فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال هفتم شماره 3 (پیاپی 25، پاییز 1397)

Today, foreign investment is one of the most sophisticated financing sources in the world. Most of the countries are seeking to attract these resources by creating political and legal reforms. Political factors are very influential on the attraction of foreign investment. In early 2001, by adoption of Foreign Investment Protection Act; Iran has been struggling to attract foreign investment in the country. In this regard, Germany was one of the most important partner and target country for Iran. During 1997 to 2017, there were some fluctuation in trend of German investment into Iran, due to various political components, including US policy, Israeli and Middle Eastern peace processes, terrorism and human rights. The 1997 to 2004 when the political tensions were at the lowest level, the German investment in Iran were at the best position. It brings about the question: what factor serve a basis for the political economy of German FDI in Iran? The hypothesized: the fluctuation in trend of German investment in Iran is a sequent of various components including US policy, Israeli and Middle Eastern peace processes, terrorism and human rights. The method of research is explanatory with citing to statistics and analyzing the trend of German investments in last 20 years. We will consider the influence of political component on the FDI of German companies during the presidency of Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani especially after the US withdraws from JCPOA

During the period under review, the mechanism of government, power, and the internal and external environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran was marked by a profound transformation that gradually changed the political line of foreign policy. The post-war government, faced with new crises caused by the crises of the war between Iran and Iraq, has changed the priorities and dynasties of its foreign policy objectives. In the foregoing article, we seek to disassociate the role of “Iranianism" as one of the three components of national identity in the development of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the period of construction. Therefore, in this article, we tried to use the explanatory method and relying on information based on the library method, while explaining Iranian as one of the three components of national identity and its formation and knowledge of foreign policy of the time Hashemi Rafsanjani's government will ultimately answer the question that Iranianism has been considered as one of the hallmarks of Iran's national identity in the creation and development of foreign policy? Hence, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during this period of time, due to the requirement of "building" in the post-war period, requires conditions that are discussed in this paper.

The nuclear deal between the Islamic Republic of Iran and P5+1 in 2015, JCPOA, ended to 12 years of crisis and tension between the two sides. What made the last round of negotiations between the parties, which began in 2013, to be successful unlike the previous rounds? This study seeks to provide an answer to the above question using a two level game theory in an eclectic manner. The results of this study indicate that, on the one hand, the effects of economic sanctions which led to the increase of economic problems and the unceasing increase in corruption in the country led to a consensus among the authorities to resolve the case as soon as possible, and hence, the JCPOA could be seen as the product of the Islamic republic of Iran in its entirety. On the other hand, the Islamic Republic’s resistance against sanctions and economic pressures and the development of the nuclear industry has led the western side to come to a conclusion that it is unlikely that Islamic Republic of Iran will abandon its nuclear program due to economic pressure. Therefore, a common interest between the Iranian side and the western side was created to close this case, which resulted in the agreement. Therefore, the JCPOA can be seen as the result of overlapping of the common interests of both sides.

The international order guides and organized the relationships between powers and actors in the world with specific rules and patterns and is one of the most important issues of international relations since the Second World War and the Cold War, strongly influenced by the policies governing the governments in United States of America. This study examines the characteristics of the US President-elect Donald Tramp's political approach and its impact on international order from 2016 to 2018. The research method is qualitative and descriptive-analytical approach, and library collection has been done. The present research question is how populism in the United States political system has undermined international order in terms of political, security, economic, commercial and human rights? The emergence of the tramp seems to have changed the international order that the US states have deployed over the course of seven decades.
The results of the research on the characteristics of the Trump strategy revealed that his approach consists of two categories of epistemic characterization. In the form of specification, the use of basic literature (simple words), humiliation, language deviation, extreme interpretations, ‘always winning’ mindset, ‘we against them’ mindset, was present in the Tramp's political approach. The epistemic characteristics of his approach included the human's rationality, bringing back glory to America, and adoption of a charismatic identity, Trump, Anti-elitism, and threatening narratives against women. The collection of these features showed that Tramp is a nationalist populist politician who has put the doctrine of "leaving international institutions" on the agenda, thereby disturbing the most important institutions of the international community.

Dynamics and unpredictability are undeniable features of international politics, and this is clearly visible in the foreign policy of governments. In the same vein, Japan's foreign policy may seem like an example of a dynamic and changing foreign policy. Japan's defeat during the Second World War led to enormous changes in the country's foreign policy and its security status completely changed. In the meantime, and especially after the Cold War, one can see that the foreign policy of Japan has encountered many ups and downs and has sometimes shown contradictory behaviors; behaviors that, in Peter J. Katzenstein's interpretation is similar to " schizophrenia in foreign policy". Such Japan's contradictory behavior has made Japan's foreign policy a riddle and difficult to understand. This paper first attempts to investigate the long-term changes in Japan's foreign policy from the post-World War II to 2018. It then tries to find the answer to the question of what processes Japan's security identity has been going through? In response to this question, Japan's foreign policy eras are divided into three periods which include 1945-1990, 1990-2001, and 2001-2018, and it is argued that Japan has changed from a passive peaceful state to an active pacifist state. The research methodology followed is descriptive-analytic and is carried out through secondary research method

Various and conflicting theories in international relations made by each of them claim to have more explanatory power. And in fact all of them claim to truth and better explanation and more comprehensive international relations and international phenomena. postmodernism as a theory of international relations, international relations discipline, doubt and thinkers of the that eras, with genealogy and deconstruction went to the international phenomena and, accordingly, many of the fundamentals of existence, ontological, epistemological and ontological perspectives dominate international relations, namely, realism and neorealism have questioned, is not an exception. Since the theory to prove its truth or falsity depend meta-theory, the aim of this article is to determine the truth and power of explanation and understanding, assessment and evaluation of the postmodern theory of international relations. This article emphasizes that, although postmodernism new horizons before researchers could open up the field of international relations, but assumptions of ontological, epistemological and methodological inconsistencies and internal contradictions faced by the theory of chaos and so many ideas Suffers.

De facto states, defined as entities that possess control over a defined territory, population, and government, but without recognition from other states, have become increasingly important over the past three decades. Although the universe of cases is small (there have been 24 de facto states since the 1960s), de facto states play an important role in regional security and stability. Despite this relevance, we still know little about why de facto states emerge, how their preferences are formed, and what shapes their behaviour and decision-making.The Social and Political Crisis of The Past Few Years In North Mesopotmia . Fragile of Weak Natin - States In Iraq ans Syria and Those Disfunctin In Cherence to The Territory and Identity Realms , Causing The Rise of Non- State Actors With Demanding for Separatist View.These Non- State Actors That were Suppresed for Ling Time ,wants have to be Forms a De Fact States this Research Is duet the poor Theoritical Litreature In De Facto States Topics and analysis the cncept f the De Facto States and get help from the constrictivism theory . also analysys consequences of Iraqi Kurdistan De Facto States in idle east. This research is based on a descriptive - analytical method

The developmental state model is a term used for a particular type of government, in which specific features are used. The purpose of the present study is to examine the two theoretical models of the developmental government and the curse of resources in the field of Third World Development Studies in the Middle East in order to seek out the future of the region through the present reality. Therefore, this paper focuses on the question of how far the theory of the developing state is aligned with the Middle Eastern oil countries. The authors' hypothesis is that the components of the developing state, taking into account the scourge of resources in Middle Eastern oil countries This point is weakened by the negative effects of oil revenues resulting from inappropriate institutional structures, which has led to a lack of development in the region. To confirm this hypothesis and to arrive at a proper answer to the main question, the paper is set up on two main axes: In the first place, two theoretical discussions will be devoted to the theory of developmental government and the curse of resources. In the second axis, attempts are made to discuss the theoretical discussions with data from the Middle East and to arrive at certain results in response to the main question.

According to Islamic, rational, logical and legal teachings, crime prevention is a rational, wise and prudent matter. Simultaneously with emphasizing the religion of Islam on the right of human beings to education, which is the source of the beginning of the Prophet's mission in the constitution and other provisions, education It is emphasized as an inalienable right, so if a crime is committed due to ignorance and ignorance, it means that preventive measures and the public right to prevent crime will not occur, and both rights, namely the right to prevent crime and the right to education are examples of rights. They are public and respected by law and Shari'a, and this extensive article will clarify and explain the importance of both rights.