مجله جامعه شناسی سیاسی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 11 (پائیز و زمستان 1396)

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the destruction of the communist totalitarianism, The context Prepared for strengthening of democracy in the new independent Republics. Formulation of Constitutions based on free elections, noted The end of the authoritarianism era in these republics. But between the years 1991 through 2000 a new model of authoritarianism in the region was developed. According to at the beginning of the third millennium a new form of authoritarianism was ruling in all five Central Asian republics. Now after more than two decades, this process is still continuing. This paper reviews new model of authoritarianism in Central Asia and trying to answers the following questions: what are the domestic roots of authoritarianism in Central Asia? “Neo-Authoritarianism is multi-faceted phenomenon Central Asia that has Political, Economic and Social background”. Each of these dimensions have been divided into several subdirectories and have examined by using the Neopatrimonialism theory. Due to the fact that Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan in Central Asia are the worst authoritarian situation, so tried to More emphasis on these couontries.Method of This article is descriptive- analytical study and prepared by library sources

The Middle Eastern developments of the twenty first century, in their socio-political and economic dimensions, have changed the political equation of the region and have brought about many new issues in its research landscape. The question of the new brands of political Islamic trends is one important dimension of such new research. The Iraqi Kurdish region, beside its strategic significance, has witnessed the rise and the spread of such Islamist active political trends and their rivalry with the old secular ethnic nationalist political parties in electoral arena. However, despite the coming to power of different Islamist movements, particularly in the aftermath of the Arab spring, in the Arab world, such as Egypt and Tunisia, the Iraqi Kurdish region has not seen the victory of the Kurdish Islamic movements and political parties in regional parliamentary elections. Facing such important question, this descriptive-analytical article, claims that three important factors can explain the causes for the failure of the Iraqi Kurdish Islamist parties in gaining power through electoral politics: the dominance of ethnic nationalist ideas, the secular rival political trends and the presence of the foreign forces among which the US is the most important one

This article seeks to reveal the sociological backgrounds of justice discourses near the Iranian post-revolutionary administrations. Based on a historic research method mentioned discourses has been analyzed and their similarities and differences has been compared with each other. The products of article are a new conceptualization regarding the subject, revealing the how of discourse change, enlightening the relationships between internal and external factors and evenly reconfirming the temporality of discourses based on the historical and concrete facts

The aim of this study is examine Intellectual, structural and agency’s contexts of Committee of the Islamic Revolution. One of the important organizations that emerged after the revolution comes, paramilitary and para-police organization of revolutionaries and the masses. Committee of the Islamic Revolution was the first organization that was formed to solve the necessity of military and security issues and the security and welfare of the people. According to the position of the defense and security organizations in the continuation and development of the revolution and their role in guarding the Revolution and its achievements to preserve, study seems necessary. This research is qualitative and historical research. For collecting data, taking notes and interviews. According to research findings, intellectual and ideological context of the organization committee, is the ideology of the Islamic Revolution. In examining the structure, opposition and the agreed political, security, social and cultural was studied. The political structure, The Supreme Leader and the Revolutionary Council agreed with the Committee. provisional government disagreed with the Committee. Members of political parties agreed with the Committee a, They were involved in their formation. In examining the social and cultural structure seminary and clergy, university academics, mosques and religious site and a delegation of religious, , Played a role in the formation and development committee. This review concluded that the revolutionary and religious people in the formation of Committee of the Islamic Revolution played a major role. Scholars and Clergymen had an important role in the Committe

The emergence of Daesh in the Middle East region and in the territories in the vicinity of Islamic Republic of Iran as well as the support of some of the regional and extra-regional countries of this current have led to profound changes in the regional equations. Although, Iran as a major regional player, has faced serious challenges due to the emergence of Daesh, it has also faced several opportunities. With the emergence of the Daesh, Iran has faced many challenges in the discursive, security and political fields. However, suitable opportunities too have been created for Iran to introduce nonviolent Islam due to the activities of this group. The present paper is an attempt to delve into the following question: what challenges and opportunities has Daesh created for Iran? The necessary data were collected from documents and journals and were scrutinized as a case study through descriptive-analytical method. The findings of the research indicate that the main challenges created by the Daesh for Iran through changing the regional equations are outstanding in the discursive, security and ideological fields. At the same time, the opportunities created by the Daesh include the distinction between violent Islam and nonviolent Islam, introduction of Iran as an anti-terrorist state, and demonstration of Iran’s regional power and its effectiveness in the region

Neo-Ottomanism and new Salafism: The comparative compare of Fethullah Gülen and Yusuf al-Qaradawi
Neo-Ottomanism and new Salafism and the different expressions and explanation of it are among the most important subjects. Two thinkers who have appropriate comments to study in this category are Fethullah Gülen 'inventor of social turkish islam' and al-Qaradawi 'one of the most prominent thinkers of new Salafism in Sunni Islam, that was social and political reflection in Sunni group '. This essay is done by descriptive-analytic method and comparative lookout. The comparison of their viewpoint shows their similarities and differences in Islam understanding. So The comparison of Neo-Ottomanism of Gülen with the new Salafy Ikhvani ideas of al-Qaradawi showed their viewpoint on religion and politics completely contradicts. Gülen sees Islam as an issue related to heart and separated from politics. al-Qaradawi believes the separation of religion and politics is far from Islam. So, although Gülen promotes secularism, al-Qaradawi believes that secularism never accepted in Islam. But in their similarities aspect, Their ideas about democracy is near together and both of them accept democracy. Hence, Gülen and al-Qaradawi account women as agents of civil society, in opposition Qaradawi believes respecting all Islamic manners is a prerequisite for women’s attendance in society. while Gülen advices the Neo-Ottomanism theory which is mixed by pedigree and native values and opposes joined Isamic nation`s principles and bases. In the opposite, Qaradawi don`t belive to originality of nation and pedigree in joined Isamic nation which is more neared to pure Islam`s sources