نشریه پژوهش سیاست نظری
پیاپی 25 (بهار و تابستان 1398)

The “Mirror of Prince’s genre” is one of the long-standing Iranian traditions, and unquestionably one that extended into the Islamic era. In this article, we examine the continuation of the structures of the Iranshahri concept, with the method of intertextuality, within the ancient Iranian text of “The Era of Ardeshir’’ and ‘‘Siyar-al-muluk’’ of Nizam al-Mulk. Intertextuality claims that no text is separate from the past and no text can be viewed as a closed and self-contained system. In other words, each text gains meaning by concepts of the past and influences the understanding of the reader. According to this fact, all fundamental meanings and their logic is dependent on what has already been said. The texts reflect the political realities of society in their own way as reflected in dialogues or monologues. After explaining the theory of intertextuality, the authors show how structures such as the quality of governance and the emphasis on the Farah of Shah, the coherence of religion and politics, the importance of the ministry's institution, and the establishment of spies, and structures such as the methaphysical politics, despotism and patriarchal government stress on the relation of intertextuality between these two texts and make justifiable the possibility of countinuing The Mirror of Princes.

Ontology, epistemology and anthropology are considered as the basis for any theory in the humanities, as there is no theory, explicit or implicit, that is not based on these basic metaphysical principles. Also, the political thought as a normative concept, always arises in relation to the context and the time and its contemporary crisis, reflecting these crises and based on the fundamental philosophical foundations, determine its favorable conditions that derived from normative criteria and articulates, its specific formations from patterns of authority. Comparing ideas in political thought with each other that can be based on their metaphysical principles and norms, is considered to be a category of political thought. According to such a process of political theory, political thought is a paradigmatic narrative. This article seeks to provide a the Paradigmatic Narrative from political thought of Plato, based on the Republic's dialogue. And by demonstrating the metaphysical fundamentals of his contemporary crisis, analysis the positive and negative ratio of plato's utopia with those crisis and fundamentals. The moral crisis and the decline of Athens in the Peloponnesian War and the emergence of sophists, remains the central crisis of Plato. The idea world is located in the center of Plato's epistemology and ontology. The Platonic utopia is based on the philosopher-king rule, that was following the presidential paradigm, only will be understood through Plato’s contemporary crisis and his methaphysical foundations.

The goal of this article is an evaluation of concrete effect of Foucault’s fundamental and genealogical criticism of modernity, and examining Foucault’s ideas that signify the political system and agency. Foucault believes in the de-transcendentalization of power and knowledge in modern era. The problem is the effect of acceptance of de-transcendentalization of power on political agency, state and governmentality. Foucault’s de-transcendental view does not consider the political as something that is related to sovereignty, and by placing it in an undeterministic framework that is simultaneously cultural and political, he calls it governmentality. Sovereignty doesn't exist in a de-transcendental framework as it may make a person inferior to do something that he wants himself. In contrast, governmentality effects on the practice of ruled, as this is context of self-changing and self-regulating in their everyday behaviors. However, they are not made to do a work that they do not like, but power exercises freely and through the objectification of the subject over them. In response to this problem, Morris Barbie's theory of political modernity, applied as heuristic device for definition of the political and method of application is Arthur Lovejoy's history of ideas. The theory of political modernity prompts dichotomy of freedom-subjugation in two dimensions of state and civil society, in so that correspond with liberal democracy system through priority of subjugation. Hypothesis of this article is that Foucault’s belif that political modernity and liberal democracy system prompts the priority of subjugation and it leads to radical liberal democracy.

The study of the relationship of ethics and politics in the thought of Miskawayh Razi forms the problem of this paper, which seeks to prevent any prejudice in the case of priority and Late between the ethics and politics, and their compliance. Their relationship has been investigated in terms of points of conceptual Intersection and Confluence as intermittent circles. A theoretical explanation of such a relation is based on Jürgen Habermas’s model in order to examine the relation of ethics and politics in the history of Western political thought. Based on this theory, the “solidarity” of ethics and politics on the axis of the points of conceptual Intersection and Confluence can be explained, as the ending of such points is considered to be the beginning of the “breakup” of these two arenas. Based on this theory, the present article seeks to analyze and process the problem that how can be explained the axis of intersection and the points of Confluence of ethics and politics in Miskawayh Razi’s political thought. Using the methods of qualitative analysis in the explanation and interpretation of the information and texts available in this regard, the present study concluded that in Miskawayh Razi’s political thought the ethics and politics on the circuit of “well-being and happiness” have confluence, and the achievement of prosperity in this world can be made possible through life in a city, with the use of the best possible ways of exercising power in the city.

The relation between author and social context in discourse turn of Iranian and Islamic political thought is a matter of great concern. The social contexts of 7th to 9th centuries created new condition which in turn paved the ground for change and development of Iranian and Islamic political philosophy and its discursive turn. In response to this change and political contexts of Iranian-Islamic society, emerged three schools of thought among the thinkers of this period. Al-Mawardi and introducing of caliphate system, Al-Ghazali with Islamic justification of authority of the Kings in order to reconcile between caliphate and kingship and, finally, Nizam al-Mulk by Siyasatnama (The Book of Government) who tried to pass the caliphate system and articulate a new discourse. Relying on the Iranian tradition of Ideal King, Nizam al-Mulk tries to justify kingship with an expedient approach. Such a conflict is distinguishable in Siyasatnama. Within this book, there is a conflict between three discourses: caliphate, kingship and religious discourse of resistance. This paper is going to verify the hypothesis that Nizam al-Mulk has played the role of “poiltical subjective” in the discursive transformation from writing Shariatnama (Islamic laws) to Andarzname (Book of advice). He uses three lingual strategies in order to play subjective situation role: to omit caliphate discourse by “concealing” it, and highlight the kingship discourse by excluding other discourses of resistance that are traceable in the book. The methodology of the article is a combination of Laclau and Mouffe discourse theory and micro-level approach of Van leeuwen discourse Analysis.

In the field of social sciences and humanities in the 1980s, the phenomenon of “globalization” as well as “civil society” were in the spotlight. Meanwhile, the ratio of these two together has been at the center of attention and analysis of various scholars. The concept of civil society in Iran was considered in the mid-seventies (the late 1990s). In this article, using the method of critical realism, the effect of globalization on civil institutions in Iran has been analyzed and it has been shown that between 1997 and 2011 there was no relation between the transformation of civil institutions and globalization in Iran. Critical Realism means that the real, that is, civil institutions, consists of three levels ontological, actuality and factual. Public institutions (participatory) are regarded as the ontological level of the real, social institutions as the actuality level of the real and political institutions as the factual level of the real.

Globalization is one of the key concepts in political science and sociology, which has become one of the major discourses in the literature of these two areas of social sciences. Many thinkers referred to it as the “Discourse of Globalization,” which is a discourse that can measure the proportion of many concepts in political thought in relation to it. One of these concepts is justice. Justice, with any definition, is the starting point for discussing globalization. Is it possible, in principle, to expect justice to be realized under the globalization discourse? In other words, what is the relation between justice and globalization? To answer the question, this paper addresses the views of the two thinkers of the globalization era, Anthony Giddens and Emmanuel Wallerstein. Essentially, I argue that Giddens believes in the Kantian assumption that justice is inherent in globalization, and only with the creation of a civil society in the current era, societies can attain globalization. On the other hand, Wallerstein rejected this claim and placed justice in the age of globalization under the overshoot of the capitalist system.

This research examines the role of civil institutions on the efficiency of state in different domains and with different qualities. To examine this for judicial, legislative and, executive powers separately, different indexes are suggested and are prioritized based on the opinioins of excperts. This research is descriptive-explanatory in its nature and uses both quantitive and qualitive methods in a composition that will be explained in the paper. According to the results, the highest priority is related to the executive system and to the role social institutions have in increasing the transparency of the executive power. On the contrary, the lowest priority is for the role social institutions have in how the representatives of judicial system are chosen for its different tasks. The latter is something that calls for more investigations.

The article explains Ghazali's solutions about the crises of his time. He designs a utopia based on happiness that is from an esoteric reading of religion. The city is based on a policy of reform and tolerance morality. Ghazali makes his ideal society based on triples of religion, ethics and politics. He expresses the goal of creating this society is the achievement of the members of society to the happiness in the hereafter. This goal is seen in the works of Muslim scholars. We can say that happiness in the hereafter is a common goal among Muslim scholars and Ghazali also writes his vision within this tradition. He poses the reform as an effective way to solve the emerging crises in religion, society and politics, and with an emphasis on religious reform, propose an ideal society.

Some states were established, in the twentieth century, which are characterized by the title of “Totalitarian”. They consist of a wide range including conservatives, fascist radical right-wingers and communist radical left-wingers. The nature and behavioral style of these governments are manifest in their doctrines or policies which are more or less rooted in the past. Hence, some thinkers like Karl Popper and Schopenhauer contain that Hegel was one of the philosophers whose trace of thought can be seen in these doctrines. Now, the main purpose of this article is to clarify the validity of this claim by adapting the most important features of Hegel's theory of state with the doctrines of the totalitarian states of the twentieth century, mainly from Nazi or fascist type in Germany and Italy between the two world wars. For this reason, the main question of the present study is: “has Hegel theorized about his desired state in a way that is consistent with the doctrines of the twentieth-century totalitarian states?” The findings of this study suggest that, although it is possible that notions may be found in Hegel's thoughts that are misunderstood or misused by totalitarian states, but overall, what Hegel has proposed about the state and its features is entirely different from the doctrines of the totalitarian states of the twentieth century. This study is descriptive-analytic with a documentary-historical approach and collecting the appropriate data for analysis is done in a library-based way.

John Rawls offers a political definition of justice in the book “Political Liberalism” and believes that this definition, with the properties that he expresses for that, provides the necessary stability for the theory of justice as fairness. Political definition of justice that sometimes Rawls mentions as “Political justice”, changes the conditions of “Original Position” that is mentioned in the book “A Theory of Justice” guarantees the stability justice as fairness, but this action results in some contradictions. By reading Rawls' political justice, this article attempts to study the relationship between “Political justice” and the “Original Position”. The result of this study shows that Rawls' “political justice” have foundations that faces “Original Position” with contradictions, in such a way that removal of “Original Position” in “political liberalism” does not produce the problem.

Productive investment is one of the main variables of macroeconomics. Creating favorable conditions for formation and growth of productive investment is one of the essential requirements for the achievement of the country's economic goals, to fix issues and economic problems and increasing the political and economic power of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this study, using Hodgson's institutional approach, the main problems and obstacles in the political system and governance structure in the process of formation of productive investment by the private sector is identified and analyzed. In Hodgson's theoretical approach, the existence of dichotomies and contradictions is the factor for the formation of social evolution and economic change. The institutional and environmental conditions of community indicates that these dualities lead to the development or rebound of the community. In this study, four institutional contradictions in Iranian economy have been investigated. These are the preference for short-term programs on long-term plans, the existence of contradictions in the structure of bureaucracy and sovereignty, the value-ideological decision-making and the destructive competition of the commercial sector with the industry sector. Then, their role and influence on economic productive investment are investigated. The study of the contradictions formed in political background and governance structure of the Iranian economy shows that the investment climate in the Iranian economy is inadequate and this has led to the continued economic downturn.