نشریه پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران
پیاپی 14 (پاییز 1396)

Human is dependent on nature; he changes it while he is part of it, but at the same time he is separated from it by cultural factors. Emergence of various forms of life, e.g. plant, animal and human lives, is of the result of several natural factors such as climate, topography, soil type and water. For our survey of Kazeroun Plain, we used 1:50000 scale satellite and topographic maps, and divided the surface of plain into northern, southern, eastern and western parts. The survey began on a regular basis from the southern part and eventually ended in the northern part with random sampling as our sampling strategy. For each site, a SK (Survey of Kazeroun) code was assigned, and different data types including GPS coordinate, dimension of site, local geographical data were recorded. Besides, any additional cultural information such as location name, historical background, effective and efficient set of factors including vegetation, climate and landscape were also recorded. In our archaeological survey 19 Bakun period sites were identified. In this study, it is attempted to assess the environmental factors and their role in shaping the space of human settlements during the Bakun period in the Kazeroun Plain. To this end, the sites related to Bakun period were chosen as our sample. A number of variables were considered in evaluation and study of prehistoric settlements in Kazeroun Plain. These included distance and proximity to water resources and agricultural lands, elevation, size and density of sites, distribution of sites in terms of rainfall, distribution of sites in terms of slope, and annual temperature average. All these factors were considered together as criteria for identifying patterns of settlement in this region. Most of Bakun period sites are located near Parishan Lake. During Bakun period, the number of settlements in the Kazeroun Plain increased and new segments of the plain were occupied, so that there is evidence of settlement in Jereh Plain in southern part of Kazeroun Plain. Most of the Bakun period sites are located in open plain on well-drained soil near water resources. The settlement patterns in Kazeroun Plain have been prevailed with simple methods of irrigation and expansion of agriculture, with decreased number of sites as the distance from the lakes and rivers increases. This pattern is also seen in the Kur River Basin and Nourabad Mamasani region. Among the various factors associated with the establishment and distribution of habitats and sites, geographical conditions and factors have had an important role. The important point in studying the prehistoric settlements in this region is proximity of the settlements to Parishan Lake and Shapur River and agricultural lands. As mentioned earlier, these indicators have had a significant role in formation of sites. Parishan Lake is located in the center of Kazeroun Plain, and therefore the majority of sites have been concentrated in the center of plain in the basin of lake. Study of relevant documents and spatial analyses were used in the form of GIS using ArcGIS software and correlation test in SPSS 16. SPSS16 was used to analyze the correlation between surface area of the layers and number of sites in each layer. Due to quantitative values, Pearson’s correlation with a significance level of 0.01 was used. The results showed that correlation between elevation levels, precipitation and temperature layers and the number of sites on them was insignificant. The correlation between the distance from water resources and correlation between vegetation and the number of sites was significant and strong. Therefore, vegetation and distance from water resources were found to be more effective in distribution of archaeological sites than the other natural factors.

Studying landscapes in archeology can lead to an understanding of the relationship between human and environment. There can be found a variety of methods to understand the archeological landscapes, one of the most common of them is settlement pattern studies. Settlement pattern studies comprise of studies on the excursiveness of human activities. in the context of landscapes and the relationship between activities and the environment for the settlement pattern studies, there must be selected environmental factors for analysis that, in their modern condition, are similar to the one under study. Of the factors of the highest level of importance that one may use in the settlement pattern studies are geomorphologic factors. Simply put, geomorphologic factors are the ups and downs on the surface of the ground that have some influence on the cultural landscapes of human communities. Communities choose appropriate geomorphologic settings based on their own necessities and conditions. Asadabad plain is one of the valley plains in eastern Zagros that, considering its geological history, has experienced consistent conditions from a geomorphologic point of view. Also, the settlements formed on Asadabad plain have ended up with numerous geomorphologic conditions to create human landscapes. Considering the geomorphologic factors that seems to be present in the Asadabad plain during last millennia, the question that is , how did these settlements form and what was their purpose once they were established? Having such a question in mind and in order to understand the settlement patterns in this study, the clustering analysis method was used. In the clustering analysis section, it was tried that the observations on the same groups are the most similar to each other. This method is used for the purpose of assessing the level of similarity between the Chalcolithic settlements considering their geomorphologic conditions. Each cluster that is assigned by the analysis method can be representing a settlement pattern. Based on the clustering analysis carried out, there were identified two sets of major clusters in the Chalcolithic sites in Asadabad plain each of which, considering the geomorphologic characteristics, are the most similar and are therefore the most different from the other clusters. One settlement pattern can be attributed to the settlements located in lower altitudes and flat parts of the plain, and the second settlement pattern indicates settlements located in higher altitudes on steep slopes. To understand the nature of these settlement patterns, they were analyzed based on the geographical-historic resources and ethnographical capabilities. Regarding the resources available on Asadabad, one may say that rural landscapes are the most dominant ones in Asadabad plain. In the current conditions and considering the fact that these settlements underwent several modifications during the land reform plan and afterwards, one may find it impossible to understand the settlements and their landscapes through ethnographical studies. However, there has been carried out Ethno-archaeological studies on the cultural located in the east of central Zagros based on which one may claim the settlements formed on the flat and low regions in the land to be of rural type. Observations made by the authors and the interviews done among pastorals on Asadabad plain by the authors shoed that the way the pastorals choose locations in Asadabad plain is such that most of the marginal space is used for setting up their campsites. The most significant reasons are more security, and more control on the surrounding areas and pastures. These patterns of location finding are the most similar to the second settlement pattern identified in the settlements belonging to the chalcolithic period in Asadabad plain.

Cultural relation and cultural interaction among the prehistoric cultures of the Iranian Plateau have been always understood and perceived through the perspective of cultural zoning of Iran. Traditionally, resemblance between cultural materials, especially ceramic assemblages, has been anchored to approach understanding such interactions between different cultures. Before the 4th Millennium B.C. there is a few, if any, convincing evidence of cultural contact between the Central Zagros and Central Plateau. Y. Majidzadeh was the first who indicated the similarities between ceramic assemblages of Tappeh Ghabrestan in the Central Plateau with those of Godin VII and VI periods of the Central Zagros. During the past decade further evidence, mainly as ceramic collection, was obtained through archaeological fieldworks in the eastern portion of the Central Zagros manifesting further cultural contacts between these two regions. In 2007 a rescue excavation was conducted at an endangered site behind the Kalan Dam near Malayer. The site, Shat Ghilah, was a sherd scatter located on the right bank of the Kalan River, on a terrace 7 m above the river bed. The site had no visible height and its identification was possible only by a layer of sherds, about 80 m in length, protruding from the river-cut-section of the site. The surface sherd assemblage was a mixture of prehistoric and late Islamic pottery. Excavation at this site was part of the larger project of rescue excavations at some endangered sites identified in the reservoir area of the Kalan Dam. After the dam was completed the reservoir submerged the site. Three small trenches have been excavated at Shat Ghilah in the spring of 2007. Tr. 1, 4x3 m, was put on the edge of the river-cut section and was excavated to the depth of 230 cm below the surface. No trace of architecture or any feature was revealed but pottery-rich loose deposit which lay on a steep natural ground. No interface could be observed in the excavated profiles, suggesting a same formation process of the sequence. Trenches 2 and 3, each 2x2 m, was excavated aiming to find more tangible evidence pertaining to the nature of the site. These trenches proved to be devoid of any primary contexts, but produced a few stray ceramics associated with erosion-derived loose debris. Putting together the stratigraphic information obtained from the excavated trenches, it seems likely that most of the original site has been already washed away by Kalan River during the past millennia. Based on the length of the ceramic-rich layer exposed in the eroded section (some 80 m) and what the excavated trenches provided, it could be hypothesized that the original site was not probably larger than one hectare. While ceramic finds of Trenches 2 and 3 lack a reliable stratigraphic position, those of Trench 1 are well-stratified, abundant and mostly characteristic. Generally speaking, the ceramic assemblage of Shat Ghilah can be divided into two major groups: Buff Ware and Orange Ware; the former contains both plain and painted specimens, while the latter includes just plain ceramic. Ceramic comparisons, especially of Buff Ware, show a clear resemblance between the Shat Ghilah assemblage and those of the Godin VII and VI periods. The closest parallels, however, come from the Godin VI:3 and VI:2 Phases, manifesting a high percentage of painted ceramics than the preceding period. Other close parallels for Shat Ghilah ceramics are found farther in the east and north, in the Central Plateau, at the south mound of Sialk (Sialk III4-7b) in the Kashan Plain and Qabrestan in the Qazvin Plain, suggesting the cultural orientation of the site toward those areas.

The Arsacids Kings, reigned gradually from 247 B.C. to 224 A.D., over a great multi – cultural and multi-ethnic empire. From 1948 onwards, following the excavations in the primary home of Parthian kings, in Nisa (in Turkmenistan, near the present Ashgabat) by a team of Soviet and Italian archaeologists and excavators, more than 2500 Ostraca with 2758 texts from a “record – office” Was excavated. These mainly provide details about wine deliveries to palaces from the vineyards of various estates, temples or private people. This discovery took place while the historical data of early Arsacids most were poor, confusing and derived from Classical sources. The special place of Nisa’s Ostraca in the history of this era, indicates their hidden valuable information. The ostraca from Nisa that are written in the Parthian language, considered as the old written testimonies of this language. These documents as Parthian records, provide historical data such as; taxation system, Military Structure, religious issues and most important the genealogy and chronology of this time of the early Arsacid kings. A large number of names of employees in this documents, provide us to know more about administrative system and the court of the early Arsacid kings. Furthermore, obtaining these records from the initial center of the Parthian kings, represent a wealthy kingdom, immediately after the end of the Hellenistic period in Nisa, that has established Iranian spirit in the region. In the present research, the authors attempt to take a step to confirm the importance of the Ostraca from Nisa, as first – hand, reliable and Iranian sources about Arsacid kingdom, by surveying the Historical data in these documents and by comparing the information obtained from them with the data from the coinage of this period, for the first time in the present study by combining this evidences prove an important hypothesis in the Arsacid political history. Also it is shown that the simultaneously presence and absence of of the Ostraca from Nisa and coinage documents in the eastern parts of the Arsacid empire can never be considered accidentally. With regard to the central government’s attention to the west of the kingdom, the feudal aristocracy takes control of the eastern regions. in fact, the growth of the powerful aristocracy in the empire, has gradually destroyed the resources of wealth and power of the central government, and as a result, they destroyed its authority and integrity. Indeed, it can be said that, at the end of the Arsacid period, nothing can be imagined as an empire and monolithic monarchy. Therefore, the idea that the Arsacid empire from the beginning to the end of this dynasty has always had the power, coherence and integrity has been abandoned and in this regard will survey the growth of feudal aristocracy in this empire. In this research, the authors assume that Nisa has also been removed from the empire’s control in the same way. Due to the historical data from these Ostraca the existing analyzes of the political situation of the Parthian empre in the middle of this period according to these documents, are reviewed for the first time in the present study, and the efforts of the authors of this study is to provide a documented and reasonable response to the following questions; What are the most important data and historical information that can be derived from Ostraca from Nisa? How much these data could confirm and modify other sources of Parthian period? And also trying to rely on these Ostraca from Nisa and compare the data which obtained from them with numismatic evidences, investigate and prove a hypothesis about the role of the aristocracy and royal families as one of the causes of the decline and fall of the Arsacid kingdom.

From ancient time, use of magic and sorcery was prevalent among people of different countries. Ancient man lived among a host of frightening, negative demonic forces which he attempted to control or coerce in order to ensure a harmonious and benevolent word-order. They believed on effect of magic on banishing demons and evils and had different ways for making use of them. A vast array of Magic-religious mechanisms evolved to cope with this problem in Sasanian period, including incantation bowls which were produced in vast quantities in Mesopotamia and Khuzistan more specifically in Susa during the sixth and seventh century CE., or may suppose the practice began somewhat earlier, in the fifth or even fourth century C.E. Also some Sasanian seals with special pictures and texts are supposed to be made for purpose of protection against the disease, the evil eyes. The peculiar nature of the incantation bowls raises many questions to which no satisfactory answer has yet been given. The reason for their sudden emergence in the fifth or sixth century CE remains obscure; moreover, the practice seems not to have spread outside a limited geographical region. An incantation bowl, also known as a demon bowl or devil trap bowl, is a form of early protective magic. The bowls were usually inscribed in a spiral, concentric circles beginning from the rim and moving toward the center and may be read in some cases by turning the bowl clockwise and in others counterclockwise. There are also deference’s in language and script: the texts on extant bowls are in Aramaic, Syriac, Mandaic or Pahlavi (Middle Persian). The language of the bowls is some kind of strange magical jargon incomprehensible to all but demons. It contains formulaic expressions and oral compositions which show a certain play on words normally not found in written texts. They are varying in size, shape, and type of clay. In shape, they are either hemispherical with round or flat bottoms or truncated cones with flat bases. The bowls were buried usually face down but also occasionally face to face with another bowl to form an enclosure and were meant to capture demons. According to a tradition a little salt was placed between two such bowls before they were buried. They were commonly placed under the threshold, or a gate or courtyards, within a household at the four corners of a room or bed and also in graveyards. The study of Incantation bowls is a matter of great interest and importance. They are an important source of knowledge which shed lights on old cultures, practices, beliefs. They constitute the only direct epigraphical documents of Mesopotamia, written mostly by some of the minority groups like Mandaean, Christians, Jews and others. Names that use in texts, may tell us about a person’s religion. We find clients with typically Persian (presumably Zoroastrian), names in bowls that imply despite the magical powers commonly attributed to the Zoroastrian clergy themselves, some people sought help from sorcerers outside of their community. Since the bowls are original manuscripts, they can teach us a great deal about popular religious practices and certain aspects of social life, family, structure and dwellings and provide precious evidence of how these ancient religious traditions survived or were transformed in one corner of late antique world. This article aims to introduce these two ways of averting evil forces from life in Sasanian period and answer these questions: what was public opinion especially in the Sasanid era about magic and also what kind of information the incantation bowls provide. In introduction of this research paper, first explain about magic and sorcery and also give a short explain about bowls and seals. Afterward, illustrate about bowls and seals separately, showing belief of people and ways of using magic and sorcery in ancient time.

The Tole Qaleh Seyfabad (henceforth, TQS) is one of the Sasanian key sites, which is located in the very heart of the Sasanian empire in southwestern Iran, in the center of Kazeroun County. The site is situated in the rural district of Balian, 330m north of the new Seyfabad village on the natural mounds known as Tol-e Pahn. The site is 40m higher than its surrounding plain and located 868m above sea level, and covers an area of about 150 hectares. TQS is situated 29 km south-east of Bishâpûr city, 7km south-east of Kazeroun city, 109km north-west of Ardashir Khurreh or Firuzabad, 35km north-west of Jereh, 88 km west of Qasr-i Abu Nasr and 214km north of Siraf. The site was partly damaged by a gas pipeline which was constructed through it in the 1980s. In 2005, as part of surveys conducted in the Kazeroun plain, this site was registered by Parsa Ghasemi with the site code KZ 92. The site of Tole Qaleh Seyfabad (TQS) is located in the north of Seyfabad village, near the western part of the Parishan Lake on the Kazeroun Plain, is one of the most important Sasanian sites in southwestern Iran. Due to the gas-pipeline construction, the most upper part of the southern mound of TQS was completely destroyed and after that the illegal excavation by antiquity looters has been started. In 2014, the first season of excavations at this site was conducted by Parsa Ghasemi, Reza Noruzi and Azizollah Rezaei. The general aim of the excavation at TQS was to conduct a salvage operation in order to prevent further looting and damage to the site, and to facilitate identification of layers of different periods in order to determine a reliable chronology for the site. The finds indicate that this site was a major active administrative, economic and commercial center of the Sasanian province of Bishâpûr, in the heartland of this empire and the abandonment of it must be dated to the late Sasanian period, before 651A.D. The most important discovery of this season of excavation were 371 Sasanian clay sealing, out of which 75 bear an impression of an administrative seal while the others wear only personal seal impressions. More than three hundred of them were in the room 2 in trench I, it means that this room was the most important room for archiving the clay bullae. Preliminary inspection of the administrative bullae with the cooperation of Rika Gyselen has provided several new data. Among the nine administrative seals two belong to a provincial administration of Bišābuhr, one to a regional administration and six to the district administration of the mowūh. As the name of this administration shows, it was headed by a member of Zoroastrian clergy. Of the six mowūh districts, four are attested here for the first time. With these four mowūh seals the number of districts known for the province of Bisābuhr reached to seven. The mowūh seal of one of the districts — Ābād-Šābuhr — is attested by more than fifty bullae. No doubt this was the name of the district in which Tole Qaleh Seyfabad was situated. This article is a short preliminary report on this important discovery of the Sasanian period in Fars.

The rock reliefs of Sassanid era are perfect examples of a political ideal, namely the unity between religion and kingdom. The religious elements and characters which are used in these rock reliefs, especially in the diadem gaining rites, are indication of Sassanian kings’ desire to emphasize on the unity between religion and kingdom. Although Sassanians emphasized on the Zoroastrian monism, Sassanian kings depicted the triangular relation between Ahura Mazda- Mithra- and Anahita in the rock reliefs of their diadem gaining rites. Ardeshir, Shapour, and Bahram I, all take the royal ring from Yazata, Ahura Mazda. Narseh owes his sovereignty to Ahura Mazda and Anahita which he gains his royal diadem from them, separately. Ardeshir II takes the royal ring from Ahura Mazda in the presence of Anahita; and Piruz I is honored to be in the presence of both yazatas, Ahura Mazda and Anahita, while taking the royal ring from Ahura Mazda by his right hand. Regarding the fact that the great Yazata, Ahura Mazda, was usually in charge of giving the royal diadem to kings in Sassanian rock reliefs, shall we ask what is the religious justification behind the presence of Anahita and Mithra in such representations? Shall we try to answer this question in a religious way? Were Anahita and Mithra of that high status which their presence in diadem - giving rites, along with Ahura Mazda could double the legitimacy of Sassanian kings? Or their presence in rock reliefs was the result of interconnection between existing social, political and economic issues with Yazatas individual actions? Also we should mention the presence of Yazata, Bahram, in Ardeshir I relief in Naqsh-e Rajab and alien goddess Nike. According to the historical and archaeological evidence, the presence of these two Yazatas was a reflection of social and political issues rather than a matter of religious fluctuations in different times of Sassanian era. To confirm this claim, we can mention two examples: first, the presence of Mitra in Ardeshir II rock relief and second, the presence of Anahita besides Ahura Mazda in Taq -e- Bostan, both appearing at first sight to be the two instances of Sassanian faith in religious trinity. Political, economic and cultural turmoil in different periods of Sassanid dynasty, sometimes forced Sassanian kings to resort to the most influencing state media, which were rock reliefs. Contrary to the putative interpretation, it seems more likely that Ardeshir II appealed to Mitra for the sake of political legitimacy and proving his royal authenticity. Likewise, Pirouz regained the social safety, balance, and security of his reign by his deliberate appeal to Anahita. Yazata, Bahram or Hercules, plays an important role in Bahram I’s political game and this Sassanian king, Bahram I, could gain historical credit to his reign by mentioning the presence of Bahram in Ardeshir I, Bahram I’s ancestor, rock relief. Foreign policies and honors found their way into reliefs too. For example, Shapour I, at the peak of his power and strength depicted Nike in his relief and with doing so, showed off his dominance over many important Aniranian realms. Even the emergence of Nike in Shapour I rock relief debts much to the political issues as well as Aniranian reflections in empire rather than changes in Sassanian religious system and dominance of foreignism. According to the historical and archaeological evidences, the presence of these two Yazatas was a reflection of social and political issues rather than a matter of religious fluctuations in different times of Sassanian Era. This research is used on comparative analysis of historical documents and archaeological data via Historical Analysis view.

Following the implementation of the plan to transfer water from catchments Dez to Qomroud (Anar Bar), by the Ministry of Energy and the establishment of Kucherey dam, in the valley between mountains Kucherey, at 8 km southwest of city Golpayegan, Isfahan province, and in order to obtain maximum information from regional archaeological, program of survey, identify and feasibility of archeology, Kucherey dam basin was executed. The archaeological team with the aim of identifying, documenting and locating the ancient sites and recognizing the nature of the rock art Kucherey and in order to classify and draw up the map of the dispersion of motifs, using a compact survey method, and drawing on the written library documents, with a historical, descriptive, analytical look, the study of rocky motifs in the Kuchi Valley was studied. At the end of field work (survey and documented), I addition to the identification of fourteen hills and ancient settlements, four cemeteries and a monument, thirty-eight rock art (engravings) collection (more than two thousand and five hundred images), within the area of Kucherey dam, identified and documented. The motifs of Kucherey valley of Golpayegan are a small part of the collection of great old Teymareh motifs that are located in the cities (Khomein, Mahallat, Nimeh var, Delijan, Golpayegan and Khansar). These designs are in terms of quantity, quality, and focus in a fantastic and unmatched area. In the formation of them, their concentration or dispersion, the potential for hunting and predation in the area, the presence of waterfalls, the garden, or pedestrians, the sunshine or warming, and the proper quality of large and small boulders and rocks for the creation of motifs have been fundamental reasons. Based on the table of typology of motifs, animal species with 926 motifs from a total of 1353 motifs have the highest frequency. In these motifs, the group of wild boars and bulls with 744 motifs are at the top of the list, the relative abundance of mountain goats and archery humans, indicating absolute domination of the spirit of hunting and nature is on all rocky motifs. Frequent recurrence of hunting, martial arts and narratives reflects the motive of the thought of the creators of motifs Also, the motives of belief, communication, transition, event, visualization, environment, and possibly the determination of the realm, have been in the creation of motifs for the purpose of painters. Considering the results of the classification of motifs, it seems that the main profession of the inhabitants of the Kucherey valley was hunting and animal husbandry, and their social structure was based on the nomadic tribal community. The most important issues in the study and analysis of the rock art (engravings), discussion is on the typology and dating them. Because, probably, some of the motifs, in terms of time, at the same time, they are at the same time, with oldest settlements in the valley and in some cases, until recent years, create motifs on the body of some rocks, have continued. Except for a few of the motifs of late, which almost can be identified, style and method the most carved motifs, are similar to each other and there is difficult for separated this motif and refers them to a specific period. In spite of the existing problems, the authors evaluate, based on the matrix of studies on the method of execution of motifs, the way of displaying the image, the motif’s historical elements and the proximity or adjacent element, the date of the original rock arts, in the Kucherey Valley of the Golpayegan, between the millennium B.C. Until the early Islamic era.

The Samanid capital, Bukhara, was a cultural and intellectual center on a par with the other major cities of the Islamic world in the tenth century. In the tenth century, another major trading route also flourished between Central Asia and northeastern Europe. Furs and slaves were sent from Scandinavia, Russia and Eastern Europe in exchange for silver which was mined in the realm of the Samanids in Central Asia. Not only were Samanid coins used as currency by the Vikings, but Samanid luxury metalwork objects have also been found in Europe. Using the evidence of such finds, this paper posits the Fur Route as a major avenue of cultural interchange in the Middle Ages and the Samanids as important actors on the medieval global stage. An examination of their far-flung trading connections along the Fur Route not only reveals transmission between these regions, but also reiterates the importance of the Samanids in the history of Islamic art and in that of the broader medieval world. The Samanids originated from the area around Termez, on the Oxus River, and the border between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan, an area then inhabited by the Bactrians, a group who spoke another Iranian language. The Samanid capital, Bukhara, was a cultural and intellectual center on a par with the other major cities of the Islamic world in the tenth century such as Baghdad, Cairo and Cordoba. The famous doctor and philosopher Avicenna (Ibn Sina) (d. 1037), for example, found patronage at the Samanid court. Samanid artistic production included ceramics made for domestic consumption that have been hailed as among the very best produced in the Islamic world in any era. Made in Samanid cities such as Samarqand and Nishapur, these ceramics were generally covered with a white slip and decorated with bold Arabic inscriptions in black around the rim (black vessels with white inscriptions are also common, as are red accents). Samanid silver and textiles, on the other hand, were used locally and exported. Textiles show a strong continuity from the pre-Islamic period, with pearl-bordered roundels enclosing birds or animals, often confronting one another. Birds and animals frequently sport fluttering scarves round their necks and birds often hold necklaces in their beaks. All of these features can be seen in pre-Islamic Sasanian and Sogdian silks, and, for this reason, attributing and dating Samanid textiles is often difficult. Just as the earlier silks have been found from Western Europe to Japan, Samanid silks likewise enjoyed a wide distribution. Silver vessels, such as the magnificent silver in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin, have also been found in Western Europe and in former Samanid territory. These vessels are stylistically distinct from their Sasanian precursors, although they do exhibit similar techniques of hammering, engraving, chasing and gilding, as well as the same artistic vocabulary seen in the silks. Their shapes and the way the roundels interlace are two details that are characteristic of the tenth century and hence indicate a Samanid provenance. The peripheral status of the Samanids in standard survey books is not solely due to the geographical boundaries of the discipline, however. Very few North American or Western European historians of Islamic art work on the Samanids, undoubtedly due to the geopolitics of the twentieth century. Since the Samanid capital, Bukhara, and much of their former territory falls in the former Soviet Union, this material was the province of Soviet archaeologists. Hence it was logistically very difficult for Westerners to access before the fall of the Soviet Union, and most of the literature remains inaccessible to the majority of Western scholars because it is in Russia. Outside of the former Soviet Union, study of Islamic Central Asia falls under the remit of those who work on Iran.

In medieval Islamic Iran, mina was known as a general term for enameling metal, glass and ceramic. Consequently, in modern times Mina’i is one of the most important types of Islamic ceramic production and identified by stone paste body and multicolored polychrome over-glazes which represent figural, geometric and floral designs as well as calligraphic perform. Additionally, Mina’i wares are in some cases enlightened as gilded surface. The style can be found in numerous forms that include bowls, ewers, cups, beakers, jugs, inkstands and tiles. They are often referred to as “Haft-Rang” (seven-color) ceramics due to their polychromic character. The colors were red, brown, cobalt blue, green, black, white and gold. It was believed, until quite recently, that one of these seven colors, namely cobalt blue, was painted not over, but in the glaze, and all the others were painted over. These often finely painted wares are believed to have originated in Seljuq Iran during the late twelfth to the early thirteenth century, but there are no contemporary accounts of their production. Little is known about the manufacturing process of Minai ware, because no contemporary literature has yet been found. The earliest literature that mentions Minai ware is Abu’l Qasim Kashani’s Treatise on ceramics, which was written in 1301 or earlier, and the technique for Minai multicolored enamels (called ‘seven-colored’ in the literature) had already been lost Potters in Iran (Persia) began to produce a special type of pottery, that was decorated with multicolored enamels over an opaque white or turquoise base glaze as well as painted applications of blue, turquoise, black, red, pink, purple, white, brown, and green glaze in or over base glaze. Mina’i wares are in some cases enlightened with gold flake surface and applied relief. When Abu¯’l Qasim wrote his treatise on ceramics in 1301, the technology of Minai wares had been lost but gilding technology on the other types of ceramic such as lajajvardina and tiles was continued. The main production site for Minai ware is believed to be Kashan in Iran, which was the main ceramic production center at that time, and several pigment sources are also found there. Besides Kashan, Sava, Rayy and Natanz are also believed to have been production sites, although the vessels still cannot be related to these sites individually. Recent excavations in Alamut Castle caused to discovery of many complete Mina’i wares and sherds. In this research, 7 Mina’i sherds that excavated from Rayy and Alamut castle were analyzed with optical microscopy and chemical composition analysis, were measured using scanning electron microscopy and micro PIXE to characterize and identify the process and composition of gilded Mina’i wares. This paper focuses on defining the elemental composition of gold findings in order to identify gilding process and the gold/ceramic adhesion mechanism. Scanning electron microscopy (SEM) observations showed that pure gold leaves were directly fired on a substrate glaze. In addition, a red ochre and black pacified glazed line surrounded over and under the gilded areas. Although the presence of gold layer under heated the red ochre pacified drawing lines shows thermal process on the gold leaf but over red or black accent drawing glaze, in some parts, demonstrated that the gold leaf was applied after drawing the red lines and maybe after firing, there was no evidence to show these lines had been fired either in the same time with other over glaze decorations or later. The results support that gilding decoration was using both mechanical as well as thermal process for adhesion mechanisms between gold leaf and its substrate. All the results of this research confirm Abulaqasim’s writings concerning gilding process.

The image of Persian metalwork after Mongol invasion has not yet been clarified. Often it has been thought that the Persian craftsmen due to this devastating event have been scattered and continued their activity in north Mesopotamian and Syrian workshops. However, there is evidence at hand indicating not only the continuation of metalwork production in western Iran but also the formation of a new style of decoration. In this essay, some of these evidence in order to determine characteristics of Persian metalwork after Mongol invasion have been introduced. Stylistic analyze of pieces at hand indicates a kind of new style that is best manifested in representation of floral motifs, arabesques in particular. With evidence of the existing works this style at the beginning was not far from the naturalistic style yet gradually in the later works of the century became more conventional and non-naturalistic. Yet in the metalwork of the next years and centuries rendering of vegetal motifs, volutes in particular, becomes more coordinated with the metal substance and finally in the last works of this group they along with their small lobes had been performed so precise and standardized that look like a machine’s cogwheels. In addition to standardize arabesques with diamond shaped flowers and scrolls which are peculiar to this style, use of geometrical motifs derived from architectural ornaments is among its other features. Though most of these motifs are used as single-component units and as secondary elements in decorations of the works of this period, sometimes they have become the core element of the ornaments. An important such a case is a motif similar to six-spoked fret of Imamzadeh Yahya in Varamin used in the medallions and background of the decorative surface of some of the rectangular caskets of this period. Use of this fretwork as used in these caskets is not confined to west Iran but it can be found in metalwork of Syria and Jazira as well. Yet another important feature of the works considered as member of western Iranian metalwork style is using a new iconography in illustrating figural motifs. This kind of iconography is different from Khurasanian tradition. In the products of Khurasan stylization of figures is abstract and is limited to the least possible visual expression. While here a kind of realism is embedded in depicting people and their stances. This kind of iconography is inspired by the motifs of the western and central Iranian painted potteries, which possibly for the first time appeared in the objects like the nine-faceted candlestick of Baznengerd. In these two works stylization of human figures resembles that of painted potteries. Especially the stylization of figures sitting back on their heels in the Baznegerd candlestick is completely similar to that of painted potteries. In fact, it seems that the painter regardless the limitation of the substance; metal, performed the same things on metal as he did on pottery. However, in the later works of this century the evolution of this kind of iconography finds a new direction that one of its possible reasons can be emergence of a new independent pattern for the figural decorations in metalwork. Accordingly, the figures worked in the later objects mildly detach from nature. They are depicted in a way there is no trace of the natural mode and stances of their body peculiar to Baznegerd candlestick. The brass and bronze works of western Iran in the second half of the thirteenth century--perhaps for accelerating the production and decoration of works-- frequently present a kind of conventional and stereotyped figures. For instance, a sitting figure holding a cup with one hand and reaching out the other hand is one of the most frequent motifs of the western metalwork in the second half of the thirteenth century.

Since centuries ago and due to time and necessity, Iranian architectural roofs have been built in various forms and evolved in the course of time. The Iranian Architectural roofs can be divided into two general forms: flat and curved. Domes are of curved roofs among which discontinuous double-skin ones have salient features. In terms of architectural form, structural characteristics and geometric proportions, double-skin domes are among the important elements of Islamic architecture and need to be investigated extensively. Close structural analysis of double-skin domes may offer approaches to restore them more effectively. The present research aimed to show that there has been a direct relationship between form and size of the domes, and between the traditional architects’ mastery and creativity as well as techniques to build the domes. The structure of double-skin domes in Nain Style was examined as closely as possible. To do so, the primary data were collected through library sources, field studies and recordings and conducting interviews with restoration experts and architects. Then, geometric proportions and structural characteristics were modeled digitally by 3-D soft wares. Finally, the results were analyzed and compared descriptively. The main focus was on studying the architects’ mastery on geometry with respect to applying creative techniques to build double-skin domes in Nain Style. The results indicated that the material used, available sources as well as the architectural mastery and capabilities of local architects who, themselves, were inspired by architects of the past generations all have had a great impact on forming double-skin domes in Nain Style. Dome has been contrived as a response to a need for elimination of columns from nave-like spaces and to create a vast space with a dominant view. Iranian domes, being constructed over time by such materials as mud-bricks, bricks and stone, have taken various forms derived from “form geometry” as well as from architect’s abilities. Iranians used it due to its ability to cover a vast space more than any other kind of covering element. Where they made correctly, domes might endure for much longer periods of time. Being an important architectural element within the frame of Iranian architecture history, as is evidenced from sample bullae discovered at susa, domes have an unexpected rather short history in western world; as we have just found one case of double shell – discrete dome from 16th century ; and some people even believe that the dome of sant marco church in venezia (14th century) ,with its inner bricked shell and the outer wooden one, has been derived from the so-called Iranian dome of Soltaniye. Among astonishing architectural elements, domes have their own high stature and some scholars refer their invention to earlier Iranian architects. Of oldest Iranian domes mentioned in written documents one can mention Bazeye-hur (of char taghi type), Ghaleye Dokhtar in Fars,as well as Firuzabad and Niyasar fire temples of Arsacids and Sassanid periods This architectural element became in intense use in post Islamic architecture and in religious buildings in particular. One sees in available domes some similar structural technology with minor differences, corroborating our hypothesis of local architects’ creativities and affecting of structural shapes. Everyone interested in cultural affairs should try to permeate the respect for artistic monuments in the society. The mystery behind learning artistic experience, as well as protection and conservation of those pieces of art, is to know how to hear, to read and to comprehend their specific features (Brandi).

Persian garden is the richest man-made landscape in Iran. Despite its long history, it has many unknown aspects and requires a deeper investigation; identifying the land patterns in different regions of the country will have a prominent contribution to the investigation of the Iranian gardens. The present study attempts to identify the land pattern of the garden and considers the impact of the natural environment on its layout, and reviews and introduces one of the gardens in Mazandaran belonging to the Safavid era called Jahan-Nama Garden of Farahabad. It also seeks to answer this question centering on how the presence of a river as a natural element on the edge of the garden can have impact on the geometry, layout and placement of its different elements. The central research questions are: How was the structure pattern of Jahan-Nama Garden? How did the landscape elements affect the layout of Jahan-Nama Garden? The present study hypothesizes that Jahan-Nama Garden can be categorized as kind of Persian garden called the riparian garden. Due to being close to the river, its main building was constructed close to the garden wall and river bank to have the best view toward the surrounding natural environment. Thus, this study introduces an unknown pattern of Persian garden called the riparian garden. The present study uses a cross-sectional/descriptive-analytical method. In the description phase, the written documents including texts and travelogues and visual evidence including photos and paintings are investigated. These descriptions that provide some information about the gardens situation during its survival and afterwards show that the garden has changed a lot due to continuous erosion caused by natural factors or human aggressions. The garden area and its major buildings were utterly destructed or buried except for some walls. In the next stage, the garden features are identified through analyzing and evaluating the historical data and the maps of the current situation, aerial photos and the latest findings from the archeological excavations; then, the findings are compared to other samples of the Iranian gardens. In order to prove this hypothesis, the internal garden features have been studied and compared to the principles of the Iranian garden in terms of the structure, vision and landscape, vegetation and water supply. The rectangular area surrounded by the river was private garden with a four-part geometry and perpendicular axes. The river was considered as the natural litter of the garden. The findings obtained from the architectural elements show that the main building was built with a complete four-direction view of the river and sketched through it by a columned porch to maintain its close relationship with the nature. The analysis and drawing of the investigated parts of the garden along with the historical documents and principles of the Iranian gardens show that the internal garden has a four-part pattern structure and the main palace was expected to be at the intersection of the main axes. However, given the importance of the river and its impact on the view of the palace, the main building was moved along with the East-west side of the river to take benefit from the relevant axis and the river and sea perspectives. This model in which the main building was constructed tangent to the river in order to have the best view and the whole garden was formed along with the river can be called the riparian pattern of the Persian Garden. In Jahan-Nama Garden, the optimal use of the river view created a new variant form of garden that changed the position of the palace in the garden so that the palace was located neither at the intersection of the two axes, nor at the end of the entrance road to the palace garden which usually leads to a palace.

During the age of Ghajar, some of the western architecture’s elements were imported to Iranian architecture. At first, these elements influenced the imperial and aristocratic constructions and then they moved to public places, residential buildings and the religious constructions. Before the time that this technique comes to Iran, our architecture language was not changed yet. Up to those years the changes were just to repeat some elements or getting ideas from the constructions and make a new one in a traditional style. So the entrance of these elements and their combination with the traditional Iranian architecture made a different style and new buildings were made based on this style. one of these buildings is the mosque and school of Sepah Salar (Martyred Motahhari). It’s the first and the largest mosque and school in Tehran and it’s the nearest construction to the style of Istanbul’s mosques in this paper, Historic architecture of mosques in different periods studied, the architectural features European architecture so the course will examine the impact of Qajar Iran. The research method is an analytic method and the information is collected through the libraries and fields. The findings show the evolutionary procedure of the components. Sepahsalar mosque and school are two buildings from Ghajar dynasty which changed compared with other buildings that built before them. Mirza Hosseein Khan Sepahsalar built these school and mosque which followed this idea from presented in Ottoman embassy. These buildings are the symbols of integration of Iranian and Western architecture which shows priority of Iranian architect. When we look to Sepahsalar mosque, Ottoman architecture style is clear. The structure of these buildings inspired of Safavi and Teymoori dynast which mixed by western architect style. This impact can be found in mosque plan, under the dome, the dome is located on the bald half, lots of minarets, the clock tower, the arches in the façade, carved on the base of the minarets which designed with flowers and plants, Kofi line used in dome tiles and Building facades which are look like Ottoman dynasty. In addition, we can see these Ottoman architecture styles in designing of building faced, not in structure of buildings. These buildings built by Islamic-Iranian architect style which designed by European style. The method of constructing this building on the half-bones and placing the dome in the dome can be considered an adaptation of the Ottoman architecture and the lightest dome made by the mosques until that time. The most important interaction is in the mosque dome construction technique. This technique can also be seen in the Ottoman architecture. In the bald structure, the dome is placed on the second dome, which is actually larger than the dome, and the upper part and the four parts along the edge of the dome are removed from it. These four components are in the form of four arcs whose surface joins together and form a square. The structure of the bald spine, with its heavy grip on the walls and preventing it from entering the wall itself, makes it possible to create a wide interior space such as the inner space of Ayasofia and the Sepehsalar Mosque. This method of constructing a dome with half baldness was never used prior to the construction of Aesophia. The half-bones not only control the beauty of the dome space, but also control the lateral forces of the dome, and effectively transmit the dome’s weight downwards. With the above interpretations, the impact on the construction of the dome with the baldness method and its localization can be considered as an achievement in the architecture of the Qajar period. So, with the influence of the Sepahsalar mosque from western architecture and the combination of different architectural elements, this mosque can be considered as a link style.