فصلنامه علوم اجتماعی
سال بیست و چهارم شماره 3 (پیاپی 78، پاییز 1396)

The monopoly of political structure is one of the foundations of an authoritarian political system. According to many researchers and scholars, contemporary Iran, especially in the reign of first Pahlavi, showing the predominance of an authoritarian regime, with specific features and highlights of the monopoly of political structure, a phenomenon that, along with other features of the authoritarian system, has affected the fate and political culture of Iranian society. Attention and emphasis on this category form the basis of this research and the question of how many of the emergence and orientation of such a form of monopoly on political authoritarianism has been the main issue of the research. A problem that can be designed and pursued within the framework of socio-political analysis. The purpose of this study is to describe an intrinsic social reality, that is to say, to examine the nature of the monopoly of the political structure in the social and historical context of a particular era of individuality and a new era of oppression and repression. One of the most important achievements of this research is the recognition of one of the most fundamental mechanisms of the emergence of political authoritarianism as a modern model in contemporary Iran. How an authoritarian system subjugates the state's triple powers and seizes the realm of government and disperses the public sphere and suppresses civil organizations such as the parties and the press, and takes such institutions into their full control and control.

Investigating the interactions between religion and politics, or in other words, the political role of clergy or religious forces is one of the most important subjects of Iran socity in recent centuries. Considering this fact that the process of modernization in many countries has helped to undermine religious traditions, phenomena such as Islamic Iranian revolution and the growth of Islamic fundamentalism have doubled the importance of this matter. This article, through a historical overview of the changes in Iran during Reza Shah and based on the theory of John Kenneth Galbraith, try to study the political role of the clergy in this period and their relationships with Reza shah. In this regard, two periods can be distinguished. In a period, the clergy have an active and outstanding political role and even in a kind of legitimacy of power and government. But in other period, their political role was weak and against Reza Shah. The difference between the political role of the clergy in the period of Reza Shah has a direct relationship with the resources and means of power of clergy on the one hand and Reza shah on the other hand.

The study of actions of social agents is a part of the social history of Iran that has seldom been studied in detail, while such study is capable of providing valuable information about lifestyle, gender culture, and every day actions of men and women. Thus, with the aim of producing local knowledge for gender and women studies, such investigation sociologically brings about systematic results. Regarding this, the present study focuses on researching documents and theoretical analysis of historical findings from the perspective of gender studies. Document analysis has been extensively employed as a research method for the current study. Over thirty published documents have been examined. Findings of the analysis demonstrate an inclination to superstitious as common beliefs in Qajar era. Employing a functional approach and according to role status, findings of this study indicate a gender difference in upholding such belief. Such inclination in women were expressed in a vast array of acts related to infertility, giving birth, child care, affection, protection against imaginary beings and in men manifested in a range of different acts including improvement in subsistence level, higher yields of lands, abundance of well water and protection against dangers. Moreover, the gender differences among the performers of superstitious and how these beliefs were put into practice is of special note.

This paper studies the Intergenerational value preferences in Sanandaj and measures its effective social factors. Sanandaj city is one of the cities that because of some aspects like the center of Kurdistan province, extension of urbanism, irregular emigration, marginalization, youth population, ingredients of coexistence from the native and nonnative and modern and traditional culture, vicinity with border cities, the modernity of mass media, makes extent changes. To do so, appropriate framework was prepared based on Durkheim, Merton, Mannheim, Giddens, Inglehart, Bourdieu and Schwartz in which the basic assumptions are discussed and tested. The research was conducted based on multiple research methods (survey and documentation methods) and multiple clustered sampling on 367 people in three generation. Findings shows that there is no significant difference between young people and middle –aged , but there is a significant difference between old generation and young people and middle- aged and old generation regarding the value preference. Also The results showed there is a correlation between social capital and religious with value preference in two generations (young and middle-aged)and between the cultural capital and value preference in young generation and there is a no significant correlation between all generations on economic capital and value preference.

Appearance of new technologies and widespread use of them have made facilities among people in a safe environment; this communication have increased presence of strange people in personal life. But this space is not real and user s present themselves acceptable based on social values. In this study, we have surveyed the ways of present of self in Instagram regard to Goffman's dramaturgical theory and Mead’s social interaction theory. We have surveyed ten last post of 30 women and 30 men in their pages and we have surveyed their different ways that they present theirselves with different features. By categorizing of these, we have achieve to five present methods in this space and we have found the most favorite way of present in this social network, we have found this present help us to recognize others a little and we can’t have a deep recognition. We have realized this presenting stage have basic different from the stage that Goffman had spoken about. it is real that we can change presentation of self in Instagram. because this space have limited propertise for present. Also unfair laws have been created critical behaviors and neglecting this evolution will make new crisis in future.

To understand government is one of the fundamental grounds of understanding Persia’s history. However, understanding Persia’s history requires examining the constituent parts of Persian society. This study is carried out with a critical approach, in historical individuality employing a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods and it investigates the proportion of forces in zones of Asir, Beyram, Alamarvdasht, Gallehdar, Gavbandi, Maleki and Tamimi of Fars state prior to the modern state. The findings of this study indicate that on the one hand, people in these regions had been generally armed and possessed the instrument of exerting coercion, on the other hand, the local governors needed the support of their subjects. This process causes the balance of forces between the people and the local governors, subsequently, bringing into existence cores of armed local power. Moreover, the existence of these armed communities in conjunction with data as to forces of central government and macro-level analysis of the country point out to the plural structure of government in Persia prior to its modern state.

Transition of democracy in the Middle East question paper. The purpose of this article is to answer the question of why revolutionary movements sweeping the Middle East (Arabic spring) that the overthrow of authoritarian rule and political reforms in some countries led to the consolidation of democracy meant the establishment of democratic procedures did not seek, but a reproduction of authoritarianism with a new formulation has been sought? As a theoretical solution to the problem, theories of democracy consolidation process (theory of rentier states, civil society, political culture, the legitimacy of democracy, etc.) were examined. To test the causal conditions of comparative qualitative techniques (Boolean algebra) was used. Results Boolean algebra to the case of Egypt, Libya, Yemen suggest that the government's ties to rent sources, weak civil society, political culture Khvdsalar governance and economic underdevelopment as well as uncompromising political elite of the most important obstacles in both structural and wisdom (actors) to establish democracy. Boolean algebra results also show that the government relies rentier incomes, weak civil society, non-democratic political culture and Khvdsalar and uncompromising elites and the lack of legitimacy of democracy in Bahrain prerequisite for the socio-economic underdevelopment not necessary and not enough to prevent the consolidation of democracy.