مجله تاریخ ایران
سال یازدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 83، پاییز و زمستان 1397)

One of the ways of recognizing the status and position of a text and the relation with the inside world of a work is the title that a creator seals for the work and the audience recognizes it by the name; thus, implication of title to text and text to title is a bilateral implication. Since such a bilateral implication is tarnished due to the existence of meta textual components in the titles, identifying the dominant principles and patterns on the implications is one of the objectives of this research. This article analyzes the semiotics and patterns in nomenclature of historical prose and verse books from various aspects. Regarding the fact that selecting a title entails involvement of components such as topic, temporal situation of text production and the aesthetic aspects, we investigate the semiotics and dominant patterns in nomenclature of historical texts in various periods and the effective factors in this nomenclature by mean of selecting 100 historical books. This research deals with the important intratextual components such as structure and content of text, and also the intertextual components such as socio cultural situations effective in titles’ selection, and the common patterns of nomenclature. Furthermore, the titles are analyzed in terms of linguistics and rhetorics so that nomenclature changes in different periods, the dominant pattern in each period and their frequency are signified. Finally, the pathology and the problems in selection of titles are indicated.

A survey into the social history of Iran shows that the lower class has always existed as one of the Iranian social classes. On the other hand, The issue of helping poor people and poverty alleviation has been a part of Iranian social history.Meanwhile mortmain and its incomes are one of the revenue resources of charities which kings and grandees have paid a special attention to their administration. Accordingly, the present study uses an analytical-descriptive method to investigate the important role of mortmain in the lives of poor people who lived in Ilkhanid dynasty and puts a special emphasis on the actions of Rashid-al-Din Hamadani. Results show that in Ilkhanid ear and especially when Gazan Khan came to the throne and Rashid-al-Din became his prime minister a significant emphasis was put on mortmain. In that era, a lot of properties were devoted to charities and the construction of charities like Rab’-e Rashidi and Shanb Ghazan played a very important role in helping poor people and poverty alleviation.

During Reza Shah reign, propagandists of communist ideas were arrested and sent to exile. The policy of government in exile was different from that of other dissidents. The main purpose of this research is to determine which policy has been chosen and based on what elements. The hypothesis of this study shows that the enthusiasm of propaganda and spying activities of communists in the first half of the year influenced the kind of government’s encounter with them, which can be seen in the choice of exile, the provision of their jobs and their livelihood, and the duration of their exile. This research is based on descriptive analytical method and with the help of archival documents and archival sources. Wherever possible, there are numbers used for analysis. The findings of this research show that the entanglement of Soviet propaganda and spy activities during Reza Shah reign caused the government’s action to send communist to exile, and deportees with an inappropriate climate for them were considered. Communist activists were sent to exile from mostly frozen regions to religious, warm, dry, and domestic communities. Also due to the mixing of the propaganda and spying activities of these exiles and despite the fact that they were specialized forces that could be used to revitalize the era of Reza Shahi, they were strictly used to approach the security approach and were not using their capacity. Contrary to other exiles, Reza Shah’s regime maintained their approach to send communists on exile than exiled nationals. Exiles who opposed the three year reform were usually exiled for several months to one year, but the end of the exile period for exile activities was unclear and was not allowed to be freed. The punishment for exile in this period is a criminal offense, unlike time based imprisonment, and a person has spent a certain period in prison; however, in relation to exile during this period and in relation to communist and exiled exiles, time is not at all considered and the place of exile is important and there is no time for the end of the exile, and the time has come for the exiles to be released on September 13, 1941.

One of the most important indicators for understanding and explaining any economic structure and mode of production in economic history is cognition of the relations of production in that structure. The main issue in this paper is also the understanding and explanation of Feudalism production relations in Iran’s agricultural economy, prior to the domination of Seljuk Dynasty in Iran and the expansion of iqta by them. The main assertion of this article is that, before the expansion and stabilization of iqta Management during the Sajjaqi period and Expansion of ‘mozareie’ as a production relations in agricultural production in most regions of Iran in that result, “fixed ownerships portion” especially in the state (divani) and manorial lands had been the most type mode of Iran’s agricultural production relations Before the Seljuks came to power. In this article, based on the ownership of the means of production, agricultural relations of production’s different types of landholding on the Iranian plateau have been studied since the arrival of Islam to the Salajeq’s domination. By this method we have shown this type of production relations, against mozarie, provided the feasibility of productive forces growth and progress and extension of Production as a result in its essence and function. This subject is a development code of economic and material life and in pursuit of it the progress of the Culture, Science and art in Four early Islamic centuries that was Known in history as the flowering of Islamic civilization.

“White Revolution” a name for social and economic reforms that Mohammad Reza Pahlavi confirmed in the 1960s and the 1970s was actualized as a result of growing domestic and international pressures. The purpose of these reforms was to keep out of traditional influential class and at once to rely on new groups specially farmers and new middle class. Hence, principles such as “Land Reforms”, “Sharing Workers in Profits of Factories”, and creation of the “Knowledge Corps”, were included in the “White Revolution” Plan. Reforms from above were taken by the regime, while social groups were against it due to an increasing level of tyranny on the one hand and expansion of US influence in Iran on the other. The repression led many intellectuals to criticize groups influenced by the changes brought about by “White Revolution” in the form of poetry and novels. Given this background, the purpose of this research is to study the impacts of "Land Reforms" on farmers in political and social novels during the 1960s and the 1970s, meanwhile using Lucien Goldmann’s theory of Sociology of Literature to reinforcement the scientific aspect of research. This research is descriptive and analytic. The research methodology, in this respect, is library-based. The data collection in this research is based on the scanning of documents and specialized publications and the analysis of political and social novels of this period, focusing on farmers’ lives. The result of research shows that during mentioned period, writers had criticized conditions of farmers in and by novel format and personages, and also they recognized the land reforms as main cause of worsening work and life conditions in rural areas.

Iran’s new historical conditions in the age of Qajar reign, having been caused by the Iranians’ confrontation with the modern civilization, changed the perception of ideologues of the situation specially of the weakness and power of political sovereignty was gradually, proposing different models to exit the Qajar absolute monarchy from the position of weakness and inefficiency. However, finally, it was the idea of ‘Constitutional Monarchy” which was converted into the final political project of Iranian political modern thinkers to convert the absolute monarchy into the modern state. By using historical research methodology and applying the causative and rational elaboration, this research is an attempt to tackle this question: “Why did the idea of ‘Constitutional Monarchy” became a practical strategy of Iranian political modern thinkers allowing them to change Qajar independent empire into the modern state?” The results of this research show that the defeat of the plan to establish a regulated absolute monarchy , caused by different views and practices of the governmental administrators at Naseri and Mozafari ages, and effective oppositions of the traditional elements of the state and society against the upper reforms which are in agreement with modern civilization models, and the trend of daily weakness of Qajar absolute reign at Mozafari age, all made the modern thinkers who used to emphasize on the necessity of law to administrate the government at modern age to move towards the model of modern state resulting from the will of the nation and put forth the model of Constitutional Monarchy at public level as a final strategy to establish the modern state.

Evolution of government in the new world has shown that traditional and authoritarian governments and even pre-modern religious democracies have progressed toward becoming a democratic order after reforms and social movements, while in Iran this movement has been nothing but vague. As several decades after the Constitutional Revolution and the attempt to establish democratic institutions, a religious government was finally formed in Iran following the 1979 revolution. This is why the political discourse in Iran after a few decades of democratization has led to theocracy. This study examines the motivations and causes of this discursive turning point and the changing intellectual and political atmosphere of Iranian society through the method of historical analysis. This change, indeed, includes various aspects, some of which will be studied in this article. This study shows that factors such as the change in the social fabric of Iran in the 1930s and 1350s; the emergence of identity challenges among the various strata of the Iranian society; the shift in the notion of democracy in the political literature of revolutionary militants; the break in the relations of political actors; the political, intellectual, and organizational failure of the democratic forces to lead and organize the struggle; and finally, the ability of political Islam in the design of the theory of government and in the battle of symbols led to a shift that aspires toward theocracy.