نشریه پژوهشهای سیاسی جهان اسلام
سال نهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 30، بهار 1398)

In the current political-economic conditions and the numerous violations by OPEC members of the group's resolutions due to political and economic rivalries, especially the situation in the Middle East, the increase in political tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia, along with the demand for OPEC oil and the position of OPEC in the global market Oil, internal competition among OPEC members has increased dramatically, and OPEC members' oil policy has been more focused on internal competition. In such a situation, the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia has become two-fold in the context of the political-economic conflict.
In order to investigate the exact and scientific issues of the economic and political conflicts among OPEC members, Opec's internal competition has been considered within the framework of game theory. In this regard, the internal competition of OPEC members has been modeled as a leader-follower game, and by specifying The OPEC member's profits function is the game's Nash equilibrium point calculated. Finally, based on the calculated balance point, optimum production and "follower behavior" strategy are determined as the optimal strategy of Iran. Also, for the next period, the optimal production quantities are determined with the assumption of stable conditions.
In this research, Iran's short-term optimal policies in OPEC have been modeled and modeled based on the Leader-follower model. Perhaps, by introducing political indicators into the future profit equation, and more accurately, the response function of countries with respect to short-term economic and political conditions Each country will have more precise results to examine each member's long-term optimal policy in OPEC.

Salafi-Takfiri groups, as one of the most prominent intellectual branches of Islamic history, have always faced the Muslim world with a lot of tribulations and problems and by the vicissitudinouses, they have survived so far. Today, given the weakening and decreasing of the power of the Salafi-Takfiri groups, especially ISIS, in Iraq and Syria, which have entered into conflict in the midst of Arab revolutions in the Middle East and gradually became a global challenge, it is important to consider the future of their movment in order to prevent the recurrence of recent events. Therefore, in this research, it has been attempted to use the scenario method as one of the important methods of Futures Studies knowledge, to analyze the perspective of the life of Takfiri groups in the post-ISIS era in different scenarios (desirable future, possible future and probable future) and in this regard, the following scenarios have been proposed: A) Desirable future of Salafi-Takfiri groups and their opponents; B) Possible Futures: 1.State-building Takfiris in Muslim countries; 2.Integration of Salafi-Takfiri groups together; 3.Acceptance of democracy as a temporary alternative to the caliphate by Takfiris. C) The probable future which is the result of a set of scenarios. The findings of the research suggest that, despite the defeat that the Takfiri groups, will not completely be eliminated, they will be waiting for an opportunity to return arena of conflict like a fire under the ashes.

The political statements of Isa Ahmad Qasim and Abdul Wahhab Hussein - two thinkers and political activists known in Bahrain as “Sheikh Isa Qasim” and “Master Abdul Wahab Hussein” respectively - have had a significant impact on contemporary popular movements in Bahrain. These two characters are, in turn, both reformist and revolutionary discourses. Their attitude to the popular movements in Bahrain led to different approaches in achieving their goals and, ultimately, to the split in the popular body of the February 14, 2011 movement. The reason for this discrepancy is also due to the difference in their viewpoints towards the desirable government that derives from their thinking. This study, by means of comparative comparisons and library data collection, seeks to compare government theory from the perspective of the most important common concepts of their political viewpoints towards the Skinner’s hermeneutical method. The findings indicate that recent developments in Bahrain and the severity of the repression of the people and movements by the regime have had a significant impact on changing Ayatollah Qassim’s political tone and attitude and have led him to present a moderate conception of his political thought that ultimately the constitutional monarchy is considered the most favorable for Bahrain. While the repressions of the Bahraini regime not only tempered Abdul Wahhab Hussein’s action, it also led him to present a revolutionary model of his political attitude, as before, with the aim of overthrowing the system with the aim of forming a democratic Islamic State Ruler. In fact, Professor Abdul Wahhab Hussein opposed Sheikh Isa Qassim’s idea of forming a constitutional kingdom in Bahrain, calling the ideal Islamic government democratic. These two different literatures in the February 14th movement eventually split the people and divided them into reformers and advocates for revolution. This led to the prolongation of the February 14 movement and its suppression by the Bahraini regime.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the Persian Gulf system of cybernetics and the possibility of Iran's role and influence on the future of security arrangements in the Persian Gulf region. In this regard, the author describes the cybernetic theory in regional studies as a conceptual framework of the research to implement the hegemonic security system of the Persian Gulf. Then, by showing the defects of the system, it describes the state of its dynamic imbalance, thus informing the cybernetic system in one of its fuzzy locations. According to the author of the Islamic Republic of Iran, using the unfamiliar absorption model that appeared at the current fuzzy point of the Persian Gulf cybernetic control system, he could derive maximum benefit from these conditions and shift his position from the controlled subsystem to the controller's position And controllable.

Arab revolutions occurred in late 2010, and the influence of these movements came from Deraa in Syria. Given that the Syrian crisis is a multifaceted, complex, and diverse political and security crisis with conflicting goals, then This research divides actors into three levels of internal, regional, and international in order to accurately explain the subject. Each domestic actor and foreign sponsor, regional or international, have goals that the preservation and / or collapse of the state of Bashar al-Assad is their central objective and strategic basis. The present paper uses a descriptive-analytical method to investigate and explain the regional and global blocs and alliances. There are two different perspectives in analyzing the unrest in Syria. Some observers regard these unrest as only continuing popular movements in the Middle East and North Africa. In this regard, Syria, like other Arab and African drafts, faces the political, social and economic problems that people have faced to protest and fight against the regime of Bashar al-Assad in order to get rid of these problems. On the other hand, according to many experts, the unrest of Syria is due to regional and international equations and relations before it extends from popular and Islamic uprisings. Therefore, strategic and geopolitical rivalries are regional and also influenced by international equations that do not seek to weaken Islamic resistance and control Iran, but it should be described as a platform for strategic rivalries.

One of the greatest human calamities that occurred in the first two decades of the 21st century was in Rakhine Myanmar and towards Rohingya Muslims. Ethnic cleansing, genocide, crimes against humanity, and any other title that is somehow a manifestation of human rights abuses were committed against Rohingya Muslims. The main question of this article is: what was the UN response to these catastrophes? The hypothesis of the paper, which was examined through a descriptive-analytical approach, is that the United Nations was satisfied only with regard to humanitarian catastrophes in Myanmar only by verbal comment, the issuance of statements, and ultimately, the issuance of letters of recommendation. However, it was expected that this organization would launch humanitarian intervention in Myanmar under the principle of international responsibility for protection. The UN’s behavioral shift comes from the pressure of the great powers. The findings of the article show that the UN’s treatment of human rights violations in different countries is subject to double standards. The most optimistic view is that the great powers are preventing the effective and independent functioning of the United Nations in dealing with human rights violations.

Creating aconvergence Middle East in comparison to the European ::::::union::::::after the Second World War seems possible.Europe's successful experience of convergence was due to the cooperation between two allied countries of Germany and France. The prerequisite fact of replicating Europe's success in the Middle East is to identify two leading states for this region. Iran and Turkey are two non-Arab neighbor countries of the region that are among the most populous countries in the region. After the rise of Justice and Development Party in Turkey, the relations between these two countries have changed and developed. These two countries began to work closely together and they initiate cooperation to improve convergence. Thereforethe present study investigated the effect of relations between Iran and Turkey on the progress of integration in Middle East in 2018. This is a qualitative-analytical research and the data was collected through documentary-library information. The neofunctionalism theory of Ernest B. Hass was used inIntegration field. The challenges and opportunities of Iran and Turkey relations were examined and classified in different criteria. The obtained results revealed that integration can be established in the Middle East following the expansion of Iran-Turkey relations in the areas of economic, security, cultural-religious and political by developing an integration perspective and with the slogan "The power of the region not the power in the region", formation of transnational ::::::union:::::: by these two countries and expansion of it to other countries in the areas based on the Hass’s Spill-over Theory.

The world is divided into various geopolitical regions, one of the most prominent of which is the Persian Gulf and south-western Asia. In recent decades, this geopolitical and strategic region has always been one of the tension regions in the world and has been intensifying in recent years. Although geopolitical events in the Southwest region of Asia have influenced by the global geopolitical structure, its security arrangements and geopolitical structure have depended on largely to Saudi Arabia's and the Islamic Republic's behavior as two superior regional powers and two rival powers. Therefore, the research problem is how the geopolitical relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and within context what geopolitical discourse can be realized the cooperation and convergence between them and generally in the southwest of Asia. This research is done using descriptive-analytical method and using library data. The results of the research show that the relations between these two regional powers are based on ideological geopolitical indices that have led to militarism, rivalry over domains of influence, ideological rivalries, the division of geopolitical space, increased tensions, and proxy wars in the region. However, if geo-economics strategy and discourse in the region are adopted, regional co-operation and integration and also regional development and sustainable security can be provided.

The process of democratization of Turkey over more than a century has been accompanied by various barriers, such as military intervention, inefficient and passive opposition, undemocratic performance and sponsor of the religious-political tariqa, ethnic and religious rifts, authoritarian government leaders, political parties’ poor and sometimes biased performance, contradictory international policies [political pressures, ideological considerations of the European :::union::: and the United States], the spirit of the time [the power of extreme political systems and the supporter of dictatorship in the international system], the proliferation effects of the region, each of which contributes to delaying in the "consolidation of democracy". The result of the present study is that although the barriers still remain influential in the era of the AKP [2002 </span>-present], their impact has declined substantially; thus, the new multilayer barrier , under the title "The ambiguous and multi-faceted political nature-a structured party structure-the authoritarian leadership of the leadership". This new barrier has created its special container / templates under the titles of "Delegative Democracy" and "Semi-authority", which have their own barriers to consolidating democracy. In this research, it has been attempted to analyze the barriers to the consolidation of democracy during the mentioned period, based on the descriptive-analytical methodology and library and documentary sources.