مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال نهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 51، پاییز 1396)

Kurd’s call for independence is one of the most stressing factors in the ethnic conflicts in the Middle East. Kurds are mainly deployed in four countries: Iran, Syria, Iraq and Turkey and Kurds from past to present have experienced long conflicts with the central governments of these countries. Kurds are considered the largest forgotten and stateless nation. The fall of Saddam's regime in Iraq as well as developments in the Middle East after September 2011 event, has provided a historic opportunity for self-expression of the Kurds and the pursuit of their historical demands, especially in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. Certainly, this expression will be faced with the reactions of these governments and regional and international powers, based on their interests and strategies in this field, will take a position. This paper reviews the positions of one of the trans-regional powers, namely Russia, toward Syria's Kurds. This study tries to answer the basic question that, what are the positions of Russia toward the Kurds living in Syria, especially after the 2011 developments? After analyzing the situation of the Kurds in Syria and how and why of the positions of Russia versus the Kurd’s claims of independence, the findings of this paper show that Russia, during the crisis in Syria, tries to prevent the disintegration of its long-time ally, Syria and accordingly, its policy is based on preventing the Syrian Kurds to achieve independence. The research method is descriptive - analytical and the analysis of data is performed based on the game theory.

One of the main goals of research in the world is the growth of science and, consequently, the advancement and welfare of society. In Iran, this goal has often been forgotten, and the publication of papers and their number has become a goal in comparison with other countries in the world. So that, in terms of the number of articles published in international journals, Iranians have gained a significant and high status, but they have not succeeded to convert these ideas into the industrial achievements. This phenomenon, which was seen in the past in the academic fields of science and engineering, has also been spreading over the years to the field of humanities, in particular, political science and International Relations. So that, we can see thet university professors and students are inclined to publish articles in low and even fake journals outside Iran. The article aims to, first, assess the status of the field of Political Science and International Relations in comparison with other disciplines of the humanities on this phenomenon and secondly have a pathology of these papers. Both quantitative and qualitative methods have been used for this purpose. The findings of the research show that the number of fake journals has been exponential growth from 2013 to 2017 in Iran and also after the field of social sciences and psychology, researchers in the field of political science have shown the highest tendency to publish articles in these journals. This is despite the fact that, the publication of the paper in original foreign journals has been very small. Findings of the research also showed the poor quality of these articles compared to their domestic counterparts. In the pathology of this issue, which questioned the professional ethics of research, these factors were identified: Forcing professors to publish papers in foreign journals for upgrade to higher scientific levels, the student's obligation to publish an article to defend their thesis, the length of the review and publication process in Iranian journals, the assessment of PhD volunteers with the number of articles and so on.

Although Studying and analyzing foreign policy has passed the similar and somehow equivalent path with international relations theories, it maintains its line and difference with these theories. This article works on the success and non-success in the historical-sociological model of analyzing foreign policy. So we follow this question that how the effect of the impossibility of historical-sociological model of foreign policy is and what is its effect on analyzing foreign policy? historical sociological model of analyzing foreign policy’s view improves this power that in addition to clarifying the current and prior reciprocal effects, notifies to future and understands the future changes and clarify that. it means that this studying has the legibility to predict and consider it based on previous things as possibilities or main trait. In an opposite way to the prior views which reduce the task of theory to clarifying, the historical sociological model emphasizes that prediction and later studying are legitimate and especially important.

The understanding of significances and political implications of Farabi's thought by considering decision criteria based on dialogue and also basing political assumptions on the relationship between free and equal human beings in “general field”, is forming the main purpose of this research. The researchers by conducting an accurate research on the main system of Farabi's political philosophy, believe that this Muslim philosopher is ignoring “public domain” or in other words “public interest”, by preferring boss over society and basing the utopian city on superior boss, putting him in the place of a normative and the channel of supreme good and ultimate bliss. Thus, citizenship category, in its classic and Aristotelian meaning “participatory existence”, is abstained on the thought. Current research explains the connection between thought and politic in a particular perspective and by relaying on the scientific logic and the theoretical framework of Hannah Arendt. According to Arendt, politics is merely the product of free and equal human beings’ relationship in the public domain. Obstruction of public domain and appointing a hierarchical system on society will only lead to violence. The current research has applied an analytical and interpretative method through analyzing of available contexts, collected information and reasons in order to prove its claim, hence it concluded that Farabi is promoting a specific type of politics in the horizon of Islamic thoughts that justifies violence in its Arendt verbal form by making society dependent on primary superior and it blocks the path to dialogue and advent of a free and participatory citizen.

In the process of political development, the administrative system and its components play a facilitating and strategic role. One of the components of the administrative system that plays an important role in performance, achievement of goals and missions is the systematic organization of organizational structures. In the so-called reform era, the main focus of the government discourse is the political development. One of the main policies in Iran was to reform the administrative system and reorganize the structure and organization of the state in order to rationalize the size of the state, its efficiency and transfer of affairs to the people, and the expansion of social partnerships. ژنابراین ابوالحسنی، 1390: 281) Therefore, the main question of this article is that how the evolution of the structure of the administrative system in the reform era has worked on the process of political development? The main hypothesis of this article is based on the fact that the transformation and reorganization of the structure of the administrative system in this period is on the process of political development both at the state and society level. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the effect of improving the institutional structures of the administrative system on the process of political development during the reform period. The research methodology is descriptive-analytic.

From the late 1980s, the development-oriented paradigm has become a dominant approach in China's foreign policy. Hereby, Beijing tries to absorb the international resources in its national economy. After four decades, the Chinese economy has made remarkable progress by applying peaceful interactive foreign policy. Beijing now has substantial oversea economic and political interests. Maintaining and expanding these interests are top priority in China's foreign policy. But pure emphasis on economy in foreign policy will not materialize the mentioned priority. China's fifth-generation elites are aware about this shortcoming. So in Xi Jinping's era, China's development-oriented foreign policy has faced with modifications. Therefore, this question comes up that how the range and continuity of China’s development-oriented foreign policy has been in the Xi Jinping period? Even though Xi Jinping has commitment to China's development oriented foreign policy; but it has attached with more Political-military assertiveness. This hypothesis will be tested in the framework of Adrian Leftwich developmental state theory as well as Robert Kagan’s theory on history. This research has been undergone by descriptive-analytic method.