پژوهشنامه انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 27 (تابستان 1397)

The alienation of power with spirituality in the liberal-democratic discourse has made politics into the realm of struggle in its domination, with the claim of orbital ethics. In the religion of Islam, spirituality is the flow and movement on the path (God's love for theology and melting in His divinity). The system of religious democracy comes from Islam and the Islamic revolution. If Islamic spirituality, as one of the sources of power, comes from the purely individual and internal affairs of the community, so that the person, the society and the state would become spiritual, and spiritual power is produced. In this sense, the individual, the society, and even the state, with all its structure and its agents, can become godly, that if such a success comes, then not only will corruption be not only power but also bring about the excellence and prosperity of the power of the people first and foremost to the people of the community. In this study, it will be focused on the conceptual framework of spiritual power and the multi-dimensional hermeneutic approach to understanding and interpreting Imam Khomeini's thought and life, which would be the best analogy of the embodiment of spirituality in the individual and social domain. The spiritual power of the Islamic Revolution, given its nature, resources, types, and applications, has such a capacity that it can shield the discourse of soft power in the present historical twist and changes itself into the dominant discourse; Especially in the present era, spirituality will be seen not only in the East, even in the most secretive parts of the Western community.The spiritual power of the Islamic Revolution, given its nature, resources, types, and applications, has such a capacity that it can shield the discourse of soft power in the present historical twist and changes itself into the dominant discourse; Especially in the present era, spirituality will be seen not only in the East, even in the most secretive parts of the Western community.

Analysis of the relationship between Israel and Iraqi Kurdistan and its security implications for the Islamic Republic of Iran
The profound developments in Iraq after the Persian Gulf War in 1991, and in particular the vacuum of power created after the fall of Saddam in 2003, ISIL invasion of this land, and recently a referendum on independence in Iraqi Kurdistan and the expansion of political, economic, and military activities of the Kurds in line with their independence goals in this country, in addition to the extensive presence of the United States and its allies in the Middle East after September 11, and the plans for the Middle East and New Middle East strategies, has provided a good basis for expanding the presence and influence of Israel in Iraqi Kurdistan. Israel's influence in Iraqi Kurdistan is in fact a continuation of Israel's national security and foreign-policy strategy in the Middle East to get out of isolation and dominate the region. The main question posed by this article is that the increase in the presence and influence of Israel in Iraqi Kurdistan will produce what consequences for the national security and interests of Iran? This article explores the objectives, interests, and facilitating requirements of the Israeli actions for presence in Iraqi Kurdistan and by using a descriptive-analytical method based on the conceptual framework of the threat balance, attempts have been made to explain the various aspects of the policies and relations of Israel with the Kurds of Iraq and their consequences for the national security of Iran. The findings of the present study indicate that the presence and influence of Israel in the Kurdistan region of Iraq is in line with the strategic goals of this regime, including the creation of a new strategic alliance in the region, which can ultimately be a serious threat to security of Iran.

Iran and Afghanistan have played an important role in the revival and spread of the political discourse of the late 1980s. So far. The Islamic Revolution of Iran was one of the milestones of the political discourse of Islam, and after that, Afghanistan by defeating the Soviet Union (1988), became a strong point for the transnational spread of the mentioned discourse. During the critical years of this decade, the resistance movement of Afghanistan was considered by Imam Khomeini (RA). He, while redefining and the transnational propagation of Islamic Political Discourse of Iran, believed in the unfavorable situation of Islamism Approach in many Islamic countries. But, the political Islam of the Iranian nation, from the Imam's point of view, was a proper and successful Islamist model in the Islamic world that had the capacity and ability to disseminate and export softly to other countries. The mentioned pattern was not based solely on religion, but also on Iranianship and the scope of Iranian civilization. the main question and issue of this paper is that the political Islam discourse of Afghanistan, what characters represented in the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA). The authors of the article are seeking to answer this question by using the method of discoursive text analysis and also explaining the political discourse of politics both theoretically (conceptually) and empirically (Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and Iran). The hypothesis of Present research is that he described Islamism, jihad, and alienation as one of the most prominent features of the resistance movement in Afghanistan. But due to the divisiveness of the political Islam discourse in Afghanistan, he emphasized the unity of the word in Afghanistan. The findings of the research indicate that Imam Khomeini (RA) from The Perspective of Iranian Model of political Islam has considered to political Islam discourse of Afghanistan.

Nationalism, viewed as one of the most influential ideologies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, has been reviewed and evaluated by various thinkers, and the extreme tendency of this ideology has also been criticized by the international community and scholars. Meanwhile, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution has pointed out in his statements and messages about this ethnic and patriotic orientation in Islamic societies, which, in large part, have been pathologies and strategies that have emerged from extreme nationalism damage. Therefore, the present article tries to answer this question by using the method of thematic analysis and documentary studies; what is the meaning of nationalism from the point of view of Ayatollah Khamenei, and what are the threats of extremist nationalism to the Islamic world? The findings of the paper show that the typology of nationalism in Ayatollah Khamenei's intellectual system consists of two parts of positive and negative nationalism: the extreme aspects of this ideology emphasize ethnic, linguistic, blood, and so on. Of religious feelings and spirituality. Some of the threats of nationalism to the Islamic world are: the removal of nations from each other, the intensification of ethnic and sectarian differences in the Islamic world, the weakening of the strength of the power structure of the Islamic countries, the elimination of Islamic and religious identity, the weakening of spirituality in Islamic societies, etc. The ignorance of Islamic rulers towards them can put the Islamic world in a state of dilemmas.the removal of nations from each other, the intensification of ethnic and sectarian differences in the Islamic world, the weakening of the strength of the power structure of the Islamic countries, the elimination of Islamic and religious identity, the weakening of spirituality in Islamic societies, etc. The ignorance of Islamic rulers towards them can put the Islamic world in a state of dilemmas.

During the Pahlavi era, Iran and Israel formulated the framework for strategic cooperation within the framework of the doctrine of the periphery. But in 1978, with the interruption of the Zionist regime's relations with Iran, the Israeli national security strategy and peripheral doctrine were under the influence of the threat of the Islamic Revolution. The present article, considering the changes that took place, including the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution and the beginning of the Middle East Peace Process in the 1990s, raised the fundamental question of what the goals of relations between Israel and Iran in the pre-revolutionary and post-revolution stages were based on the doctrine of the periphery. Is it Islamic? In answer to this question, based on the threatening variables against Israel, the government implemented a peripheral alliance aimed at balancing threats against Arab governments in cooperation with Iran. But after the fall of the Shah's regime, Israel pursued a peripheral alliance strategy in the form of a traditional discourse to confront the Islamic Revolution, in the framework of its presence in major strategic areas of the world, influencing US decision-making, accountability, and nuclear monopoly. The idea of innovation in this research is to use the theoretical balance of threat, with a descriptive and analytical approach to explaining Israel's perception of threats and unity with heterogeneous identities. The findings of the author explain that Israel's goals and relationships are the product of building power and solving security challenges based on threats that were propagandistic and non-existent in the Israeli psychological environment. In other words, the mental and perceptual environment has directly provided Israel with a perception of the threat.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has a wealth of soft power resources in both internal and external dimensions, and this issue has been a major contributor to the promotion of the status and national capabilities of Iran in the international arena. One of the important issues regarding Iran's national power is identifying and extracting the capacities and sources of soft power. Due to the wide range of Iranian power resources, it is necessary and proper to study them. Meanwhile, the general documents and general policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran are one of the most suitable sources of soft power extraction. Therefore, the present paper seeks to explore soft power sources in terms of general science and technology policies. . In this regard, the authors intend to answer the main question using the quantitative content analysis method and the "quadruple pattern of soft power sources"; what are the components of the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in general science and technology policies? Are you The findings of the paper show that political, cultural, scientific and economic resources of soft power exist in the general policies of science and technology, and one of the most important sources of soft power in the document is the promotion of international dignity, the expansion of international constructive cooperation , Inspiration, knowledge economy, commercialization of science and technology, proper education, the foundations of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, religious and moral teachings, scientific authority, access to advanced technologies, the growth of scientific production, knowledge management.commercialization of science and technology, proper education, the foundations of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, religious and moral teachings, scientific authority, access to advanced technologies, the growth of scientific production, knowledge management.commercialization of science and technology, proper education, the foundations of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, religious and moral teachings, scientific authority, access to advanced technologies, the growth of scientific production, knowledge management.

Turkey, which is a neighbor of Islamic Republic of Iran, has a strategic importance for our country. So, analyzing the positions of Justice and Development Party regarding Iran is significant. The Justice and Development Party has come to power since 2002 and its foreign policy in lieu of Iran, has experienced ups and downs in recent years. This essay tries to analyze the foreign policy positions of Justice and Development Party regarding Iran. The research question is: what factors affect the exigent and negatory positions of Justice and Development Party in lieu of Iran? Domestic factors such as the AK PARTY’s approach to Islam and Kurd issues, regional factors such as Arabic countries’ evolutions, Syria’s crisis, and extensive relations with Israeli regime, trans-regional factors like relations with EU and USA are among the most important political factors that have affected positions of Justice and Development Party for Iran. This essay analyzes Justice and Development Party’s positions regarding Iran based on the descriptive-analytic approach.
Turkey, which is a neighbor of Islamic Republic of Iran, has a strategic importance for our country. So, analyzing the positions of Justice and Development Party regarding Iran is significant. The Justice and Development Party has come to power since 2002 and its foreign policy in lieu of Iran, has experienced ups and downs in recent years. This essay tries to analyze the foreign policy positions of Justice and Development Party regarding Iran. The research question is: what factors affect the exigent and negatory positions of Justice and Development Party in lieu of Iran? Domestic factors such as the AK PARTY’s approach to Islam and Kurd issues, regional factors such as Arabic countries’ evolutions, Syria’s crisis, and extensive relations with Israeli regime, trans-regional factors like relations with EU and USA are among the most important political factors that have affected positions of Justice and Development Party for Iran. This essay analyzes Justice and Development Party’s positions regarding Iran based on the descriptive-analytic approach.