نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال هشتم شماره 4 (پیاپی 30، زمستان 1397)

The environmental movements in Europe today have become one of the most important and powerful social movements that have influenced the EU decision-making process. Indeed, the main purpose of these movements is to transform environmental discourses and link environmental issues to European societies that have achieved remarkable successes in this way. In this regard, given the importance of the issue, this research seeks to answer the central question of how environmental movements have influenced the process of political decision-making in the European Union?Research findings show that environmental social movements in European societies have influenced the EU's environmental policies through the influence of the negotiation process on the development of environmental rules. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical based on qualitative method and data collection tools are library and internet resources

Some theorists believe that with continued growth in China's power, its security rivalry with the United States of America will inevitably increase, with potential for war between them. Theorists argue that by further empowerment of China and the erosion of the global power and position of the United States, China will try to use its growing influence to re-establish the rules, orders and institutions of the international system in order to secure the benefits of this. It will benefit the country and will make other states, especially the United States, consider China a serious security threat. As a result, global politics will see tension, distrust, and permanent conflict between established and emerging powers for the management of the international system. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the impact of China's increased power on Asia's supreme power in the international system. The question that arises is: What influence does China have on the relations and the rivalry of this emerging power with America? In response to the above question, using the descriptive-analytical method and the theoretical framework of structural realism, it is hypothesized that China's empowerment and its efforts to acquire a greater role in the management of the regional and international system, the field of the rivalry between China and the United States provides a threat to America's hegemony; therefore, the United States will strive to control power and control the growth of China's power. Issues such as China's proliferation of weapons and military development, hegemony in eastern and southeastern Asia, the Taiwan issue, and the North Korean crisis have created areas of competition between China and the United States, which will ultimately lead to more conflicts and contrast of interest between the two powers.

The structure of the post-Cold War international system is considered by some scholars to be a one-to-one / multipolar structure in which America is an unchallenged power, in which it is not possible to strike a traditional balance against the superpower alone. For this reason, the theory of soft balance was introduced to complement the theory of traditional power balance and to explain the civilian form of post-Cold War equilibrium, especially after the Iraq war, and the adoption of US unilateral and offensive policies and the inability of major opposition powers to detain the US. In fact, in the current situation with the US, soft balance is the deliberate coordination of diplomatic efforts to achieve results contrary to American preferences. The soft balance thus seeks to limit the ability of the United States to impose its preferences on others. The role of international organizations as a symbol of multilateralism vis-à-vis America in the post-Cold War era has increased due to the shift in the structure of the international system from bipolar to monopoly on the basis of US unilateralism. From this perspective, international and regional international organizations are seen as the means by which countries seek to peacefully balance the power of American hegemony. The question before the authors is that the role of international organizations in soft balance theory How is the post-Cold War power evaluated? The idea behind the answer is that, given the evolution of the concept of power and the mechanisms of power partitioning in the post-Cold War era, international regional and global organizations, along with other soft balance instruments, have different positions and functions. They are more popular than they used to be. This paper is a descriptive-analytical and data-gathering method with a soft power balance approach to query and paraphrase approach.

The addition of the term "international security" has also not helped to define peace. In addition to the concept of peace, this paper examines the political philosophy of peace from the point of view of Hobbes and kant. Hobbes, in his pessimistic look considered peace as a fake. A view that led to political realism and to realpolitik.Realpolitik emphasis the imposition of criminal justice for victims of human rights violation and do not punish perpetrators of international crimes. But Kant pursued a lasting peace with his moral philosophy as a result of respect for human rights. The notion that crystallized political liberalism and the UN's search for negative peace in efforts to achieve positive peace through criminal justice for the victim societies of widespread human rights violation.The function that led to the establishment of international criminal tribunals and international criminal court.This suggests that future of international law inextricably linked to the promotion of human rights.

The rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East began during the Pahlavi era, but after the Islamic Revolution, the competition began to take on new dimensions due to the changing political system in Iran and its Shiite orientation. Competition and, of course, their relationships have always been influenced by domestic and environmental factors, and depending on the foreign policy of the two countries, their approach has been competitive, aggressive and sometimes cooperative. Since 2015, there have been developments in both the internal and external environment of the two countries that have undoubtedly influenced the two countries' competitions in the Middle East. From this point of view, the research question is what are the reasons for the regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East in the period 2015-2017? It is also hypothesized that domestic and regional developments have consolidated the "foreign policy of the Companion" approach in the two countries and that aligning the countries of the region with their own policies has been the top priority of foreign policy goals. Given Randall Schoeller's theory of equilibrium of interest, the hypothesis is tested that, as a result of the paper, the competition of the two countries to align with the policies of the Middle East, especially Qatar and Iraq, is a new form of competition between the two countries in the region. . Iran has gained the support of Turkey, Qatar, Syria and Iraq at this point, and Saudi Arabia has gained the support of Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, while the center of competition is increasingly moving to Iraq. The research method is also descriptive-analytical.

Before and even after the agreement, the European Union has been pursuing an economic war against the United States in an effort to escape the "warm war" and has imposed severe financial and economic sanctions, including an oil boycott against Iran, along with the United States and many others. Other countries. The purpose of the present descriptive-analytic research is based on documentary-librarian resources as well as the analysis of existing works. Explaining the effects of the sanctions imposed on the Islamic Republic of Iran by the European Union and the impact of these sanctions on the political economy of the Union. Research findings show that, firstly, political economy is considered as the most powerful category and mechanism for the analysis of EU diplomacy. Secondly, the EU's coordinated policies with the United States over Iran's nuclear program and its attempt to impose its unilateral sanctions against Iran, especially the sanctions on Iran's oil purchases, have not worked well. Thirdly, the costs imposed on the United States and the European Union are wide-ranging and are still expanding, and the United States and the European Union, in the context of the sanctions policy, have created more influence on the East and, in particular, China in the Iranian market. In other words, the West has sanctioned itself against its influence in Iran, causing the two sides to be sanctioned and sanctioned in the process of sanctioning

Geopolitics situation and having plentiful gas resources can make Iran as the biggest gas exporter around the world, but it isn't achieved. Yet, this research tries to recognize the roots of the subject. Although different components can affect Iran's optimal utilizing gas resources and geopolitics situation but it looks that false decisions in gas exporting field is one of the main factors. So the main research problem was identifying Iran misusing the geopolitics facts and gas resources and its failure among regional and international gas exporting market. The research hypothesis is that incorrect elite's policy-making causes the unsuitable using geopolitics situation to gain access to Iran suitable position in gas exporting market. Findings show that there was no believe and no special plan for gas exporting among the Islamic Republic of Iran main decision makers because of their preferable vision till the last decade that the West serious comprehensive sanctions started. There is no futures study or planning for gas exporting because Iran's export incomes were based on raw oil neglecting gas exporting. The research method was descriptive - analytic and carried out using the first-hand library and internet resources.

The long process and experience of more than five decades of specific cooperation in the field of regional convergence (from the formation of the unification of Africa to the African Union) has passed. But regionalism still faces many challenges in the ancient continent. And factors such as the lack of homogeneity and relative convergence of political systems, the low level of economic development, the crisis of legitimacy, and the reluctance of governments to assign some functions beyond national boundaries to national and transnational networks have raised this question. How can the realization of regionalism be made at the practical level in Africa? However, the positions and sensitivities of the people of Africa and, consequently, of the states are still significant in relation to normative matters and the common African identity. To the extent that it can be said that the formation and strengthening of joint curricula and interdisciplinary cooperative concepts and the reproduction of collective identity based on it, one of the main proponents of promoting the level of regionalism of Africa in different dimensions of government and non-Government. The present paper seeks to investigate the hypothesis based on descriptive-analytic research based on constructive approaches that create the necessary mechanisms to strengthen regional loyalty and redefine consensus and cultural commonality by relying on norms and institutionalizing common notions. In Africa, it can lead to the development and consolidation of partnerships in other political, economic, and security spheres of Africa, and to bring about regionalization

The purpose of this article is to consider the position of rationality and modernity in the eyes of Mohammad Ali Foroughi, "Zak'a alMolk", in foreign policy of Iran. Foroughi was deep acquaintance with the new Western philosophical ideas of the West, which until his time was unprecedented among the political elites of Iran, had a profound understanding of politics in the new era; he also tried to participate in international conferences and effective participation in the community of nations. To bring Iran's interests in the global arena through its political and personal actions and, more than ever, make Iran credible and reputable in international affairs. He was interested in Iran's national interests with a realistic insight, focusing his efforts on reforming from above, translating, classifying western classical texts, lecturing and participating in international conferences and effective participation in the community of nations. The present research seeks to explore the reflection of Foroughi's works and ideas on intellectual development and the rationalization of national interests and foreign policy. The main question of the research is that the approach of Foroughi to foreign policy based on what approach? The hypothesis of this paper is that among the political elites of Iran, Foroughi has a better understanding of the concept and importance of power or the third actor in foreign policy of Iran, and his efforts have been somewhat of a kind that was removed from the fence of the concept of positive balance, which was followed by the political elites like Qavam. From the fence of the negative balance approach that Elite approach such as the deceased Mosaddeq and the teacher of the teacher would be removed and a different institution in Iran's foreign policy that although based on the concept of the third actor, but also based on reasonableness and self-esteem was also. Findings of the research suggest that the internationalization of the foreign system can, in the current context, also bind Iran's foreign policy constraints.

Today, international relations have greatly influenced the trade relations between countries.In the context of relations and negotiations between governments, economic issues, in particular trade, are of great significance. As developed countries have succeeded sustaining economic growth through the trade export development strategy.In this regard, the export of agricultural products can contribute to the country's sustainable development and reduction of oil reliance. Among the agricultural products produced in Iran,tea was also a strategic product that Iran has been able to gain from the foreign market in recent years.; However, by adopting appropriate marketing strategies, international market share and foreign currency earnings can be achieved.To this end, the effect of marketing strategies on the export function of tea was considered as a goal.research is applied and in terms of data collection is a survey-correlation type.To collect the data ,the questionnaires were distributed through a targeted quota sampling among experts of the public and private sectors of the tea industry, and for testing the model,a path analysis using Amos software was used.The results of the confirmatory factor analysis showed that the fitting indices of the models were acceptable and all the hypotheses were confirmed by path analysis. Therefore, for the comprehensive and sustainable development of exports, one must include strategies (based on the best path) for market penetration and development (attending related exhibitions in the target country and inviting and targeting merchants), entering the foreign market (Direct export -business partner), pricing, promotion, product differentiation and distribution.