorestan under the leadership of Tarhan’s governor. The study of Khazaee's rule in Lorestan and how his actions led to the massive rebellion are important in this article.

During the World War I, the western district of Iran was the place of military and political conflicts of the Entente and Alliance states, owing to its strategic geographical location. On the one side, it was bordered by the Ottoman Empire, and on the other side it was located under the influence of Russia. In this research, we try to consider the impacts of the World War I on the social, economic and political spheres. Based on the results of the research, large numbers of people of this area were killed due to military combats, starvation, famine and disease during the war. Cities became the military base of the hostile powers and economic and social institutions such as municipal and farming were destroyed. The domination of the central government, and the authority of local governors and political stability were exhausted.

The analysis of historical events in Iran- most of them can be considered to be family-oriented- requires recognizing elites, local and tribal families, explaining their relationship with governments, and also understanding movements of this effective group. This research, with a historical approach and emphasis on the political and social issue of immigration, tries to explain backgrounds and consequences of the immigration of the majority of Shiraz Hashemieh family (1207-1245 AH). The findings of this research show that the immigration of this family to Tehran and other cities was due to several factors such as: the fragmentation of Zandieh dynasty, the shift of the political and administrative power from Shiraz to Tehran, limited insights of Qajar family and their urgent need for elites, the organizational capacity of the Hashemieh family, the political vulnerability of the city of Shiraz, and so on. In general, the main consequences of these immigrations were to help establish and consolidate the Qajar power basis, legitimize and overcome upcoming crisis, suppress Hashemieh family of Shiraz during Fath Ali Shah, and maintain and make them contribute to the following political developments.

An Imaginary dialogue with political and social themes is one of the critical features of Qajarian press which have been utilized by the intellectuals and journalists of this era. The prevailing theme of this approach reflects the special conditions of the Iranian community at this time of passing through a transitional phase. The main question in this research is: when did the selection of this approach come under the focus of journalists of the time and what was the purpose behind it? Although this approach was common during Fath Ali Shah era, during the Naserddin Shah era its critical aspects became more bolded. Finally, during the autocracy of Mohammad Ali Shah, due to the growing despotisms, this approach was used as an effective genre to disseminate awareness and to express political and social criticisms. The results of this study, based on a descriptive-analytic method, which analyzed all the remaining copies of 75 Persian newspapers of this Era, show that the ultimate goal of intellectuals and journalists of this era by applying this approach was to inform the constitutional system, to show its compatibility to the Islamic laws, and to introduce this system as an appropriate framework for creating the desired political and social conditions in Iranian society.

After ascending to the throne, Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi tried to approximate the face of Iran to that of European countries dramatically. Meanwhile, impressive increase of oil price became the trump card in the hand of the second Pahlavi governments, by which to move toward the predicted goals. As a result, various small scale and large scale industries entered Iran and started to work as the main symbols of modernization. Germany had a special position among the industrial countries exporting industries to Iran, and much attention had been drawn to it. Germany, especially after the Second World War, needed to sell its industrial products and import raw material, thus Iran’s market could be considered one of the important economic recourse suppliers for Germany. With this mutual approach, many small and large German factories were sold to Iran and economical and political commutes of this country’s representatives to Iran increased. In addition to these industries, German technical schools started to work in order to transfer technical knowledge. In the present research, we investigate economic policies of second Pahlavi’s Governments in relation to industry with an emphasis on Iran-Germany relations. We use a descriptive-analytic method, and take advantage of the research period archive documents, books and media. The research aims to evaluate the economic policies in the second Pahlavi period which led to light and heavy industries entering Iran. The present research seeks to answer the question that what qualitative and quantitative changes did the second Pahlavi government’s industry-related policies made, especially using German industry, to modernize Iranian industry? In order to find the answer, we explain briefly Muhammad Reza Shah rising to power in the beginning, and then after entering the research period, we focus on the second Pahlavi economic policies, Iran foreign relations in the field of light and heavy industries, contracts and the motives of these activities.

In recent centuries, bread shortage, has always been considered as one of the crisis of contemporary history. The famine of bread and groceries was the result of different geographical and political issues, lack of rainfall, traditional agricultural method and the outbreak of two world wars in Iran. The famine confronted people and governments with the crisis of bread shortage which was the staple food of people. This study is to answer the following questions: How was the situation of bread in Isfahan city during the first Pahlavi era? What measures had been taken to solve the problem? How successful were the government measures in this regard? According to the findings of the research, some measures were taken during the first Pahlavi era to solve the problem, including: direct state intervention in buying wheat from the farmers and selling it to the bakers; designing regulations to lower and stabilize the price of bread; considering the health issues of bakers and bakeries; issuing business licenses for the bakeries by the municipalities. It seems that the government, despite the efforts, had not been able to terminate the bread problem in Isfahan city because the outbreak of World War II and the events of Shahrivar 1320 A.H showed that the deep-rooted problem of bread in Isfahan still remained. The research method in this article was library method, by comparing and analyzing resources especially the main resources. In this study, the collected data were organized and analyzed for conclusion.

The most important rationale behind local historiography is to investigate local topics in specified place cut-off and time limited. Place (location) is the main base of local historiography and investigating geographic location of every event has a significant importance in the study of local history. Exact study and view place of occurrence of each event helps local historians for better understanding of social life dimensions of human's past and present life in that location; based on this, the present study focused on Pir Bakran region. Pir Bakran, with 86 km breadth and the population OF 54 thousand and 642 persons, is located in 15 km of southwest of Isfahan city. With regard to population, this region has the most percentage of Iran's MS patients and 125 persons are affected to MS in this region. This statistic is more than three times the global average, seven times Iran average and six-time Isfahan province average. MS patients’ statistics in Pir Bakran are closed to the patients’ statistics of Orkney Island in north Scotland that has the most percentage of MS in the world. In the last half century, MS disease that is a kind of disorder in central nerve, brain, and spinal cord, has become the most important health crisis of the inhabitants of Pir Bakran region. The present study is based on historical study of how and why the Pir Bakran region becomes one of the hotspots of MS in Iran. In this regard, this hypothesis is put to the test: which human activities for changing environment in the last half of the century and person's local talent cause MS outbreak. Research results show that MS among native inhabitants of Pir Bakran region and especially in some families have more outbreak, also there is a significant relationship among MS patient's statistic and the distance of people location with industrial and mineral pollutants centers. This research implemented through field method and applying oral history method and tool as an active interview with 25 persons of MS patients. With regard to the interdisciplinary nature of the subject, the results of correlated field studies are used.

On August 2, 1922, a battalion of armed forces was attacked by Bakhtiari riders in the Strait of Shalil located in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari. This incident had a large impact on the trilateral relations between Bakhtiari Khans, Reza Khan (as the Secretary of War), and the British Embassy in Tehran. In order to take advantage of the situation, Reza Khan Pahlavi tried to discredit and defame Bakhtiari Khans among the elite and the masses and undermine their financial strength by imposing a heavy fine on them. On the other hand, the British ambassador in Tehran adopted an ambiguous policy at the expense of Bakhtiari Khans and to the benefit of Reza Khan and the central government. Finally, after a period of conflict and negotiation between the three parties, a fine of 150,000 Tomans was agreed on to be paid by Bakhtiari Khans with the mediation of Sir Percy Loraine, the British Ambassador.

The Socialist Party, as a leftist party, was formed by Suleiman Mirza Eskandari and Seyed Mohammad Sadegh Tabatabai. This party, although was mostly in minority in the fourth and fifth parliaments, but chains of events indicate that this party, in its own representative life, has shown itself as an effective party. Objecting against Qavam Alsaltane's cabinet, particularly regarding the issues of North Oil and the Law of Jury, supporting Mostofi-Al-Mamalek's cabinet and Reza Khan Sardar Sepah, and playing a role in changing the political system from the Qajar to the Pahlavi are parts of the political life of this party that has not been so far studied and evaluated. The present study is an attempt to answer these questions.

In City of Isfahan during Qajar period, groups such as thugs, thieves, scoundrels, rebels, etc. launched some movements and caused chaos and disorder in the city for personal interests or the interests of other groups. One of the rebel persons was Haji Hashem Khan Lonbani, who gathered a group of people around himself, launched a revolt, and plunged the city of Isfahan in fear and anxiety. In 1240 AH, Fath Ali Shah entered the city with his division and suppressed the rebellion. The main purpose of this article is to determine the reason for the rebellion by Haji Hashem Khan and his belonging to rebel groups or ruffians, which is tried to be discussed and analyzed in historical ways, using descriptive-analytical method and information compliance based on available resources and references. Haji Hashem Khan Lonabani and his men seemed to belong to rogue and lower class of society who were motivated by greed in the property of others, pride, and revenge and abused deteriorating political conditions to launch a rebellion. If the ruffians were considered as descendants of Chivalries, it cannot be applied to Haji Hashem Khan Lonbani and his men. They should be considered among rogue opportunistic people.

The Iran-Iraq war affected the future relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran with many countries. Most of the countries in the region immediately supported Iraq, but the UAE's two-sided positions between the two involved countries seem to have been linked to the country's vast ties with the Iran. The research seeks to examine the role of economic relations in terms of the political commitment of the UAE to Iran over the war period. The results seem to be useful for building better relationships with the countries of the region in today's world. So, the economic relations between the two countries affected the extent of the political commitment of the UAE against Iran. Our assumption is that economic relations have increased the political commitment of the UAE against Iran. In this paper, the research method is descriptive and is based on library studies and periodical publications. The two countrie's views on issues such as the opposition to the presence of foreigners in the region, the frequent visits of their officials, and the opposition to the UAE by cutting off the relationship between the Arabs and Iran are among the signs of a growing political commitment of the United Arab Emirates to the Islamic Republic of Iran at the international level.

In the clashes of Mohammad Ali Shah with the Parliament in the years 1324 to 1327 AH / 1906 to 1909, the National Assembly of Isfahan has repeatedly declared its firm support to the Parliament. They threatened the king to send fifty thousand devotees to defend the parliament in the case of attacking the parliament by Mohammad Ali Shah. But when the Parliament House was bombarded by order of Mohammad Ali Shah in 1326 AH, the National Assembly of Isfahan did not send troops to rescue the Parliament and didn’t succeed to do its historical role in line with constitutionalism. This led to pessimistic points of view about the National Assembly of Isfahan and Isfahan Constitutionalists in the historical sources. This article deals with this issue on the basis of the main sources of constitutionalism, specially, the newspaper of the Holy National Community of Isfahan, and discusses the organization of this troops by Association of Isfahan and analyzes the reasons for its ineffectiveness in defending the Parliament.

Iranian Constitutional movement led to the formation of a new and unprecedented political order. The National Consultative Assembly was the main and most visible result of this fundamental change. However, from a historical point of view it was a turning point in political culture of Iranian people and requires special attention. This paper, based mostly on documentary sources, attempts to shed lights on a less studied aspect of this subject. Its main focus is on the political behavior of a certain Jahanshâh Amir Afshâr, the then governor of Zanjân and a member of the traditional political elite. Posing the question on its historical context, it tries to show that how and to what extent, a local governor could make challenges to divert the direction of elections to maintain his pre-constitutional privileges. The results show that despite overseeing the process by Dehkhodâ, an exceptionally staunch constitutionalist, Amir Afshar succeed to hold his privileges under new conditions and this, by its turn, eclipsed the constitutional nature of New Order.

When the Ardalan Dynasty came to power, the Kurdistan Province of Iran came under the sovereignty of Bani Ardalan. The rulers there regulated their relations with the central government in a way to maintain their independence in the form of a local government. The dynasty managed to continue its government in Kurdistan up to the time of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar. Naser al-Din Shah wielded a centralized policy towards the ‘Qajarization’ of provincial governments, and he appointed Farhad Mirza Motamed al-Dolah as the governor of Kurdistan, ending the political life of the Ardalans. Motamed al-Dolah managed to suppress different riots and to end disorder in Kurdistan, which had resulted from the inefficiency of the last Ardalan ruler, the wayward behavior of Auraman elders, and the assaults of the Jaf tribes. During his government, therefore, he established peace and order in Kurdistan and started reforms and development projects in the province. In a library method, the present study deals with the Motamed al-Dolah governing period in Kurdistan after the collapse of the Ardalan’s local government, and it analytically reviews his efforts to stabilize the Qajarian authority in the province. Findings show that the Qajarian change of policy against the Ardalan Dynasty was in line with the policy of centralization adopted by the Qajar royal court, and that Motamed al-Dolah played a key role in the stability of Qajarian authority in Kurdistan by curbing the centers of crises and through the establishment of peace and order in the region.

This study investigates the functions of endowments from the constitutional era to until the end of the first Pahlavi in Tehran. The dynamics of the waqf (endowment) during Islamic era led to the prosperity of culture and economy, and even the cultural spheres of society. After the Constitutional Revolution and the political and social changes of the Iranian society, Waqf has also evolved and has gained a new place in cultural and social relations. This research seeks to identify, in addition to identifying the functions of the women's endowments from the Constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period, the features of the women's endowments of Tehran in this era, as well as (on the basis of existing documents) the areas included. In the process of this study, it was concluded that women were the main influential activists during social changes in the constitutional era and the first Pahlavi period and their endowments in the studied periods include significant differences, depending on the changes in attitudes, motivations of benefactors and social demands. In addition, it seems at least 20% of the endowment documents in the constitutional and Pahlavi era in Tehran were owned by women and at the same time, due to changes in the first Pahlavi era, female benefactors according to the social needs, gradually focused their attention on the social dimensions.