نشریه علوم سیاسی
سال بیست و یکم شماره 2 (پیاپی 82، تابستان 1397)

The political cooperation of people in various forms of political system compatible with the foundations and structure of that system has taken a different approach. People are considered as the fundamental principle in regard with choosing the agents as well as the decision making in the democratic systems. However, in non- democratic systems, people are of position within the structure of that system. In opposition to the authoritative or velaee system which considers the appropriate position of people and their political cooperation, in the caliphate and sultanate system, a low position is considered for the people in regard with the political cooperation and there is meanness and inequality in its structure in an institutionalized way as well. This article clarifies and describes the elements of three political systems of Wilayat, caliphate and sultanate and compares the people’s position in each of these political systems related to their political cooperation based on the trend of government development throughout the history of Islam i.e. prophecy, Wilayat, caliphate, and sultanate. The majority or minority political cooperation is not regarded as the reason for the favorability and the criteria of evaluation of political system and what is the criteria for evaluation and favorability of the system are the fundamentals and norms on them the different and distinguished kind of political cooperation is based

The centrality of Wilayat e- Faqih theory in the Islamic revolution has been constantly in view of various researchers. Many of the contemporary and non-Muslim philosophers with the outer-religious approaches have endeavored to appreciate the issue and the explanations of Islamic scholars are mainly on the basis of the political jurisprudence. According to the history of political thought, Wilayat e- Faqih has been the issue of the study and the concern of many Shiite theologians and philosophers. The great jurisprudents in the past have clarified the belief-based and theological position of Wilayat e- Faqih before the jurisprudential illuminations of the issue. To this end, they have referred to the jurisprudential decree by proving divine legitimacy resembling divine action having been previously stated by the infallible Imams. Farabi’s political philosophy couldn’t remain neutral in relation to the position of the head of tradition towards the progress of prophetic and alawite utopia. The complementary integration of the three sciences is an innovative approach being the claim of the present writing

The discussion related to the idea of citizenship in contemporary Iran can be considered the issue regarding the development of modernity in contemporary Iran. In this regard, the success or failure of this idea should be regarded in the shadow of the triumph or failure of modernity in contemporary Iran. The consistence of modern citizenship in the West was reliant on the endeavor of the holders of modern political philosophy towards the inclusion of some of the most important modernist premises in relation to the human and his relationship with the nature as well as the government in the pivot of western common sense network. Of the most important premises related to the discussion on the modern citizenship was the idea of rightful person in natural status based on which the natural right of individual in natural conditions was prior to the regulation improving of the political status. In this regard, the fundamental issue in this article is investigating the failure of citizenship idea consistency around the civil element or the right-centeredness which was founded by Habez in the modern West. In this article, it is endeavored to state this research in political philosophy view not in historical-social or legal ones. In this view, the principle of “satiation’’ along with that of “force” determines the political characteristics and relations. This study tries to clarify that the rhetorical endeavor of illuminati to make a justified relationship between the idea of right and regulation was not that much successful. It is inferred that this lack of success is mostly related to the internal weakness of their rhetoric more than their misunderstanding of the foundations of modernity. This weak point could strengthen two basic predicaments; the first one was the inconsiderable role of the rightful person’s idea and the second one was the Rousseau radicalism within the framework of uncivil revolutionaries

The study on the scope of the authorities and duties of Wilayat e- Faqih is of significant role in relation to the implementation of governorship and Islamic policies. Mohaqeq e- Khuee considers the admittance of Wilayat in the domain of jurisdiction as well as the non-contentious matters in narrowed down meaning. However, non-contentious issue in extended meaning including the political authority of the jurist or Wilayat e- Faqih is not clearly stated in his ideas. Saheb e- Javaher believes in the general authority of the jurist and Imam Khomeini believes in the absolute authority which is the authority of jurist on the affairs of Muslims and community. The hypothesis is that the jurists have accepted a kind of authority or Wilayat for the jurist while they are disagreements related to its extent. This article has investigated the commonalities and the differences in the ideas of the aforementioned jurisprudents related to the extent of the authorities and duties of Vali ye- Faqih relying on library research method and taking advantage of jurisprudential works. Finally, it has been concluded that the domain of authorities is not limited to jurisdiction and it includes the political Wilayat as well. Furthermore, the disagreements in the ideas of the there scholars in this regard is not considered an unmanageable issue

The group of Ekhvan ol- Moslemin in time of General Hosni Mubarak took his political strategy as the mode of participation in parliamentary election and with too much delay, it joined the uprising of Egyptian people against Hosni Mubarak in the early months of 2011. Following the downfall of Mubarak and the victory in parliamentary and presidency election, this group was not of any predetermined plan towards the authoritarianism and stabilization of the democracy. After a while, many other political groups disagreed with this group and the army tried to abuse these divergences in an opportunistic way, it did a coup detat against Mohammad Morsi and actually Ekhvan via the support of judiciary and al- Azhar. Through the descriptive-analytical method, the present article is to seek the answer of this question related to the reasons of failure of Ekhvan in Egypt following the downfall of Mubarak and in this very framework and taking advantage of the dispute between structure and agent, it has presented hypothesis that the collection of structural reasons as well as the inappropriate action of Ekhvan and political groups (by the preference of action role) led to the failure of Ekhvan in preserving power and the fulfillment of democracy following the downfall of Hosni Mubarak

Ayatollah Khuee is regarded as the religious authorities whose lifetime is worth to study in many aspects. on the one hand, too much of his life of authoritativeness passed throughout Ba’ath party’s era while the experience of one of the young religious authorities of Najaf, Ayatollah Mohammad Baqer e- Sadr in dealing with this party led to his martyrdom and on the other hand, a religious system was established based on Wilayat e- Faqih by a religious authority in the vicinity of Iraq as it was passing its time of stabilization. These conditions along with the war between Iraq and Iran, one leading by Ba’ath party and the other by a Shiite religious authority provided the new conditions for Ayatollah Khuee. On the one hand, he didn’t like to be involved with the political issues and to repeat Shahid Sadr’s experience and on the other hand, his priority was keeping the seminary school and the entity of Shiism in Iraq and region and he had to make a relationship with the Shiite revolutionary system. Ayatollah Khuee experienced two great wars in Iraq as well as the most ruthless political system. All these conditions of the time and the personality of Ayatollah Khuee necessitates the study of the role of an agent whose political action with the structure of Ba’ath party is significant and it is also helpful towards the appreciation and analysis of the entity of authoritativeness. Accordingly, the main concern of this article is the analysis of the political action of Ayatollah Khuee in the two eras of Hassan al- Bakr and Saddam Hossein in Iraq to better understand the relations of the entity of authoritativeness and policy of Ba’ath party in Iraq and this historical period

Nowadays, the ethical crisis concealed in the quiddity of capitalism in the West has imposed some horrible consequences throughout the world. One of the most significant consequences affected the human society due to the blasphemed and immoral instruction of capitalism is the increasing trend of rigorousness and extremism throughout the world. Although the world of Islam has been suspected to the harshness and extremism by the extensive propagation of the West and it has changed into the manifestation of Islam phobia in the western media particularly in the media supporting by the United States of America, the profound study of this phenomenon directs the researchers towards the nature of severity and liberalistic extremism and its pivotal role in the increase of this predicament throughout the world. The author investigates the real elements of hostility and extremism throughout the world in the ethical crises hidden in the nature of capitalism and liberalist system of the west by not attributing the hostility and extremism to the Islamic noble trend as well as the content analysis of the present documents and evidences