نشریه جستارهای نوین ادبی
سال پنجاهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 198، پاییز 1396)

Musayyab-Nāmeh is one of the less well-known texts in the legacy of epic literature that not only has been concentrated on prose and verse manuscripts, but also focuses on the less investigated yet important characters in epic tradition. For the first time, this paper has tried to study Musayyab-Nāmeh in three parts. Firstly, it has a shortly introduction to the epic of Musayyab-Nāmeh. Secondly, it brings evidence of the role of Musayyab’s in the presentation of epic texts. Finally, it describes the impact of Musayyab-Nāmeh’s reports, in the end; the effectiveness of Musayyab-Nāmeh is described in other literary works like: Qirān -E- Habashi, Battāl-Nāmeh, and Imām Ali’s Jang-Nāmeh. This study is based on the descriptive analysis method which is based on the library research and the printed and manuscript references. The main theory of this essay is explaining the attention of the storytellers towards the personality and report on his case in Musayyab-Nāmeh & some other extensions in epic texts. For this purpose, nine epic texts including Abu Muslim-Nāmeh, Jang-Nāmeh Seyyed Jalāl -o- Alddin Ashraf, Zorair-Nāmeh, Zamji-Nāmeh, Mukhtār-Nāmeh, Ali-Nāmeh, Qirān -E- Habashi, Battāl-Nāmeh, and Jang-Nāmeh Imām Ali in Be’ro AL Elm are studied. Musayyab-Nāmeh is an epic that describes Musayyab’s rebellion and his battles against Yazid and his other Omavid and Marvannied commanders. The purpose of revenge Shi’a’s rebellion in Musayyab-Nāmeh is to get revenge from Yazid and to gain the freedom of Imam Zein -o- Alabedin and his family along with getting back the heads of Karbala’s Martyrs. So far, two large and small scripts of Musayyab-Nāmeh have been found. Musayyab-Nāmeh is the prologue of Abu Muslim-Nāmeh, as it begins by the event of Seyyed Joneid and Rashideh’s rebellion (Abu Muslim’s ancestors). On the other hand, the parents of many warriors and Ayyars in Abu Muslim-Nāmeh are present in Musayyab-Nāmeh. It is found that Abu Tahir Tarsusi and Muhammad Beghai Waris Bukhari have delivered two different stories about Musayyab in the sixth century AH.
Storytellers in narrations like Abu Muslim-Nāmeh, Jang-Nāmeh Seyyed Jalal -o- Alddin Ashraf, Zorair-Nāmeh, Zamji-Nāmeh, Mukhtār-Nāmeh, and Ali-Nāmeh have reminded many times about Musayyab and his fellowships, his rebellion, his ancestors, his behavior, his weapons, and his legacy for others to support Shi’a rebellion.
Muhammad Beghai Waris Bukhari in a large script of Musayyab-Nāmeh has used the main plot of some events in Qirān -E- Habashi, BattalNāmeh, and Imam Ali’s Jang-Nāmeh many times. These Adaptations sometimes are sometimes made by character’s Nāmehs, events, changing character’s Nāmeh, keeping events, and in many cases just by remembering important events. However, the major parts of these adaptations are related to Qirān -E- Habashi. The results of this study clearly indicated the importance of Musayyab-Nāmeh and its effect on other epic and fictional narratives of revenge literature. Meanwhile, Abu Muslim-Nāmeh, Zamji-Nāmeh, and Mukhtār-Nāmeh seem to be more effectiveness than other narrations. However, Beghāy Waris Adaptations from Qirān -E- Habashi, BattalNāmeh, and Imam Ali’s Jang-Nāmeh are other new findings of this research.

For a century, our literary society has suspected Shater Abbas Sabouhi as a poet (1841-1898 A.D.). On the one hand, his name has been inscribed in mind as a beaux esprit in this society, on the other hand, some poetries of other poets can be seen in his printed dīvān. Firstly, these divans, which were collected by two book sellers in Tehran (Iran), were lithographically published from narratives (Sabouhi, 1927) and the number of their poems raised to three sequential collections until the year 1928 (Ibid, 1928). Finally, the same publishers entirely published all the three collections, so that the fourth edition of their collection can be seen in 1935(Ibid, 1935).In addition, to the above lithography (Moshar, 1966, they v. 3: p. 659-660), they have been published in more than ten different compilations. From the very beginning of its publication, the poems were attributed to Sabouhi and his writing were divided into five categories of reportorial, sourceological, biographic, encyclopedic, and critical. However, his being a poet has been questioned. Most of the available sources have not been able to definitely confirm his being a poet as they are relying on narratives and invalid poems. Accordingly, scientific study on her life and poem must firstly investigate the available documents to ensure that the reality of his poesy and the present study has been focused on this issue. It has been carried out by the analytical and historical method. Generally, researchers have not yet been fully aware of the valid document published in 2014, which has not only proved his poesy but also has shown his role in the art of poetry. This document is the biography of the contemporary poets of Dar-al-Iman in Qom (Tazkere-ye sho'ara-ye mo'aserin-e darol'iman-e Qom) written by Aliakbar Feyz Qomi (1830-1895 A.D.). In addition to this document, Feyz has mentioned that the period of his life and his youth, and his status. Moreover, he has described him as a famous poet with popular personality (Feyz, 2014).
It is now necessary to see how invalid poems have been included in his divan. According to the researchers' viewpoints, the three factors which have probably played role in this issue are publishers, followers, and the poet. To determine the accuracy and inaccuracy of this role help us understand the main factors. As mentioned, lithographical triple divans of his divan were initially provided in 1927-1928. According to the introduction of the first collection, this was published thirty years after his death. The same introduction, explicitly, indicates that this had been gathered in terms of narratives (Sabahi, 1927, pp. 2-4). So, the main factor has likely been the daring publishers who attributed it to him in the first print of divan. However, as it is explicitly stated in the introduction of the third collection (Sabahi, 1928, pp. 3-5), his followers have attributed the beautiful poems which they knew to him, before the publishers of his divan; thus, the publisher's action has led to these attributions. Accordingly, it seems that the first group has been influenced by the second group who tried to publish divans. Among them, the poet is less likely to play a role in this issue due to the mentioned reasons and others including existence of his works and status in anthologies and publications between his death and divan publication. The biography of the contemporary poets of Dar-al-Iman in Qom (Tazker-ye Sho'araye Mo'aserin-e Darol'iman-e Qom) by Ali'akbar Feyz (1830-1895), not only shows his poesy but also the reasons underlying his fame and popularity with his authentic poems.Also, the attributed divan has been published thirty years after his death in terms of the oral narratives which proving that the publishers of this divan along with his followers have played the main role in incorrectly attributing poems to him.However, his being a poet is a problem in Qajar period. This issue has been solved by firstly investigating the accuracy or inaccuracy of the attribution of divan poems to him.

Rumi's life is full of strange events from his birthday to his death. He has faced a challenging life from the very beginning of his birthday and his childhood days. His father's presence in Vakhsh, his family's journey to Samarkand, and finally his long journey to Konya during his childhood all represent a life of adventures. His presence in Konya and his father’s death brought a new page to his life. He went to Aleppo and Damascus in the pursuit of science. On the days when he was teaching science to his students, Shams Tabrizi, came to Konya, and his entrance made the greatest event in the history of literature. Shams’ presence in Konya was also overcrowded. Shams' absence in Rumi's life brought him to another point of life which lasted long to be restored before the final days of his life. Some aspects of his life between his birth and his life are unobtrusive and vague. Hence, in this paper, we will study the cause of the Bahá'u'llad's migration to Konya, the birthplace of Maulana, the birth of Rumi and the cause of the permanent migration of Shams Tabrizi. In this research, library resources have been used. These resources are divided into two categories of old resources and new resources. Old sources are like Ma'arif, Shams's articles, Sepahsalar's treatise, and Managheib-Alarefin. The new references were books that either directly or indirectly were related to Rumi's life. In these sources, parts of Rumi's life were re-examined. The contradictory and suspicious cases were extracted from the second-generation sources And by criticizing authoritative sources such as Ma'arif, Shams' articles, the works of Rumi and his son were devoted to the vague parts of Rumi's life. In this section, first, Rumi's father personality and his reason for moving to Konya, second, Rumi’s birthplace, third, Rumi birthday, and finally, how Shams went missing are discussed.
Unlike what was written in ancient sources, Mowlana's father, Baha-valad, was not a great man who could be envied by Fakhr Razi and Sultan Muhammad. He was also incapable of writing and understanding the rules of Arabic (Foruzanfar, 1948). Many of the extraordinary behaviors attributed to Mowlana's father date back to the time after his death and also after Rumi's death. Mulawieh dynasty attributes miracles to him to validate the given reputation to Maulana’s family and his father. However, in Maaref which is Rumi's fathers’ book, miracles like that never exist. People call him Baha while he calls himself an unknown and anonymous man (Bahávalad, 1948). Later, however, Moulavies Sect attributes miracles to him And gave him the title of Sultan El-Alma This historical distortion has caused distortions even in the book of Maaref. One of the reasons why Maulana's father travels to the West is his obscurity. He goes from East to West to get a better position. His trip to the small town of Vakhsh also seems to be another main reason, however, he does not find there as a suitable place due to the presence of the rivals. Another reason for this movement is Living space in the East of Iran. He often misses Sultan Muhammad's teachings as Sultan Muhammad acts contrary to the traditions and beliefs of the Abbasid caliphs (ibid, Vol. 1). Therefore, since the journey of Mowlana's father was much earlier than Mongol invasion, Mongol’s invasion could not be the major reason of this movement to the West. The pilgrimage of God's house can not be the reason for the journey to the west and then the Konya. Because in the pilgrimage of God, the companionship of women and children was unusual.
Regarding Maulana’s birthplace, after discovering Maaref, some sources, such as Meyer, said that Maulana’s birth happened in the small town of Vakhsh, not in Balkh (Mayer, 2003,Shimmel, 1999, Lewis, 2006). First of all, it should be said that the presence of Mowlana's father between 600 and 607 AH was not due to the presence of Mowlana and his birth in Vakhsh as his father had already traveled to Vakhsh. According to the text of Maaref, he had formed another family in Vakhsh at the time. In addition, an anecdote which is related to the year 607 HH is fabricated and not consistent with the text of Maaref. Meanwhile, Rumi and his son, who are reliable sources, regard their origins as Balkh, thus, there is no need to conceal the truth in this matter.
Another important issue is Mowlana’s birthday. In some of the old sources, Rumi's birthday, is mentioned sixth Rabi'Alaval, 604 (Aflaki, 1983). In a new source, Rumi’s birth date is 580 AH. (Moawad, 1995). The first date for the birth of Rumi is fake and unrealistic. The absence of this fake birthday in works such as education, Mowlana's works, the works of his son, and even Kanab Sepahsalar increase distaste for this birthdayMentioning the mythical events and other mistakes in the book of Manafeb al-Arifin makes it impossible to trust the date he mentioned. But in the second comment on the birth date of Rumi, the year is also 580 AH That is Gopinarly's comment Gopinarly's reasons are weak and based on several poems that are not valid in literary history research Meanwhile, Golpinari has neglected sources he considers valid, resources like the works of Rumi's sonWith this description, the only thing that can be said about the birthday of Rumi is that he was born in the early Seventh and perhaps in the year 604.
The last point is about the absence of Shams and his tomb. Some people believe that Shams was killed in Konya and his body was thrown into a well and then buried at Ghohartatsh school (Golpinarli, 1984, Shimmel, 1987). The Gopinari's reasons are related to poems that do not have valid research And the source that Golpinari regards as inappropriate for investigating Rumi. Meanwhile, his arguments are in contradiction with the reliable sources. Therefore, it should be said that Shams, as Mowlana's son states and is also mentioned in Shams's articles, has left Konya due to its poor condition. His grave is in Khoy, not Konya. According to original sources, such as Moulana’s father and his son’s sayings, his works were born in Balkh at the beginning of the sixth century. Mowlana's father was an unknown man who made many trips to find settlement. His last trip to Konya was due to a better position and to avoid the inappropriate atmosphere created by Sultan Muhammad. After his father’s death in Konya and the learning of science, Maulana met Shams who made a fundamental change to his life. Due to the inappropriate conditions, Shams left Konya. With the effort of Rumi, Shams returned to the Konya, but the inappropriate space of the Konya made him leave the Konya again .and never returns to Konya. Therefore, the story of his murder and his burial in Konya is not valid.

Undoubtedly, manuscripts represent the glory of Islamic-Iranian civilization and the correction of these copies is a way of obtaining information about the ancient Iranian culture and the long history of the Persian language. Meanwhile biographies correction holds a special place.
Writing a biography (tazkereh) has been common since centuries ago, and some people have sought to write about the poets' memoirs and events related to their lives, works, and thoughts. Given the number of available biographies of Indian and Pakistani authors, this claim can be accepted that if writing biographies and recording memoirs of the past years did not become prevalent in India, we would be deprived of knowing many Iranian and Persian poets who lived in India or elsewhere.
One of the most famous biographies of this era is Tazkareye Botkhane, the work of Maulana Sufi Mazandarani, or Abdul Latif Gujarati's Khulasat ul shoara. Due to its coherence and selectivity of poem, this biography can be included among the best biographies. Tazkereye Botkhane copies are an example of non-corrected manuscripts which have been neglected so far.
Tazkereye Botkhane consists of 40000 verses of the selected ancient and middle poems which have been chosen by Mullah Mohammad Sufi Mazandarani from a total of 400000 verses.
In 1010 AH (1601), Mullah Mohammad Sufi compiled Botkhane collection in AhmadAbad in Gujarat at the request of Mirza Hassan Beig Khaki, the author of Montakhab al-Tawrikh, and with the aid of Mulla Abdul Latif Abbasi Gujarati. "Of course, some people believe that Mirza Hassan Beig Khaki was himself one of the authors of the book (Golchin Ma'ani 1984: 590).
Later, in 1021 AH (1612), Abdul-Latif Abbasi Gujarati, who had been promoted to professor title in "literature and composition", wrote a detailed introduction to Botkhane called Lashkar Khan-e Mashhadi.
In addition to writing the introduction, Abdol-Latif Abbasi has briefly appended the memoirs of the poets of Botkhane by mentioning the famous sultans and elders of their ear and called the appended part, that is, tazkereh, Khulasat ul shoara.  The copy in the Library of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, (Reg. No. 35827 – 4524 f), is among the books dedicated by Seyyed Mohammad Sadegh Tabatabaei, in two volumes. No 120 and No 132.
- The copy in the Library of Bodleian University of Oxford, UK, No 366. A microfilm of which is kept in the Library of Tehran University with registration No. (870 and 879 -B).
The reputation of Tazkereh Botkhane in comparison with other biography books is due to selectivity of the poets' verses by the owner of the work, Sufi Mazandarani. This biography is very important in terms of the selection of poems. As Mullah Sufi who has chosen these poems had an exquisite taste, whatever he has chosen are elegant and delicate and reflect his gentle talent (Golchin Ma'ani 1974: 590).
The current research was conducted with the aim to introduce, investigate, and then, contrast Tazkereh Botkhane with numerous authentic biographies in order to eliminate the existing errors and ambiguities and correct them. Another goal of this research was to examine the authenticity of the attribution of poems to two or more poets and reveal the newly found verses of poets that will greatly help us complete the poet's Dīvān. In this biography, poems versed by six famous poets of the sixth and seventh centuries (Anvari, Mudjiruddin-Bilghani, Najib Jurfadeghani, Afzal al-Din Kashani, Mo'ezi, Qatrān-i Tabrīzī and Onsori) were studied, respectively by referring to each one's Dīvān and investigating poetic biographies. The result of this study is to find the poems that are newly found in their Dīvāns. As some of the poets mentioned in this biography have no Dīvān or their poems are unknown or lost, this work will thus play an important role in introducing them, and as a newly found copy of any of these poets, this biography is worth thinking about. In this inquiry, we are going to investigate differences between poets' poems in their Dīvāns and this work as well as their newly found poems. By investigating Tazkereh Botkhane, the newly found poems versed by six great poets were introduced. One ode and two elegies versed by Anvari, two odes, one strophe and two quatrains versed by Mojir, five verses versed by Najib, two quatrains versed by Baba Afzal, two elegies and one ode versed by Mo'ezi were the newly found verses and poems collected by studying Tazkereh Botkhane. Overall, some verses have been added to the treasure of these great Persian poets Dīvāns. According to this research, it is obvious that today, one of the inevitable resources for each corrector or proof reader, is biographies and anthologies. By having in hand such manuscripts which have been sometimes lost in the events of the day, the collectors refer to the names and poems of the poets which are nowadays newly found and alien to the Persian poet and literary scholars. This shows the necessity to investigate these manuscripts. Given the newly found poets of Anvari, an ode is seen in Tazkereh Botkhane which is not included in Anvari's Dīvān and was added to his Dīvān, but there are two elegies that we doubt if they belong to him or Rizeh Dehlavi.
In addition, newly found ode and strophe were added to Mojir's Dīvān; but there was a controversy about attributing a strophe of his poem to Khaghani and his three quatrains to Kamāl ud-din Ismāʿil. Considering the newly found poems of Jorfadeqani, it should be said that unfortunately despite the existence of numerous ancient copies (which more than 10 copies of them have been introduced in Monzavi's list of manuscripts), the corrector has provided a Dīvān replete with errors and misreading with a lot of omissions, and due to the above mentioned reasons it cannot be a documentary and scientific text of Jorfadeqani's Dīvān.
According to what was stated in this research, it was found that although the reputation of Baba Afzal Kashani is in the field of philosophy, but the quatrains of Baba Afzal have a good reputation in the literature area. Among anthologies, many quatrains have been attributed to Baba Afzal, which most of them were not certainly versed by him.
What is to some extent clear today about the attribution of some of the verses to Rudaki Samarqandi is that the storm of events and the fire of chaos have caused Rudaki's Dīvān to be far out of reach; but it is still hoped that the hand of fate will restore the valuable Dīvān of the father of Persian poetry as one of the plundered heritages of our ancestors and bring it to our day. However, to compile and restore Rudaki Dīvān one has to take more caution about some sources and ancient books. One of these unreliable books is Jahangiri's dictionary (Farhang-i-Jahangiri) which has the oldest document of attributing some verses to Rudaki. Considering that this dictionary seems to be the first source in which the poetry of Qatran has come under the name of Rudaki, from long time ago, copyists of poets' Dīvāns have mixed the words of Qatran and Rudaki such that in some manuscripts Qatran and Rudaki have been considered as the same person. In addition, an elegy has been registered under the name of Onsori in Tazkereh Botkhane while a verse of it has been mentioned in Rudaki's Dīvān and in the guarantee of a poem versed by Othman Mokhtari, this poem has been mentioned under the name of Rudaki. In the light of the above, it seems that one should look at poems attributed to Rudaki with greater caution and contemplation. finally, we conclude that by having in hand such manuscripts which have been sometimes lost in the events of the day, the collectors of such collections refer to the poets' names and poems which are nowadays newly found and alien to the Persian poet and literary scholars. This indicates the necessity to investigate these manuscripts

Majales-ul-Nafayes is the earliest biography book of the present era written by Amir ali-Shir Nawa'i in 896 AH in Chagatai Turkish language. It describes the biography and works of the poets in the 9th and early 10th centuries. For the first time, Fakhri Heravi translated this biography book into Persian in 928 AH and called it Latayef-Nameh. Afterward, four others translated Majales-ul-Nafayes into Persian. It had a great impact on the future biography works most notably Arafat-ul-Asheghin va Arasat-ul-Arefin, written by Owhadi Balayani between 973 and 1040 AH. This biography book consists of three groups or classes including early, middle, and late. Approximately, ninety percent of the material in the middle class is derived from the text of Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh. This study is aimed to examine the information related to this class as it is mentioned in Arafat-ul-Asheghin. In this paper, first the text of Arafat-ul-Asheghin, especially the middle class related section, was studied in detail and the information that Owhadi had collected from his original sources namely Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh were investigated as well. Afterward, the results were compared with the original texts which are presented in three separate sections with examples. Two parts of this content are related to the text of Arafat-ul-Asheghin and its author which are discussed under the two titles of "forging a character" and "incorrect assignment of verses". The third part, however, is related to the correction of Arafat-ul-Asheghin and its correctors are mentioned under the title of "incorrect recordings in the correction of Arafat". Like all other biography books, Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh have many manuscripts. The biographies of the poets are contradictory and wrong in some of them. These differences and factual errors have gradually entered in the middle-class section of Arafat-ul-Asheghin which is based on the two biography books. Sometimes the descriptions of the two poets in Arafat-ul-Asheghin are so similar to each other as if they seem to refer to the same person.
Arafat-ul-Asheghin has had a great influence on its following biography books and the books related to the history of literature. Therefore, this type of information has also entered the subsequent sources through this biography book.
For example, Molana Ashraf Khiyabani is one of the poets who is mentioned in Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh. His life has been described in Arafat-ul-Asheghin under the titles Molana Sharaf Khiyabani and Darvish Ashraf. Of all three verses of his poem, once all the verses have been attributed to Molana Sharaf Khiyabani, while, once, the first two verses have been attributed to Darvish Ashraf. Creating two similar biographies for a single poet and attributing his verses to two poets whose names and titles are very similar to each other suggests that the author of Arafat-ul-Asheghin has used different manuscripts of Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh, in which the name and title of a poet are recorded in two forms while there are not two separate poets.
Molana Mohammad-Alam Samarghandi is another mentioned poet in Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh, as the author of Arafat-ul-Asheghin mentioned his biography and his verse under the two titles of Mohammad-Alam Samarghandi and Mohammad Samarghandi, thus, this time the similarity of the name and alias of a poet in the copies of Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh has made the author of Arafat-ul-Asheghin assume them as two separate poets to attribute his verses to a poet other than the original one.
The writer of Arafat-ul-Asheghin sometimes attributes the verses of a poet mentioned in the middle class to another poet except the original one due to the great resemblance to the names and alias of the poets that he was referring to based on the manuscripts of Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh.
For instance, the author of Arafat-ul-Asheghin has once cited one of the verses of Hafiz Sa’d correctly under the title of Hafiz Sa’d, while he has incorrectly attributed it to Sa’d Mashhadi the other time. Although the name and alias of these two poets are similar, they are two separate poets who lived in a different time and their biographies are mentioned separately in Majales-ul-Nafayes, Latayef-Nameh, and Arafat-ul-Asheghin.
Also, the writer of Arafat-ul-Asheghin has mentioned one of the verses of Molana Sharf-al-Din Ali Yazdi in Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh once correctly under the title of Molana Sharf-al-Din Ali Yazdi, and once again he has mistakenly attributed it to Sharf-al-Din Oghla Takallo. Even though the name and alias of these two poets are similar, they are two separate poets as Yazdi lived the 19th century AH and Oghla lived in the 11th century AH.
As it has been mentioned, due to the similarity of the name and alias in most cases, the author of Arafat-ul-Asheghin has attributed the verses of a poet to other poets, too. However, the attribution of the verses to the two poets in Arafat-ul-Asheghin is not always as a result of similarity in name and alias as the author of the biography book has made this mistake despite the difference in name and alias.
For example, there is a verse by Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh which has been attributed to Molana Khiyali and mistakenly to Molana Mani Shirazi by the author, while there is no similarity between the names and aliases of these two poets and they lived in different centuries. Molana Khiyali lived in 850 AH and Molana Mani lived in the 10th century during the reign of Shah Ismaeil Safavi (died in 930 AH).
Besides, there are two verses of Malana Qudsi Heravi in Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh which have once been correctly attributed to Molana Ghodsi and once again mistakenly to Molana Naghed Heravi, though there is no similarity between the names and aliases of these two poets. In addition, they lived in different centuries; Molana Qudsi, is a poet of the nineteenth century who is contemporary with Qasim Anwar, and Molana Naghed is one of the poets of the tenth and eleventh centuries contemporary with the author of Arafat-ul-Asheghin.
Arafat-ul-Asheghin can be considered in terms of correcting the names and aliases of the poets, especially in the middle class, which has been adapted from the Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh. In this class of Arafat-ul-Asheghin, the names and alias of some poets have been mistakenly or incompletely corrected, while the correctors should have referred to original sources or the ones contemporary with Arafat-ul-Asheghin or older biography books to prevent many of these inaccuracies.
For instance, Molana Zeyni Sabzevari’s alias in Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh has been mistakenly corrected in Arafat-ul-Asheghin as Molana Zinati Sabzevari and the correctors have transferred the correct recording in the copy to the footnotes, while it was necessary they prefer recording of the copied-manuscript and also refer to to Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh so that the correct recording of the copied-manuscript replaces the text.
The other examples include the names and aliases of the poets mentioned in Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh such as Molana Khalaf Tabrizi, Khaje Mousa, and Khaje Khord. The correctors of Arafat-ul-Asheghin have moved the correct recording to the footnote and have mistakenly corrected them as Molana Kholghi Tabrizi, Khaje Mousemi, and Khaje Khosro. Majales-ul-Nafayes had a significant influence on the subsequent biography books through Latayef-Nameh. Arafat-ul-Asheghin by Owhadi Balayani is the most remarkable example of this influence and adaptation. 90% of the middle class section is an adaptation and attribution of Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh. In this class of Arafat-ul-Asheghin, some errors and changes have been inserted which are due to the mistakes made by the author when referring to the original sources (Majales-ul-Nafayes & Latayef-Nameh). Sometimes, the mistakes have occurred due to the misinterpretation of correctors in correcting Arafat-ul-Asheghin. The author of Arafat-ul-Asheghin has sometimes considered one poet as two, sometimes combined the biographies of two or more poets and attributed the verses of a poet to other poets, too. Of course, the correctors of Arafat-ul-Asheghin have sometimes moved the correct recording of the poets’ name and alias to the footnotes and replaced them in the text with incorrect recordings. If they had preferred the recording of the copied-manuscript and had referred to Majales-ul-Nafayes and Latayef-Nameh, these mistakes could have been avoided.

We can provide a guidance for understanding the great cultural treasure of Persian language and literature by describing the structure of the historical grammar of Persian language, studying and analyzing the specific grammatical features of each period, and by reviewing and analyzing the available linguistic works and documents of that period. As a result, we will be able to make these texts and their meanings available to the future generations and other nations and cultures. On the other hand, in order to protect and preserve the great treasures of Persian language and literature, we have to address the history of language and discover the linguistic connections of literary texts. Those who are familiar with the correction of manuscripts understand the value of this effort because they acknowledge that in many cases the problems of reading, editing, and selecting a recording from various recordings of the alternate version will not be so difficult and impossible if a codified historical grammar for the language of the intended period exists. Perhaps, the dominance and mastery over the grammatical features of Persian language in a particular period, also studied under the title of stylistics, gives us a clue to discover the linguistic and historical connections of texts and manuscripts. Of course, the relation between historical linguistics and the correction and revival of manuscripts is a two-way relationship because the evolution of historical linguistic research also requires the revival of the old manuscripts along with their precise correction and revision.
One of the valuable manuscripts of Persian language, which is literally and grammatically significant and sometimes surprising, is Persian Translation of the Torah, which due to its many linguistic values is the source of raw materials for grammar science.
This is the oldest known Persian translation of the Torah, whose translation has been finished in Tabriz in 747 AH. This book has been translated from Arabic into Persian by Suleiman Bin Qes Yousef Ya'qoub Mayafareqani. Its only available copy is kept in the library of the Islamic Consultative Assembly with the number 5187 (see the library website of the Islamic Consultative Assembly). The vocabulary of this translation reminds us of some of the linguistic characteristics of the Gospel of Diatessaron, however, compared to the text of Diatessaron, the syntax of sentences is not very fluent and sometimes in his translation the translator has been influenced by the source language more than what is expected. The rare vocabularies which have sometimes been omitted from dictionaries, new vocabulary structures, vocal features, significant structures of Persian verbs including compound, prominent and simple verbs which have also been discussed in this article, the use of signs, images, and the signs of punctuation are all the characteristics of this ancient translation of Torah, which can be examined in the field of historical linguistics and syntax. In this paper, the author attempts to investigate and explain one of the syntactic features of this old valuable text in view of today’s Persian language using the available concepts and tools in the syntax science. The author calls this feature the combination of an infinite with the verb of "daadan", in order to make a compound verb while referring to the meaning of the verb through the explanation of the structure. This essay describes the application of the infinitive + light verb as one of the syntactic features of this manuscript. Today, the verbatim and exact equivalent of this structure is not used in Persian language; thus, if we want to write an equivalence in Persian for the sentences in which this structure was used, the equivalent sentences will sit in the structure and syntax of "the dependent compound sentences with the subordinate clause". Hence, in this article, first, the features of dependent compound sentences with the subordinate clause have been reviewed.
The format of this set of compound sentences is so genuine and dynamic that involves multiple semantic constructions. Semantic construction means a framework of dependent compound sentences on which the verb of the base clause is common in all while originating from a single root. One of the most commonly used semantic constructions in this structure, which is specifically focused on in this article, is the use of the verb "daadan" as the verb or the act has been inserted in the base clause. In this structure, the subordinate clause, which is always expressed in a subjunctive mood, can accept within itself all transitive verbs. The verb "daadan" in this framework is beyond its major meaning (i.e., the opposite of "take"), as it has the meaning of "command and request." Therefore, if we want to give a special title to this construct, which is always made by the verb "daadan", the title "the semantic construction of command and request" may be more appropriate. In this article, after studying and describing this semantic construction, the syntax and the structure of its equivalents in ancient Persian and then, specifically, in the ancient translation of Torah are described.
The semantic construction of "command and request" or "constraint and coercion" in the ancient translation of Torah mostly comes in the form of a simple sentence. The verb "daadan" which nowadays has the role of the verb of the base clause in the semantic construction of command and request makes a compound verb in the ancient translation of Torah in combination with the verb of the subordinate clause. In this way, the verb "daadan" as a light verb sits beside the infinitive and conveys the meaning of commanding, causing, and forcing. In general, whenever the verb "daadan" in dependent compound sentences is as a base clause with the subordinate clause, it conveys the concept of command and request which is beyond its well-known meaning and is applicable in today’s Persian as well. The semantic construction of command and request, which is now made in the form of the dependent compound sentences with the subordinate clause and with the use of the verb "daadan" as the verb of the base clause, has been expressed in the ancient translation of Torah in a new form. In this translation, the light verb of "daadan" in combination with a transitive or intransitive infinite has made a compound verb, which expresses the meaning of command and request with a concept of constraint and compulsion. The verb "daadan" in this combination means "commanding, causing or forcing", and the infinitive used as a helping verb prior to "daadan" is the grammatical predecessor of the subjective present that is lately used for the construction of a subordinate clause. Today, to construct the semantic equivalents of the translated sentences of Torah, compound dependent sentences with the subordinate clause are used, but the suitable verb of the base clause is changed according to the sentence. In other words, it changes into one of the three verbs of command, force, and cause which are the three forgotten meanings of the verb "daadan".