فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 24 (بهار 1397)

This article originated with two concepts of historicity and social life of the Islamic Revolution to understand the two concepts with social changes in contemporary Iran. This article claims that the Islamic Revolution through the creation of historicity and then creating a new social life of contemporary social developments have had a profound impact.
Approach of the article is based on result of the system of social relations (the act) and historical sociology (historical individuality Weber).
Based on the analysis and explanation presented, the Islamic Revolution changed social life in three dimensions: mentality, action, and structure. Subjectively, national sovereignty was given to the people as a right of self-determination. In the practical dimension, the field of action was formed below the revolutionary discourse, and in the structural dimension, new institutional contexts were created. In fact, with the outbreak of the Islamic Revolution, the possibility of realization of the political, economic, intellectual and daily life was reproduced with a special interpretation.

Government relations in past centuries was based more on hard power. Today, culture and soft power as an important indicator in development of relations between states plays a role. Governments are seeking to use the various tools in the new age, a new and useful contact for efficient diplomacy. Today, a country has a good diplomacy that, by expanding its tools of engagement with other actors, may achieve an appropriate identity with other states. One of the new aspects of diplomacy, is taking advantage of the university diplomacy, so-called "diplomacy of Higher Education", which is considered by the authors of this study. So in this article we have tried to approach based on constructivism and according to the principles of recognition and engagement and its impact on redefining the identity and interests of the actors in relation to each other, the role of higher education on political relations between Iran and Europe Union is to be addressed. The basic research questions are: what impacts can University Relations and Diplomacy have on political relations between Iran and Europe Union? This article is written in a descriptive analytical way.

The subject of this paper is to assess the status of political knowledge in Iran from the perspective of the scholars of this field. Due to The long history of political science in Iran and, however considering the doctrine of the evolution of the humanities and social sciences by the Iranian government, the critical recognition of the existing situation of this branch of knowledge is necessary. The population of this research, which has been carried out with the aim of providing a comprehensive picture of the views of existing scholars, is the articles and scientific works of the scholars of the field of political science published between 2009 and 2015. The research findings, which have been conducted using the N-vivo 10 qualitative analysis software, indicate that the scholars of this field generally assess the field weak. Along with some of the strengths mentioned above for existing knowledge, the weaknesses mentioned for political knowledge can be categorized at the three levels by the continuum of the macro-political-social system, the level of science, and the level of the scientific community.

A series of events such as the Islamic revolution of Iran, occupation of the US embassy in Tehran, hostage crisis, and Iran's anti-American approach after 1979 resulted in the emergence of a phenomenon called Iran phobia in the West, especially in the US. Although it was assumed that the interaction with the West and conclusion of the nuclear deal in Rouhani's government would weaken the Iran phobia propaganda; but no considerable change was observed in practice and the aggressive approach of Donald Trump and his administration towards Tehran indicate the persistence of Iran phobia in the US foreign policy. The main question of the paper is related to the reasons, purposes, and implications of Iran phobia in the US foreign policy in post-JCPOA era. The main hypothesis of the study is that the role of new McCarthyism in the marketplace of ideas, state identity, and speech acts are considered as the most important reasons and symptoms of Iran phobia in post-JCPOA era. Preventing Iran's economic recovery and making a kind of behavior change of Iran toward some domestic and regional issues are its main objectives of this policy. Breaching the JCPOA and reproduction patterns of antagonism and hostility between two countries may be the most important implications of Iran phobia.

Sometimes using the concepts of science could be helpful in understanding political relations and international researchers. One of the conceptual interest in the geopolitical system is used, is the concept of "code" and "genome" in geopolitics. Geopolitical genome, the genetic map of each country's that affects domestic and especially foreign policy of the countries. Countries consider genomes of other actors as geopolitical codes. Interaction or confrontation of Code / genome of countries creates an atmosphere that can be aligned or inconsistent with national and regional interests. The authors of this paper attempt to identify factors affecting geopolitics of Iran and Saudi Arabia. To answer the question of "what impacts geopolitical tool in foreign policy with Iran and Saudi Arabia? The hypothesis of the paper is that the geopolitical genome and the heritability and geographic features of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran are very influential in the formation of geopolitical codes, orientations and strategies of the two countries in the external arena, and both actors are trying to turn off its negative gene and power generating forces and activating the positive and powerful genes, while the geopolitical approach dominates the relationship between the two actors.

Transition in the international system is a prevalent and inevitable process and theories of international relations really pay attention to this. But development of international system and emergence of complex and chaotic system make a change in power transition model and this change requires a new explanation. On the other way Iran is among the countries that because of centrality in some regional orders and its internal dynamics is directly affected to these transition models. Therefore this article focuses on these questions that how transition in the complex and chaotic international system is explained and what are threats of Iran in new power transition model and how transition control model is applied by it? In respond to these questions the author believes that transition is directly linked to features of complexity as include bifurcation of order.in this respect author recognizes bifurcated transition as main feature of transition in these systems and suggests bifurcated transition model as new concept to international relations literature. Research method in this article is focused on critical realism and deduction and abduction and based on this, firstly the rules and algorithms of complex and chaotic systems will be characterized and then these rules are combined in new model as bifurcated transition model.

The emergence of Salafi Takfiri groups as unofficial actors has added to the uncertainty surrounding the future of the West Asian region and its forms of conflict. Many questions and ambiguities surrounding the prospects of the West Asia region in the light of the existence of terrorist Takfiri groups and the future of the conflicts and crises of the region can take place at the expense of these groups from the stage of equations. In the present study, we have used scenarios (desirable, probable, and possible) using future research techniques, including the process of research (quality analysis of the process), and the analysis of the propulsion, as forces of change and through the interaction of trends and drivers. The extracted scenarios are as follows: a) Desirable scenarios: 1. The first favorable scenario: the total destruction of takfiri groups and the formation of democratic regimes in conflict-stricken countries based on the division of power model; 2. The second best scenario: the temporary repression of Takfiri groups and the rule of the republican rule model (Presidential Bashar al-Assad's presence); (b) Possible scenarios: 1. Possible scenario: Takfiri withdrawal from the formation of a government; but the internal division of power among ethnic groups and religions; 2. The probable scenario II: the disintegration of Syria; Iraq, Libya and other countries involved in the crisis and the formation of the game New expensive in the field of regional equilibrium (Kurdish state formation in the region); (c) Possible scenario: advancing Takfiri forces claiming the Islamic state and conquering more territories.

Why Iran has a different security policy in Syria and Iraq? Many explanations have been raised within the framework of materialist notions. The purpose of this paper is to provide an alternative explanation with a critical approach. We used the qualitative method of documentary analysis that includes, aside from the accurate presentation of question, hypothesis, and purpose of research, several stages; providing an interactive dialectical framework with the aim of conducting research, determining and select resources that have authenticity, credibility, representativeness and meaning and also content sampling from resources. This explanation is based on the hypothesis that the Islamic identity of Iran is the most important factor in shaping Iran's security policy. This alternative explanation is not only explaining Iran’s military and security role in the region’s countries but also justifies and legitimizes it. Islamic identity is the most basic cause of Iran's security policy in these countries. The increasing instability in the region and the power vacuum as a mediator variable only have provided opportunity for tangible influence of Islamic identity on Iran security policy.

This research is based on "cognitive science" and in the framework of "social cognition" to study the formation and causal explanations of terrorists and terrorist groups, especially the most important that is ISIS. from this perspective Social cognition based on interaction of individual with the environment subjects such as "the origin of knowledge", "cognitive style", "recognition patterns" and "cognitive capacity" to investigate the "language", "biological – Psycho origin", "Structure subjective" and "social culture", and the origins of the formation of knowledge of terrorists explains. In order to draw a mental model of the terrorists and the qualitative content analysis X-mind software is used . Extracted concepts and the mental model includes ideas (rather quoted on reason, law Al-tkfir, Salafism and past-oriented memory, Textualists mortis), metaphors (innovation, Shariah, jihad, caliphate and caliphs), living space (reproduced abnormality of family, a sense of relative deprivation), the origin of mental Bio (Splitting and thinking black - white, all or nothing, death-worship, malignant violence, domination instinct, delusions of grandeur and self-abuse, antisocial personality), group (sense of belonging and dummy relative risk as the pressure obedience and success), identity crisis (conflict and cultural interference, hegemony of the West and Arab humiliation, restore Islamic glory).

The structure of ideology faces with crisis in its meaning system automatically; Being valueless and the crisis of meaning are the most salient aspects of these crisis. The beginning point of the being valueless and the absence of the meaning, is indication of the Perdue nihilism in the human history. To overcome nihilism, any ideology, according to the text of its thought, seeks to be accountable; Islamic thought is no exception to this rule. Islamic thought wrestles with predominance a kind of nihilism that attacks the meaning system of this thought as the other thoughts. Technology and extension of the spaceless information, smoothing the path to nihilism and in this way Islamic thought tries to make remeaning and remake new value. One of the aspects of this new meanings making appears in radical movements and thoughts that generally called Islamic Extremism; the organizations and groups such as Al-Qaeda, Taliban and Daesh are the examples for this Extremism. The correspondence of this thoughts is violence. In fact, we can briefly say that, the Islamic Extremism, is the logical result of predominance of the neo nihilism. The purpose of this research is comparing the Islamic Extremism and nihilism, which is carried-out with comparative study.

The popular uprisings in 2011, known as the Arab Spring, led to political changes in some Middle Eastern countries that have had a profound impact on the political and security interactions in the region, leading to regional change and the transformation of regional roles and actors. Saudi Arabia, as a conservative country, has always sought a policy of maintaining the status quo in the region, with the advent of developments in the region and the fear of spreading it into its kingdom, as well as in order to maintain a balance of power with the aggressive policy in the region. Also Qatar as a GCC member, known as a mediating state in the region, assessed the developments in the region as an opportunity to increase its role. Qatar's political movements were in conflict with Saudi policies on regional developments that led to tension between Saudi Arabia and Qatar and other members of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The present study, with a comparative approach, will examine the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia and Qatar towards the Syrian crisis. The research findings indicate that the two countries, despite ideological differences aiming at promoting their regional status and eliminating rivals into regional crises, have adopted their approach to intensifying conflicts in the region. Put them at risk and put them face to face.

In the recent decades, the Islamic World has encountered internal incidents (the emergence of movements and so on) and external events (American unilateralism and the like) and also, globalization has approached the political Islam in a different way from the past and from the West and has left some effects! Such effects have not been investigated so far and through using the method of discourse analysis! This encounter raises the following question: "How the discourse of political Islam is formed in encountering globalization in North Africa as one of the influential epistemological zones of the Sunni World?" The assumption is that a new formation in the discourse of the political Islam has emerged in this zone in such a way that some signs have appeared in it which are categorized in opposition to political Islam (political post-Islam). The aim is reaching the main causes of such a change in two characters (Al-Qardawi and Al-Ghannushi) and two parties (Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Nihzah). Reaching this goal, which was done by studying a vast collection of verbal and nonverbal data including reports, historical events and interviews of representatives of the political Islam in the two countries through using discourse analysis, showed the formation of political post-Islam in the conflict and interaction of globalization and the political Islam in theory and practice.

The relation of religion with the notion of rationality has been a concern for the faithful religionists. The field of religious studies faces new questions in this regard. Islamic thinkers have not been the exception and the acquaintance of Muslims with the requirements of the new age is the beginning of questions regarding the relationship between them, because in the experience of western human, the confrontation with such a problem can be found. Using the patterns of answering this question can blur the hidden aspects of the relationship between them. One model is the response that Thomas Aquinas gave to the relationship between reason and religion. In this research, based on Springer´s method, which is a method of understanding political theory, we will look at this issue in Aquinas´s thought. The question is: " how Aquinas addresses the relationship between wisdom and religion, as well as the ideal reconstructed image to offer". To answer, various dimensions of Aquinas´ political thought have been analyzed. The research hypothesis is as follows: The solution to the conflict between wisdom and religion in the public domain, in Aquinas´ perspective is in the aggregate between these two epistemic areas and the widespread collaboration among its custodians.