نشریه مطالعات تاریخی جنگ
سال دوم شماره 4 (زمستان 1397)

The hegemonic strategies of the Safavid discourse: the genealogy of the face of power in the era of Shah Isma'il I and Shah Tahmasb I The Safavid dynasty seems to have held a very important position in the history of political developments in Iran. Among all the factors contributing to the establishment and consolidation of the Safavid government, the recent shift in discurse tends to be of great significance. This discursive turnaround, however, did not take place overnight; rather, a number of background factors and some measures taken by the Safavid kings helped the formation and consolidation of this political discourse and the identity of the Safavid government. Using a discourse analysis method, the present study investigated the strategies the Safavid government adopted to stabilize and institutionalize its discourse. To bring home their discourse, the research findings revealed, the Safavids took advantage from both a disciplinary stance (macrophysics) and the small side of power (microphysics). Then they gradually chose to stay away from the hard and material power and assumed cultural, spiritual and soft hegemony. It was also found that from among the Safavid kings, Shah Isma’il represented the hard face of the power and Shah Tahmaseb was credited with being the first to use the soft face of power for the stabilization of their political discourse. Key words: Safavid, political discourse, Micro power, Macro power, Hegemony.

The conquest of Iran by Muslim Arabs is one of the most important developments in Iran's history. Iran was completely conquered over two decades and the Sassanid government collapsed. There are a lot of questions about this fall and the reasons for it. In this article, a new model is proposed to analyze the process of "Fotohat". The methodology of this research is library method that based on the main sources of conquests( Fotoh) in Iran. The main question is: are the conquests in Iran following a particular pattern and can we present it in the form of a theory? The second question is about how cities are conquered. Was it more than war or peace? In response to the above question, the hypothesis of this paper is formed. Iran is divided into eight regions. At the borders of these areas, we see the greatest resistance of the Iranian military and we call it "resistance at the border". After the border breaks,the advance of Muslim Arabs is more fast and less fight. As a result, the clashes are mostly by the military, and citizens are less at war. Understanding the speed and quality of conquests in Iran depends on understanding this pattern.

With the start of World War I, despite Iran's Expression of neutrality by Ahmad Shah Qajar, Iran involve in War and some of Iran's cities occupied by the forces of Russia, England and Ottoman Empire. Among the occupied territories, Azerbaijan and the city of Urmia and environs crashed Deep due to ethnic Variety, religious diversity, and differences in the way of life. The purpose of this article to review and analyze the performance of the Iran government in controlling the Urmia crisis. This research tries to answer the question by studying the causes of the crisis in Urmia that: What did The Qajar government do to Control the crisis in Urmia and what was the result of those actions? Findings of The research show that the Qajar government tried to control the crisis the through of negotiations with the occupying powers to withdraw forces from Azerbaijan, dispatch the crown prince to Tabriz and changing the governors of Urmia, but due to the central government weakness, the growing financial crisis, and the lack of available military force Could not have achieved a crisis management. The method of this research is a historical one with an analytical descriptive approach

The Fatimid Caliphate (297-567 AH) had special military and political characteristics in the Islamic world. The reliance of the Fatimid caliphs on the organization of a powerful land and navy army led to the expansion of this caliphate and the achievement of political and military power in their struggle against the Abbasid caliphate. The present study seeks to evaluate the military organization and establishment of the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt (567-358 AH). For this objective, the paper aims to analyze and answer the following questions: First, how did the Fatimid Caliphate’s army institution in Egypt contribute to the rise and fall of this government in the Muslim world during the fourth to sixth centuries? Second, how did the structure of the Fatimid army form based on the need and pattern of Islamic regimes? And third, which institutions were responsible for the administration of the enormous Fatimid army? The findings of this study indicate that the Fatimid army, with the backing of a coherent administrative structure and ethnic and racial diversity, was one of the most extensive military institutions among the governments of the Middle Ages. However, a relative weakness in maintaining a stable balance among different groups of soldiers always made the state vulnerable to turbulences.

The Military Unions of monarchy various rulers were always a combination of tribal and gunmen groups in various rural and urban areas of the country. Based on characteristics such as kinship or proximity with the ruling clan or the number of personnel warriors, these groups had a central or sub roles in the military unions. Hence, the present research was aimed to respond to this question what political-military relations between the different groups of the Zand Military Union against to Qajar and Afghan military unions led to the rise of Karim Khan Zand power? To answer the question, this study was done using the methods of historical research and classification of the internal relationships in the Zand military union to analyze and interpret these features and their impacts on the sovereignty of Karim Khan (1160-1176). The findings of the research show that the Vand tribes inhabiting pari, Kamazan, gilan and kaverdan areas such as (zand, mafi, Nankolly, jalalvand, behnavi, salarvand and jaff), would play a key role in the coalition of Karim Khan Zand, based on the ethnic connections such as laki accent and consultative command tradition. Due to the relatively lack of personal and tribal interests, Karim Khan could unite in critical circumstances the other tribes and gunmen groups and obtain victory without any loss of military groups.

Timur’s period was the time of the conquest and evolution of the empire during which a military aristocracy played the most salient role in the structure of power. In Shahrokh’s era, a kind of structural transformation occurred in the nature and manner of the exertion of power that could be considered as the symbol of passing the Timurid empire from a military-dominated discourse to a military-civil structure. In this era, it seems that, for the first time throughout Iran’s history, the governors and military elements had distanced from the merely military functions and permanent stances of the men of the sword by engaging themselves in administrative and executive activities. The Present Study employed a descriptive analytic method. It not only ponders on the administrative structure of the Timurid period, and effort to a conflict between the literati and the men of the sword but also addresses the major question of what the effects of the transformation of the political structure and the institutionalization of the Timurid power in Shahrokh’s period on the function and stance of the military governors of this period were. The results of the research reports that in the light of the realistic personality of Shahrokh’s and the institutionalization of power in this period, the administrative structure was improved so that some governors paid attention to executive affairs and created a new political experience in Iran’s middle period.

After the prophet of Islam, Mohammad pbuh, migration to Medina, there happened about 80 wars. Out which 30 wars are referred to as Ghazveh. In the process of analyzing the historical reports on these wars, we rely on wisdom, comparing them with the prophet's code of conduct, referring to the Quran as the document about them. Bani Ghoraizeh is among the wars with two reports: a) killing of men and capturing women and children, b) killing of military men and capturing women and children. Some of the orientalists have resorted to these reports and tried to provide a violent and arrogant picture for the prophet of Islam. Through a descriptive and analytical procedure, the present researcher analyzed these reports and came to the conclusion that those reports are not true. As a result, no general massacre occurred and nobody is beheaded. The true story is that some Jews were killed in the battle field and during the war and some other Jews were captured.