فهرست مطالب

بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک - سال پانزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 53، بهار 1398)
  • سال پانزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 53، بهار 1398)
  • تاریخ انتشار: 1398/01/01
  • تعداد عناوین: 8
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  • محمدرضا حافظ نیا، سپنتا مجتهد زاده، حسن پیردشتی* صفحات 1-22
    خزر، دریای بسته​ای است که تاکنون رژیم حقوقی آن تعیین نشده است. مشکل اصلی عدم استقرار رژیم حقوقی خزر، ریشه در شرایط جغرافیایی آن دارد. کنوانسیون 1982، استقرار رژیم حقوقی دریاهای بسته را در اختیار کشورهای  ساحلی گذاشت. عدم اتفاق آراء در چگونگی تحدید حدود، خزر را به یکی از مناطق بحرانی تبدیل کرد. شرایط خاص ژئوپلیتیکی بعد از فروپاشی شوروی، زمینه ساز قلمروسازی، حوزه نفوذ، رقابت بین قدرتهای منطقه​ای و فرامنطقه​ای گردید. هرگونه توافقات و همکاری​های منطقه​ای از جمله تعیین رژیم حقوقی را به چالش کشید و توانست آن را به تاخیر بیاندارد. تحقیق حاضر نیز بر آن است تا نقش شرایط ژئوپلیتیکی را به​عنوان یکی از عوامل جغرافیایی تاثیرگذار در استقرار رژیم حقوقی دریای خزر مورد بررسی قرار دهد. مولفه های ژئوپلیتیکی می توانند در تعیین مرز دریایی و دستیابی بیشتر به مناطق دریایی تاثیرگذار باشند. این مولفه​ها شامل الگوی روابط درون منطقه ای، قلمروسازی، حوزه نفوذ، رقابت، حضور و تهدیدات قدرت های منطقه​ای و فرامنطقه ای باشند که مطابق با کنوانسیون 1982 مورد ارزیابی قرار گرفتند. نتایج به​دست آمده نشان می​دهد که بهره برداری از منابع هیدروکربن و انتقال آن موجب حضور کشورهای فرامنطقه ای با علایق اقتصادی و استراتژیک متفاوت، در منطقه خزر شد. کشورهای قزاقستان، ترکمنستان و آذربایجان به جهت عدم اعتماد به قدرت​های منطقه​ای و ترس از آنها خواهان حضور قدرت​های فرامنطقه​ای، در ابعاد سیاسی، نظامی، اقتصادی می​باشند و قدرت​های منطقه​ای (ایران و روسیه) حضور قدرت​های فرامنطقه​ای بویژه آمریکا را موجب تهدید حوزه نفوذ خود قلمداد می​کنند و در پی رقابت با آنها بر آمده​اند.
    کلیدواژگان: دریای خزر، رژیم حقوقی، عوامل جغرافیایی، شرایط ژئوپلیتیکی، کنوانسیون 1982
  • حمید رضا نصرتی*، مراد کاویانی راد، فرزانه ساسان پور صفحات 23-59
    آب، بنیاد پیدایش، ماندگاری و کارایی واحدهای سیاسی- فضایی است. امنیت آب گواه بر توانایی قلمروداران در تامین آب کافی و مطمئن برای برآوردن نیازهای اجتماعی، اقتصادی و پایداری زیست محیطی است. طی چند دهه اخیر مولفه های طبیعی و انسانی همچون تغییرات اقلیمی، رشد جمعیت، گسترش شهرنشینی، رشد و توسعه اقتصادی و.. امنیت آب را به یکی از جستارهای جغرافیای سیاسی بدل ساخته است. پژوهش حاضر که ماهیت بنیادی دارد مفهوم امنیت آب از منظر جغرافیای سیاسی را با بهره گیری از روش-شناسی توصیفی- تحلیلی کانون واکاوی خود قرار داده است. نتایج تحقیق نشان داد که امنیت آب در مقیاس های محلی، ملی، منطقه ای و جهانی می تواند همبستگی ملی، پیوستگی سرزمینی و کنش متقابل فضایی واحدهای سیاسی- فضایی را تحت تاثیر قرار دهد. در مقیاس محلی و ملی نا امنی برخاسته از عدم دسترسی پایدار به منابع آب برای شهروندان می تواند ثبات و امنیت واحدهای سیاسی- فضایی را برآشوبد و به چالش مشروعیت نظام سیاسی بیانجامد. در مقیاس فرا ملی (منطقه ای و جهانی) ناامنی آب در مناسبات هیدروپلیتیک بیشتر در قالب هماوردی و کشمکش کشورها نمود می‎یابد بدین معنا که کشورهای بالادست از عنصر آب به عنوان یکی از ابزارها و اهرم-های قدرت برای مهار و فشار بر کشورهای همسایه و پایین دست استفاده می‎کنند.
    کلیدواژگان: امنیت، امنیت آب، بحران آب، جغرافیای سیاسی و هیدروپلیتیک
  • مرتضی قورچی*، جواد کاویانی راد صفحات 60-84
    سیاست خارجی گواه بر یک رشته اعمال از پیش طرح ریزی شده توسط تصمیم گیران حکومتی است که معطوف به اهدافی معین در چهارچوب منافع ملی در محیط بین المللی است. دیپلماسی شهری یکی از ابزارهای تقویت سیاست خارجی در عرصه بین الملل به​شمار می رود که می تواند به​عنوان مکمل سیاست خارجی مورد استفاده قرار گیرد. این شکل از دیپلماسی، نشان دهنده بازیگری شهرها در مناسبات فراملی است. در این وضعیت قابلیت کلان شهرهای جهان برای توسعه سیاست بیناشهری بین المللی به​عنوان جایگزینی برای سیاست های بینادولتی در قالب سیاست شهری با توجه به پتانسیل شهروندی مورد توجه قرار می گیرد. یکی از راه های تقویت دیپلماسی شهری، پیوندهای خواهر شهری است. این روابط بر پایه رابطه ای دوستانه و هدفمند بر تبادل اطلاعات، تجربیات و توسعه مناسبات فرهنگی، اقتصادی، فنی و شهری میان یک شهر با شهری دیگر در خارج از مرزهای یک کشور استوار است. کلان شهر تهران نیز همچون سایر شهرها در عرصه دیپلماسی شهری باید مکمل دیپلماسی رسمی حرکت کند. مقاله حاضر بر این فرضیه استوار است که افزایش شمار خواهرشهرهای تهران در پیوند با سیاست خارجی دولت های مستقر در ج.ا. ایران همخوانی دارد یا خیر؟ داده ها و اطلاعات مورد نیاز تحقیق به شیوه کتابخانه ای گردآوری شده و روش​شناسی حاکم بر متن ماهیتی توصیفی-تحلیلی دارد. نتایج تحقیق نشان داد که تعداد خواهر شهرهای تهران از نظر کمی و کیفی به رویکرد سیاست خارجی دولت های مستقر در دوره های مختلف بستگی داشته است. درضمن دیپلماسی شهری مکمل دیپلماسی رسمی نبوده و بدون راهبرد مشخص در ارتباط با سیاست خارجی رسمی ملی دنبال شده است.
    کلیدواژگان: سیاست خارجی، دیپلماسی شهری، خواهر شهری، تهران، ایران
  • علی ولیقلی زاده* صفحات 85-117
    مطالعه این مکانیسم سیاسی - ژئوپلیتیکی نشان می دهد، پس از تاسیس کشور اسرائیل، رهبران اسرائیل به روش های مختلفی چون آرمانی‏سازی موضوع آب، نگرش ایدئولوژیکی به آب، نگرش روانشناختی به آب، تعریف شخصیت توسعه بر محور آب، تعریف روند اجتماعی سازی بر محور آب، ایجاد بحران آب و تعمیق وابستگی روانشناختی - ناسیونالیستی به آب، ترویج روح مقاومت و ایستادگی در میان یهودیان، خلق حس تعلق مکانی - سرزمینی ازطریق ناسیونالیسم آبی، نژادپرستی و آپارتاید آبی، امنیتی سازی آب، استفاده از زور، تهدید، جنگ افروزی، اشغالگری، توسعه نواحی یهودی‏نشین، حق کشی، استثمار آبی، سرقت آب، نقش آفرینی هدفمند در مذاکرات صلح و... تلاش کرده اند منابع آبی (شریان های حیات اسرائیل) موجود در قلمرو فلسطین و اطراف آن را زیر کنترل بگیرند و این انحصارطلبی و استثمار آبی - هیدروپلیتیکی در چرخه سیاسی - ژئوپلیتیکی مناسبات اسرائیل - اعراب (جغرافیای قدرت) جزو ویژگی های بارز سیاست داخلی و خارجی اسرائیل قلمداد می-شود. بنابراین، به جرات می‏توان گفت موجودیت و هویت کشور اسرائیل در وجود منابع آبی و کنترل بر آن خلاصه می شود. ازلحاظ روانشناختی - سیاسی، شاید هیچ عاملی نمی توانست مثل منابع آبی در میان یهودیان در خلق حس تعلق مکانی نقش‏آفرینی تاثیرگذاری ایفا کند. به عبارتی، می توان گفت آب به عنوان منبع حیات بشر، در موجودیت کشور اسرائیل و در مکانیسم خلق پیوندهای روانشناختی، نقش خون در موجودیت انسان را ایفا می کند.
    کلیدواژگان: آب، اسرائیل، فلسطین، آرمانی‏ سازی آب، ناسیونالیسم آبی
  • ابوالقاسم مظفری*، حمیدرضا حاجی حسینی، محمدرضا حاجی حسینی صفحات 118-145
    در دیدگاه نوین، افزایش امنیت صرفا با افزایش قدرت نظامی تحقق نمی یابد بلکه افزایش امنیت ملی هر کشور در گرو افزایش قدرت ملی در تمامی حوزه های اقتصادی، سیاسی، اجتماعی و نظامی است. ژئوپلیتیک انرژی و بویژه ژئوپلیتیک آب می تواند از مهمترین عوامل تاثیرگذار بر امنیت ملی ایران در این خصوص باشد. با توجه به موقعیت جغرافیایی و ژئوپلیتیکی ایران به​عنوان یکی از بزرگترین کشورها به لحاظ طولانی بودن مرزهای آبی و خاکی و  تعداد همسایگان و همچنین وجود رودخانه و دریا در بیش از 50 درصد از نوار مرزی، قابلیت های زیادی را برای توسعه همه جانبه و پایدار مناطق مرزی آن به​وجود آورده است که توجه به آن باعث ارتقاء شاخص های اقتصادی، اجتماعی، سیاسی و امنیتی در این مناطق خواهد شد. در این تحقیق سعی شده است ضمن تقسیم بندی مناطق مرزی بر مبنای ویژگی های جغرافیایی و هیدروپلتیکی، به ظرفیت های توسعه ای مناطق مرزی غرب کشور بویژه در ارتباط با موضوع مهار و بهره برداری از آب های مرزی پرداخته شود. در این راستا با استفاده از منابع اسنادی-کتابخانه ای و گزارش های رودخانه های مرزی و منابع آب مشترک وزارت نیرو و نیز فرا تحلیل نمونه های بین المللی و تجارب شخصی و به​کار گیری علم پویایی سیستم ها، رفتارهای عملکردی ذینفعان در نواحی مرزی غرب مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار گرفت. رویکرد «توسعه پایدار مرز با محوریت آب» به​عنوان مهمترین عامل در ارتقاء شاخص های انسانی و اجتماعی و متعاقب آن ایجاد امنیت در مرزهای غربی کشور، همچنین شرایط تحقق آن حاصل این بررسی می​باشد. با منظور نمودن تمامی تعاملات و بازخوردهای درون و برون سیستم حوضه آبریز غرب کشور و در نظر گرفتن فعالیت حلقه های علت و معلولی، استخراج سه الگوی تیپ «جابجا کردن مشکل و به تاخیر انداختن آن»، «موفقیت برای گروه موفق» و «محدودیت رشد» حاصل این بررسی می باشد. با استفاده از این الگوها می توان پایه های فکری و رفتارهای ذینفعان را در مواجهه با ناامنی، به طور سیستمی تبیین و تحلیل نمود و به برنامه ریزی در بخش آب با رویکرد توسعه پایدار پرداخت. نتایج تحقیق نشان می دهد، بر اساس الگوی رفتاری «جابجا کردن مشکل و به تاخیر انداختن آن» اجرای طرح​های فیزیکی انسداد مرزها بدون توجه به تامین اشتغال، امنیت غذایی، ارتقاء شاخص​های رفاه مردم مرز نشین و جلب مشارکت آنها، در بلند مدت نمی​تواند پاسخگوی امنیت باشد. بلکه مشکل امنیت را جابجا و به تاخیر می​اندازد. علاوه بر آن طبق الگوی «موفقیت برای گروه موفق»، بدون محرک​های برون​زا مانند سرمایه​گذاری دولت و بخش خصوصی در توسعه نواحی مرزی نمی​توان حقابه​های عرفی و قانونی را  برای بهره​برداری از آبهای مرزی و مشترک ایجاد کرد. همچنین با توجه به الگوی «محدودیت رشد»،  فعال کردن دیپلماسی آب برای تفاهم و تامین حقابه کشور پایین دست یک الزام برای بهره​برداری پایدار از آبهای مرزی و مشترک می باشد.
    کلیدواژگان: توسعه پایدار، امنیت، مناطق مرزی، هیدروپلیتیک، رودخانه های مرزی، رویکرد پویایی سیستم ها
  • مسعود موسوی شفایی*، قاسم منفرد صفحات 146-179
    در شرایط کنونی، تحلیل سیاست خارجی ایالات متحده ی امریکا در قیاس با گذشته، با پیچیدگی ها و عدم قطعیت های بیشتری همراه است. دولت این کشور به رهبری دونالد ترامپ با شعارهای ضدنظام و تغییر وضعیت موجود، قدرت را در دست گرفته است و تلاش می کند تا با برهم زدن رویه های سنتی دولتهای گذشته در امریکا، رویکرد تازه ای را در ارتباط با موضوعات داخلی و خارجی اتخاذ نماید. آنچه در این میان مشخص است اینکه، دولت کنونی امریکا تاکنون فاقد یک الگوی سیاست خارجی مشخص و منسجم بوده است، که همین امر تحلیل رفتارهای خارجی این کشور را با پیچیدگی بیشتری همراه می سازد. اما با این وجود، این گفته بدان معنا نیست که نمی توان منطق رفتاری رهبران جدید امریکا را شناسایی و تحلیل نمود؛ بلکه فهم رفتارهای جدید نیازمند دقت و مطالعه ی بیشتر می باشد. از این رو، مقاله ی حاضر تلاش کرده است تا از طریق بررسی بسترهای داخلی و بین المللی که موجبات پیروزی دونالد ترامپ را در انتخابات ریاست جمهوری 2016 امریکا فراهم آوردند، به این پرسش اصلی پاسخ دهد که سیاست خارجی امریکا در دوران ریاست جمهوری دونالد ترامپ بر مبنای چه الگویی قابل ادراک بوده و نوع نگرش و رویکرد آن در حوزه سیاست خارجی چگونه خواهد بود؟ پرسش های فرعی مقاله عبارتند از اینکه؛ در میان مدت، سیاست خارجی امریکا در رابطه با جمهوری اسلامی چگونه خواهد بود؟ و ج.ا.ایران چه راهکارهای احتمالی را در مواجهه با آن می تواند در پیش گیرد؟
    کلیدواژگان: امریکا، ایران، دونالد ترامپ، سیاست خارجی، نئوجکسونیسم
  • بهاره سازمند*، احمد رمضانی صفحات 180-206
    بحران اقتصادی شرق آسیا یکی از وقایع مهمی بود که موجب شد کشورهای آن منطقه به واسطه وابستگی به کشورهای غربی متحمل خسارات فراوان شوند. بعد از بحران سال 1997 شرق آسیا، چین و ژاپن رقابت نزدیکی را در راستای شکل دهی به ساختار منطقه شروع کردند و برای دستیابی به رهبری شرق آسیا، فعالیت های فشرده ای را به​صورت مستمر انجام می دهند. سوال اصلی مقاله این است که اقدامات چین و ژاپن برای تسلط بر منطقه شرق آسیا در قالب آسه آن+3 و آسه آن+6 چگونه ارزیابی می شود؟ در پاسخ به این سوال، فرضیه مقاله این است که چین و ژاپن با رژیم سازی و ایجاد موازنه از طریق گسترش عضویت، در صدد توسعه و تثبیت جایگاه خود در منطقه شرق آسیا در قالب آسه آن+3 و آسه آن+6 هستند. در این پژوهش سعی می شود با روش پژوهش پژوهش مقایسه ای و به شیوه کتابخانه ای، واقعیت های موجود بیان شود و چرایی و چگونگی آنها مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار گیرد.
    کلیدواژگان: منطقه گرایی اقتصادی، چین، ژاپن، آسه آن+3، آسه آن+6، شرق آسیا
  • بهروز افخمی*، زینب خسروی، کریم حاجی زاده صفحات 207-229
    جغرافیای سیاسی در هر دوره ی زمانی از عوامل موثر بر نوع حکمرانی بوده است. امپراطوری ساسانی منطبق با وضعیت جغرافیای سیاسی و ژئوپلیتک ، نوعی از اندیشه ی سیاسی را ارائه داده است که از رهگذر آن منافع امپراطوری عظیم ساسانی تامین می شده است. پژوهش حاضر به دنبال پاسخگویی به این سئوال است که؛ ساسانیان چگونه و بر پایه چه مولفه هایی فضای جغرافیایی فلات ایران را سازماندهی کرده اند؟ و نوع سازمان دهی فضای جغرافیایی آنها چه تاثیری بر اندیشه سیاسی آن ها داشته است؟ به لحاظ روش شناسی داده های این پژوهش، با روش کتابخانه ای گردآوری شده و اطلاعات با روش تحلیلی تفسیر شده است. نتایج تحلیل ها نشان می دهد، در دوره اردشیر اول، جغرافیای فلات ایران به یکپارچگی دست نیافته و بسیار آشفته بوده است، بنابراین نمی توان از تمرکز گرایی در این دوره سخن گفت. با توسعه قلمرو در دوره شاپور اول، حوزه جغرافیایی براساس سه لایه جغرافیایی، شامل: مناطق همگرا و واگرا (ایران-شهر) و مناطق خارج سه لایه جغرافیایی ایران یعنی انیران تقسیم بندی شده و اندیشه سیاسی تسامح گرایانه بوده است. از سال273میلادی با از دست رفتن مناطقی از حوزه ی جغرافیایی ایران، نهاد سیاسی بر اساس اندیشه ملی گرایانه بر پایه دین زرتشتی شکل یافته و هژمونی بدست آمده در دوره اردشیر اول و شاپور اول با سرکوبی سایر ادیان که نقش برجسته ایی در مسائل ژئوپلیتیک منطقه بازی می کردند، با افول سیاسی مواجه شده است.
    کلیدواژگان: جغرافیای سیاسی، شاهنشاهی ساسانی، اندیشه سیاسی، ملی گرایی، ژئوپلیتیک
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  • Mohammadreza Hafeznia, Sepanta Mojtahedzadeh, Hassan Pirdashti * Pages 1-22
    Introduction
    Caspian Sea is a closed sea, which has not a determined legal regime until now. The main problem is originated from geographical conditions. In the 1982 convention, establishment of legal regime for closed sea are limited for costal states. Caspian Sea is a critical region due to non-comprehensive agreement for delimitation. Specific geopolitical conditions after Soviet collapse provide territorial delimitation, regional influence, and competition between regional and infra-regional powers. Geopolitical parameters could influence delimitation and increase reach to maritime regions. These parameters consist of intraregional relationships patterns, territorial delimiting, regional influence, competition, presence and threat of regional and infra-regional powers which evaluated according to the 1982convention.
    Methodology
    The present study is aimed to investigate the role of geopolitical conditions as effective geographical parameters to establish Caspian Sea legal regime using content and data analysis method based on library resources.
    Result and discussion
    Utilization of hydrocarbon resources in Caspian Sea and its transportation caused to presence of infra-regional states with different economically and strategically interests. Entrance of infra-regional states caused reaction of regional states which challenge stability in the region and makes a competence between these states. This competition initiated a conflict and new security problems which produced the most problems in the regional security, ethnic conflicts, benefits disagreements between regional and infra-regional states, competition and political conflicts. Accordingly, infra-regional states started political contest to control and utilize energy resources in the Caspian region. This contest could be making the biggest world chaos in the region. Russia and Iran are more sensitive to this impact as compared to other states. The US, moreover, attempts to make various policies to ban Russia and Iran impact. It seems that the solution for the Caspian Sea legal regime dramatically affected by infra-regional politics and geopolitics and their competition. This competition can delay legal regime establishment.
    Conclusions
    The results revealed that utilization of hydrocarbon resources and transportation could pave the way to infra-regional states entrance with different economical and strategic interests in the Caspian Sea. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan states are intended to attract infra-regional states because of inconvenience to regional states. The regional states (Iran and Russia) recognize the presence of infra-regional states such as the US as a threat and would like to compete with this phenomenon.
    Keywords: Caspian Sea, Legal regime, Geographical factors, Geopolitical conditions, the 1982 Convention
  • Hamidreza Nosrati *, Morad Kaviani Rad, Farzaneh Sasanpour Pages 23-59
    Water is the foundation of observation, sustainability and unitary political-spatial efficiency. Water safety is evidence of the ability of sugar beetters to provide adequate and safe water to meet social, economic and environmental sustainability needs. Over the past few decades, natural and human components such as climate change, population growth, urbanization, economic growth and economic development have become the subject of a geopolitical essay. The present research, which has a fundamental nature, has placed the concept of water security in a geopolitical perspective using its descriptive-analytical methodology. The results of the research showed that water security at local, national, regional and global scales could affect the nationality of solidarity, regional solidarity and cooperation between space-space units. On a local and national scale, insecurity from the lack of sustainable access to water resources for citizens can meet the stability and security of the political-space units and challenge the legitimacy of the political system. On a transnational (regional and global) scale, water insecurity in hydro-polytechnic relations is more in the form of struggle and struggle in the countries, which means that the upstream countries of the water element as a means and powers of power to contain and exert pressure on neighboring countries And downstream.
    Keywords: Security, Water security, water crisis, Political Geopolitics, Hydropolitics
  • Morteza Ghorchi *, Javad Kavianirad Pages 60-84
    Intrduction
    Foreign policy is evidence of a series of pre-planned actions by government decision makers focusing on certain goals within the framework of national goals in the international context. Urban diplomacy is one of the tools for strengthening foreign policy in the international arena. It can be used as a complement to foreign policy. There are ways to strengthen this type of diplomacy, one of which is the link between cities, referred to as the "urban sister". In the meantime, the Tehran metropolitan city has been able to create twenty-twenty transplants. Existing surveys show that the increase in the number of sister cities in Tehran depends on foreign policy of Iran.
    Methodology
    This paper is based on descriptive-analytical method and the method of data collection and information is generally based on the library method. In the more convenient way to study the documents, reference to relevant internal and external books, publications and press, articles, and magazines and Internet sites have been emphasized. After collecting and categorizing information, their analysis is mainly based on description and thinking based on logic and reasoning.
    Findings
    The findings of this study are as below:1. Realistic non-tensional nationalist relations: / Preservationist realism period (1979-1982)
    At that time, due to the first issues of the revolution, the attack on the US Embassy, ​​the beginning of the imposed war, political instability, the conflict of views on foreign policy (neither the East nor the West policy, fear of losing its position or prosecution Neighborhood to the West or the East), none of the officials was thinking about urban issues. Meanwhile, the problems of the city today were not very popular today in the world, and especially in our country.
    2. The period of recession and distrust during the revolutionary period: The Enlightenment Enlargement period (1982-1990)
    In addition to the abovementioned factors, the lack of management stability at the head of the municipality of Tehran, the lack of familiarity of urban managers with urban issues, urban diplomacy and the issue of urban sister was not discussed. The abovementioned factors have made the worthy face of Tehran and Iran not reflected in the world, and the country and the big cities and the capital of these countries are reluctant to communicate with Iran and our cities.
    3. Construction Period: The Economics of Developmental Period (1990-1998)
    City links were held in Tehran during the second round of the presidential election of Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani and in bishkek in the capital of Kyrgyzstan in 1994. During the three years, four links were created in the field of urban sister in Tehran. It can be said that in addition to the direct impact of foreign policy on establishing such links, management stability is another factor in creating these links. It can be said that the presence of the mayor of Tehran in the government led to familiarity with the international issues and the relationship with other officials of the countries and cities, and due to the specific circumstances mentioned above, in the case of Tehran, the taboo of breaking these relations was broken.
    4. The era of reform: the period of constructive and inclusive dialogue (1998-12006)
    In the policy-driven developmental period of civil society development, it provided the structural and functional reform of foreign policy, and structurally increased the role of individuals rather than individuals in the decision-making process. Political and cultural development, increasing communication with other countries, and especially the European Union, as well as the past experiences of urban diplomacy and the establishment of the sister city, showing a better face than Iran and Tehran, has caused other cities in the world to establish Relations with Tehran. For six years, the authorities of Tehran's municipality were able to establish links with other cities around the world.
    5. Principle Orientalism: Controversy and Conflict during the Principalists (2006-2014)
    Given the events that took place in foreign policy that affected most of the micro and macro programs of the country, the issue of urban diplomacy was no exception. Considering the experiences of the previous two years in the field of urban diplomacy and the establishment of the city's sister ties, due to aggressive foreign policy during this period, the municipality of Tehran was able to create five links of urban sister with several other cities.
    6- The Period of Thought and Hope (2014-2018):In this period, due to the atmosphere created in the nuclear talks and its impact on the political and economic spheres, urban authorities were able to create eight urban ties with other cities in the world. The links created in this period over the previous periods are more consistent with foreign policy.
    7. Tehran City Metropolitan Diplomacy: From the 1979 to 1995 revolution, more than sixteen years of urban diplomacy and the issue of Tehran metropolitan metropolitan areas were marginalized. The first Tehran metropolitan metropolitan linkage was started in 1994, under the chairmanship of Mr. Karbaschi (Mayor of Tehran). Today, the number of Tehran-Tehran metropolitan links with other cities from different countries has reached twenty-five.
    Analysis
    Foreign policy is evidence of a strategy or a series of pre-planned actions by government decision makers that are aimed at specific goals within the framework of national interests in the international context. Urban diplomacy as a branch of public diplomacy is one of the means of strengthening foreign policy in the international arena, which governments can use as complementary rather than rival in foreign policy. In this form of diplomacy, the use of the ability of cities in the world to develop international relations and cooperation alongside international politics, in the form of urban politics and with regard to the potential of citizenship, is considered. One of the ways to strengthen urban diplomacy is to create links between cities that are referred to as "Memoirs of Urban Sisters". These links are based on a friendly and targeted relationship for the exchange of information, experiences, and the development of cultural, social, political, economic, urban and technical relationships between a urban community inside and the urban community, as well as abroad. Meanwhile, Tehran's metropolitan city has been able to connect with many cities around the world in pursuance of its urban diplomacy. The increase in the number of these links depends on the foreign policy of the various governments.
    Conclusion
    Iran's foreign policy, Iran, after the revolution, was largely based on Islamic values ​​and changed its nature, and governments were also planning their foreign policy on the basis of it. The examination of Iran's foreign policy in various presidential periods suggests that some principles in presidential discourses have largely been ideological in nature and have been an integral part of foreign policy. Other words of foreign policy discourse have mainly been related to the executive branch's approach. These discourses affect all dimensions of governance (micro and macro). One of these dimensions is urban diplomacy, which can serve as a supplement to foreign policy in the form of a memorandum of understanding of the urban sister. Meanwhile, existing surveys show that although the number of links of the metropolitan sister of Tehran's metropolitan area with twenty twins was closer to Asia with eleven linkages, the tendency of governments to move toward foreign policy toward Europe With nine links, with less ties to the American continents with three links and Africa, and three links, and no link has been created between the metropolis of Tehran and the continental cities of Oceania. Accordingly, Tehran metropolitan city authorities in the four presidential periods (Hashemi Rafsanjani, Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani) had less convergence with foreign policy, but in the course of Rouhani, according to previous experiences in urban diplomacy and post-war conditions They have been able to create urban links with eight cities. Therefore, when these approaches have been realistic, global interactions and co-operation have increased, such as Hassan Rouhani's presidential term that was able to create eight urban sister cities in five years with other cities around the world, and when an ideological approach The foreign policy device has become more colorful and has increased the number of threats and decreased cooperation with the world, such as Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency, which reduced the number of sister-city links to five in quantitative and qualitative terms.
    Keywords: Foreign Policy, Urban diplomacy, Sister city, Tehran, Iran
  • Ali Valigholizadeh * Pages 85-117
    Introduction
    The origin of the political-geopolitical role of water should be sought in the nature of human existence. Water is closely related to the primary nature of human (i.e, the biological aspect) and politics to his secondary nature (i.e, the social). The primary nature of human forms the biological aspect of human and his being, and it deals with the biological tools of human such as water, food, etc. Water is, therefore, considered as one of the essential requirements of human life and existence or the biological aspect of mankind. In addition, the secondary nature of human life is shaped in the social realm, wherein various social instruments—including culture, politics, etc.—give human life a social character; consequently, it can be said that politics is one of the essentials of human life. Politics in its truest sense is, nonetheless, shaped in human life within power networks. It can easily be said that the political-geopolitical role of water, before any other issues, speaks about the system of water governance with the purpose of targeted control over water resources as one of the elements and requirements of human existence. A paramount example of this is the political-geopolitical role of water in Israel’s existence.
    Methodology
    This study has tried to analyze the political-geopolitical role of water in Israel’s existence, employing a descriptive-analytical method. In this regard, it first discusses the historical process of political-geopolitical role of water in the Palestinian territories, and then analyzes the political-geopolitical role of water in Israel’s existence.
    Findings
    The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes:The embryonic period of state building in Israel and the thirst for water (1917-1948): in this historical process, the Zionist leaders, with the support of the British government and with the previous informations to the Palestinian territories, tried to predict and design the borders of Israel so that all the water resources of this territory would be placed within its borders.
    The period of Israel’s independence and the water nationalism (1948-1967): after independence and experience of the 1948 war with Arabs, Israeli government adopted a number of important laws in the framework of a nationalist approach, including the use of second-class citizen law and the Statute Act. According to these racist laws, the Israeli government’s water policies against Palestinian groups were nationalized; in other words, water nationalism, water racism or water apartheidapproach dominated the Israeli water policies.
    The period of domination over water resources in occupied territories (1967-1991): this period can be described as the period of colonialism and the exploitation of water (the period of political-geopolitical domination of water resources) in Palestine. This period begins with the Six-Day Arab-Israeli War (Water War) in 1967, expressing the hydro-political-geopolitical ambitions of Israel (especially the dominance of the Golan Heights) in domestic and foreign policy.
    The period of targeted diplomacy for the maximum use of water resources (after 1991): the period of the establishment of a new water order in relations with Arabs on the basis of water diplomacy, with the aim of controlling water resources, in which the various Israeli conditions for negotiating the use of water resources clearly reflect a targeted diplomacy in Israel’s domestic and foreign policy for the maximum use of available water resources.
    Analysis
    The study of this political-geopolitical mechanism shows that after the establishment of the state of Israel, drawing on various way, Israeli leaders sought to capture the water resources (the arteries of Israel’s existence) in the Palestinian and its surrounding territories. These ways include, among others, the idealization of the subject of water, the ideological approach to water, the psychological attitude to water, the definition of the development entity by water, the definition of the process of socializing by water, creating water crisis and hereby deepening the psychological-nationalist dependence on water, and also promoting the spirit of resistance among the Jews, creating the sense of place belonging through water nationalism, water racism and water apartheid, securitizing the water, use of force, threat, warfare, occupation, the expansion of Jewish areas, water exploitation, water theft, targeted role playing in the peace talks. This water (hydropolitical) monopoly and exploitation in the political-geopolitical cycle of Israeli-Arab relations (geography of power) is considered as significant features of Israel’s domestic and foreign policy.
    Conclusion
    Undoubtedly, the identity and existence of every nation is firstly considered as the geographical-political essence of the territory. This identity and existence for each human group in every territory usually takes shape in view of a series of material and spiritual factors (warps and woofs of nation-building), and through a difficult process. This issue is also clearly evident in the mechanism of the existence and identity of Israel. Given the debates, it can be argued that the existence and identity of the state of Israel is limited tothe existence of water resources and control over it. In other words, it is easy to see water as the essence of the political geography of the dry and violent Palestinian/Israeli territory. However, this does not mean the negation of life in the difficult water situation in this geography; the existence of water resources has another meaning for the Jews. They did not experience living in a difficult climatic or geographic situation. From a psychological-political point of view, no factor could play an influential role as water among Jews in the creation of the sense of place belonging. When it comes to the existence of the state of Israel, water as the source of human life plays the role of blood in the human being in the mechanism of creating psychological connections. Water for immigrant Jews in the dry and violent land of Palestine/Israel (their holy homeland) created the ideal geography and territory of Zionist leaders—both psychologically and in a political mechanism.
    Therefore, the existence of the state of Israel (the Jewish homeland) boils down to the mechanism of the will and desire of the Zionist leaders to establish the nation and the state of Israel. In fact, the iconographic structure of the existence of the nation of Israel was developed by the Zionist leaders; and the very essence of Zionist thoughts and ideals is linked to the geo-spiritual factor of the water. On this principle, water can be regarded as the most important feature of the existence and identity of the Zionist state. In terms of geographical-political realities, water, as a symbolic geographical factor, takes geographical-political nature in connection with the essence of the territory and nation of Israel. It gives identity to the nation and state of Israel through a difficult political-geopolitical mechanism in the political approaches of the Zionist leaders in the framework of idealization of water, water nationalism, water racism, water apartheid, water monopoly and colonialism, water imperialism, the definition of development on the axis of water, the securitizing of water, to name but a few. In other words, water can be said to have a powerful hydro-political influence on the existence and identity of Israel through a dynamic iconographic role (internal convergence) and circulational (autonomy and existential legitimacy in the outside world).
    Keywords: Water, Water Nationalism, Israel, Palestine, the Middle East
  • Abulghasem Mozaffari *, Hamidreza Hajihosseini, Mohammadreza Hajihosseini Pages 118-145
    Introduction
    In the modern perspective, national security will not be achieved only by increasing military power. In fact it is related to the strengthening of national powers in economical, political, social and military facets, instead of limiting solely in terms of military powers. Energy Geopolitics especially Water Geopolitics would be one of the most important factors affecting national security. According to Geopolitics of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as one of the largest countries in the world, in terms of very long borders, the number of neighboring countries and existence of rivers and seas, covering more than 50% of border strip has created great potential for comprehensive and sustainable development, which can improve economic, social, cultural and security indicators in the region.
    Methodology
    This study is attempted to divide the border regions based on Geopolitical and Hydro-political characteristics, and to focus on development capacities in the western border of Iran, especially in relation to the issue of the control and exploitation of water in Trans- boundary Rivers. To do this, by using existing documents, library resources, reports of the Ministry of Energy, the analysis of international practices and personal experiences, and application of System Dynamics integrated approach, stakeholders' behaviors in western border regions will be analyzed. The "sustainable development of water-based border" approach is considered as the most important factor in enhancing human and social indicators and consequently the establishment of security in the western borders of the country.
    Findings
    Due to the abundance of water resources in the western regions of the country, the planning and development of these areas can be focused on water. In this regard, the stakeholders' behaviors for using these resources can be analyzed with the System Dynamics integrated approach. By considering all of the interactions in the western basin of Iran and considering the activity of casual loop diagrams, three types of "Shifting of the Burden archetype", "Success in the successful archetype" and "Limits to Growth archetype" were derived from this study, which can be discussed under the following themes:
    1. The Shifting of the Burden archetype
    Based on the conceptual loop of sustainable development and the security aspects of the border regions, which one discussed in this paper, this action measures create a mechanism similar to the "Shifting the Burden archetype" which simply may have a delaying impact on the need in addressing the existing challenges. Military actions or border barriers may provide security in the short-term, but sustainable development, as a fundamental solution, guarantees security in the long-term horizon.
    2. Success in the successful archetype
    Considering that Iran, during the eight years of the Imposed War, and also for many years up to the present, due to the existence minefields and the destruction of agricultural and residential infrastructures and migration in the border regions, have made it very difficult to use Iran’s territorial waters even in limited scales, whereas practically faced with more use of the opposite side of the border areas, which may create false water rights during these years. This behavior will be similar to the "Success to the successful archetype" and as stated, external driver and factors changing it seems necessary.
    3. The Limits to Growth archetype
    The using of Trans-boundary waters and the subsequent development of the border follows the "Limits to Growth archetype". As we mentioned in this study, the growth process cannot continue forever without restriction. So it is necessary to pay attention to the water rights of the downstream riparian. Otherwise, may be encountered possible protests or tensions similar to protests against the Turkey's Gap Project.
    Conclusion
    In this paper, while attempting to highlight the threats, opportunities, strengths and weaknesses of the western borders of the country, the "sustainable development of water-based border" approach is considered as the most important factor in providing security to the western border areas of the country. To do this, by using existing documents and reports in this regard, and application of System Dynamics integrated approach, existing complexities in the stakeholders' behaviors in western border regions were analyzed and three types of archetypes were extracted. These archetypes can be useful in water sector planning especially in sustainable development approach. Using these archetypes one can analyze the thought process and stockholder’s behavior in the border region systematically with regard to security issues.
    Keywords: sustainable development, Security, Border Areas, HydroPolitics, Trans-boundary Rivers, System dynamics approach
  • Seyed Masoud Mousavi Shafaee *, Ghasem Monfared Pages 146-179
    Introduction
    Donald Trump as president of the US has adopted a revisionist approach in regards with domestic and foreign policies, which has increased uncertainties about the US strategy in world affairs. Therefore, understanding bases of his administration's attitudes toward foreign policy is so crucial for predicting changes in international and regional levels. The article tries to explain the roots of Trump's success in 2016 presidential elections and behavioral logic of the new administration in foreign policy. The main argument is: the US foreign policy under the Donald Trump administration could be categorized and explained in the context of neo-Jacksonism.
    Methodology
    This research has a historical comparative methodology to show roots of Trump’s strategy based on a comparison with different traditions of the US foreign policy. Also in other part of the article a descriptive- analytical approach has been adopted to analyze our findings in regards with Tramp’s success in 2016 presidential election. 
    Findings
    Trump has been successful to bring major part of the middle class, heavy industries workers, less educated people and white ethno-religious groups to his camp. Majority of pro Trump people believe that the foreigners have been weakened the US and consider them as threats to their jobs & also to American values. According to our statistical findings despite of considerable socio-economic improvements in the time of Obama, the American middle and working classes had dissatisfied with their status and have joined to a kind of anti-system movement which has supported Trump. In regards with the US foreign affairs, although it has not had such an important role in 2016 presidential campaigns, we found three main pillars for Trump’s foreign policy as follows: America first, inward looking strategy and revisionism in the US foreign affairs traditions; which means revision in the US international commitments and obligations based on isolationism.Analysis
    Transition from Fordism to post-Fordism and internationalization of State in the era of social atomism and risk society has been decreased the US State capacity to settlement of social conflicts. Such a situation has become more critical by and through domination of financial /casino capitalism which has created a 1% society. In this context the middle and working classes do not tolerate pressures of economic crises and join to any anti-system figure, leader, group, movement, and etc. The 2016 presidential election in the US has been a consequence of these socio- economic changes. Donald Trump as an output of this process has quite naturally adopted an isolationist inward looking foreign policy.
    Conclusion
    The 2016 presidential election showed us traditional political parties which have dominated on the US politics for decades do not able to save their monopolistic supremacy anymore. In these circumstances different social classes which had not have a voice in the US politics have supported Donald Trump. In accordance with domestic politics, the US foreign policy has been shift from Obama’s regional integration, multilateralism and internationalism to Tramp’s isolationism and unilateralism in the context of a neo-Jacksonian foreign policy.
    Keywords: Neo-Jackson ism, Foreign Policy, Post-ford ism, Donald Trump, the US
  • Bahareh Sazmand *, Ahmad Ramezani Pages 180-206
    Introduction
    The East Asian crisis was one of the major events that caused Asian countries to suffer greatly from dependence on Western countries. After the 1997 crisis, Asia, China and Japan started a close competition in order to shape the structure of East Asian region, and are constantly pursuing intensive efforts to reach East Asian leadership. The main question of the current paper is that “how China's and Japan's efforts to dominate on the East Asian region in the form of ASEAN+3 and ASEAN+6 are evaluated?” In response to this question, the hypothesis of the article is that China and Japan, through regime-building and balancing expand their membership in the East Asian region through the development of ASEAN+3 and ASEAN+6.
    Methodology
    The current research method is descriptive-analytic. Data compilation is based on library method. All of the data needed to this article are gathered from external sources.
    Findings
    The 1997 Asian Financial crisis has changed the structure of the region, and East Asian countries paid more attention to regionalism. The apparent change in this direction is the formation of institutions including ASEAN+3 and ASEAN+6. China, by creating ASEAN+ 3, attempts to stabilize its position in the East Asian region and pursue its objectives with various initiatives. China has been able to establish extensive trade and economic relations with ASEAN countries after two decades, and has consistently sought to support a more limited and coherent mechanism of ASEAN+3. Japan, observing the progressive influence of China in the region, has tried to use China's rival countries like India to balance its growing presence in Southeast Asia. The pursuit of this goal led to the formation of ASEAN+6 or East Asia Summit, which in addition to ASEAN+3 includes India, Australia and New Zealand. Japan has also been able to justify ASEAN with regarding to negative effects of China's growing presence for the future of region, and eventually, the ASEAN countries accepted the broader (East Asia summit) with two goals including gaining more economic benefits and balancing China, and instead the East Asia Free Trade Area (including 16 countries) named Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) adopted as the agreement of all parties. This regime has left 21 rounds of negotiations until March, 2018 and due to multiplicity of members, it is difficult to gain agreement soon.
    Conclusion
    India, which is expected to become a great power in near future, is one of the main leverages of Japan to limit and counterbalance China. Each of these two regimes represents the long-term strategy of China and Japan to shape the regional structure. By looking at the extent of the influence and presence of China in the East Asian region and understanding and justifying the countries to restrict China, it seems that in regional vision, we will see more activities in the form of the East Asia Summit (ASEAN+6), but the point which is worth to mentioning is the difficulty of continuing cooperation, if there is a conflict of interests between the powers in the regime which will not be unlikely with the increasing power of the parties. It should also not be forgotten that over time and based on the experience countries can use different mechanisms, even if it occurs, to prevent disputes, peacefully. Despite these challenges, the regionalization process in East Asia has shown a positive outlook, and it seems that we will see more regional cooperation in the near future.
    Keywords: Economic regionalism, China, Japan, ASEAN+3, ASEAN+6, East Asia
  • Behrouz Afkhami *, Zeynab Khosravi, Karim Hajizadeh Pages 207-229
    The Sassanid empire has provided political thought, according to the geopolitical and geopolitical status, which its interests were gained. In the present study the raised issues are that how and on what basis did the Sassanid Imperial organize politic geography of Iran plateau from 224 AD to 420 AD? And what was the effect of this space organization on their political thought? It is assumed that Sassanid Kings, after attaining to hegemony in different regions, divided geography of space according to Iran geographical diversity and its geopolitical situation compared to surrounding areas, and provided necessary political thought in order to maintain this political space and influence in different regions. In terms of the methodology, bibliographical method was used for data collecting, and the method of data analysis was content analysis and historical. The resultant data shows that the course of the geography of Iran plateau was not integrate in the first Ardeshir period and was very disorganized, so it can't be said that there was a concentrating in this period. With the development of the territory in the course of the first Shapoor, the geographic scope was split based on the three geographic layer, included divergent and convergent zones included (Iranshahr) and areas outside of Iran three geographic layers, namely Aniran, and the concept of negligible political thought was presented. From 273 AD, with the loss of areas of Iranian geographical scope, the hegemony of previous Kings became also fruitless.
    Keywords: Political Geography, Sassanid Imperial, Political Thought, nationalism, Geopolitic